Huddled Masses Research Articles

“Give Me Your Tired, Your Poor, Your Huddled Masses” (of Heterosexuals): An Analysis of American and Canadian Immigration Policy

“Give Me Your Tired, Your Poor, Your Huddled Masses” (of Heterosexuals): An Analysis of American and Canadian Immigration Policy

“Give Me Your Tired, Your Poor, Your Huddled Masses”: Immigration to America

During the decade 1970 to 1979, more than 11 million immigrants came to the United States. The only comparable period in the nation's history was from 1900 to 1909, when entire towns emigrated from Italy, Poland, and Russia, and eight million immigrants arrived in America.

The Butcher, the Baker, the Pushcart Peddler: Jewish Foodways and Entrepreneurial Opportunity in the East European Immigrant Community 1880–1940

Journal of American CultureVolume 6, Issue 4 p. 71-83 The Butcher, the Baker, the Pushcart Peddler: Jewish Foodways and Entrepreneurial Opportunity in the East European Immigrant Community 1880–1940 Alan M. Kraut, Alan M. Kraut Associate Professor of history at The American University in Washington, D. C. He is the author of The Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880–1921 (1982) and many articles on immigration and ethnic history. He is currently writing a book with Richard Breitman on American Refugee Policy and European Jewry, 1933–1945.Search for more papers by this author Alan M. Kraut, Alan M. Kraut Associate Professor of history at The American University in Washington, D. C. He is the author of The Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880–1921 (1982) and many articles on immigration and ethnic history. He is currently writing a book with Richard Breitman on American Refugee Policy and European Jewry, 1933–1945.Search for more papers by this author First published: Winter 1983 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734X.1983.0604_71.xCitations: 2AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume6, Issue4Winter 1983Pages 71-83 RelatedInformation

The Polls: Ethnic Social Distance and Prejudice

(S)tereotypes are loaded with preference, suffused with affection or dislike, attached to fears, lusts, strong wishes, pride, hope. Whatever invokes the stereotype is judged with the appropriate sentiment. Except where we deliberately keep prejudice in suspense, we do not study a man and judge him to be bad. We see a bad man. We see a dewy morn, a blushing maiden, a sainted priest, a humorless Englishman, a dangerous Red, a carefree bohemian, a lazy Hindu, a wily Oriental, a dreaming Slav, a volatile Irishman, a greedy Jew, a 100 percent American. -WALTER LIPPMANN, Public Opinion (1922) AMERICA'S attitude towards its multitude of ethnic groups follows the credo of Animal Farm, All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others. We proclaimed that all men are created equal in the Declaration of Independence but recognized slavery in the Constitution, opened the golden door to the huddled masses but barred the entrance with national origin quotas and gentlemen's agreements, promised equal protection of the laws but in law and custom discriminated against minorities, and declared with Justice Harlan, There is no caste here. Our Constitution is color-blind, but upheld Jim Crow laws. Even when our laws have lived up to our ideals of ethnic equality, our folkways have been ethnocentric, replete with negative stereotypes, discrimination, and social exclusiveness. Two main principles explain most of the variation in the social ordering of ethnic groups. First, race breaks ethnicities into two large distinct groups, Europeans and non-Europeans; there is virtually no overlap between these groups, with Europeans filling all the top and middle positions and non-Europeans making up the bottom third. Second, within the large European group, the period of predominant immigration orders ethnicities. At the top of the lists are the members of the old stock, host culture-the British and derivative WASPs who dominated the initial waves of colonial immigration, supplied the Founding Fathers, and established their culture and institutions as the cornerstone of American society. Next come the middle stock groups such as Germans, Irish, and Scandinavians who immigrated to America in the mid-nineteenth century, also largely from the northwest quadrant of Europe. They are followed by Europeans from the three remaining quadrants, the Italians, Greeks, Poles, Russians, and Jews who came to America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth

"Give Me... Your Huddled Masses": Anti-Vietnamese Refugee Lore and the "Image of Limited Good"

"Give Me... Your Huddled Masses": Anti-Vietnamese Refugee Lore and the "Image of Limited Good"

Drawing in the Reins: Political Responses to Fiscal Crisis in America’S Cities

This study begins by exploring the political position of low-income residents living in the oldest and largest central cities of the North. It then focuses on recent developments affecting political power relationships in these cities. The central argument is that corporate profitability is the ultimate parameter circumscribing a city's policy decisions; and when post-industrial city governments are driven to the brink of bankruptcy by the demands of conflicting interests, the political power of local corporate elites is likely to become centralized, formalized, and legitimized. For the urban poor, this comes to mean an even further extension of their political subordination. Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, the wretched refuse of your teeming shore - send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me: I lift my lamp beside the golden door. (Statue of Liberty inscription)

Immigration and the Working Class: The Remigration Factor

While most historians of the American working class are devoting consider able attention to its ethnic composition and the the influx of European (and to a lesser degree Asian and Spanish-American) workers, few have taken into account the remigration. Even if it is argued that the majority of the newcomers stayed in the U.S. (60% on the average), the remigration factor continues to be of impor tance. Permanent immigrants sometimes can be categorized as such only retro spectively; they frequently came with an intention to return and kept that intention up to the end of their working lives. Thus we have to deal with three general cate gories, permanent immigrants, temporary immigrants who postponed departure as to finally end their lives in the U.S., and immigrants who returned after a limited period of time, sometimes crossing the ocean several times in both directions.1 It is probable that an individual's class consciousness, degree of organizational ac tivities and militancy hinged crucially on whether he perceived himself locked into the (American) working class or as a temporary visitor. Furthermore remi gration may have had (and may have) considerable impact on the international character of the working class in the areas of origin. In view of the importance of this problem it is surprising how few historians have dealt with it. Partly, this may be explained by the recurrent myth of America as the land of opportunity taking in the poor and huddled masses. Even Marxist historians in the U.S. are not immune to such ideological blindfolds. In addition, the history of return migration is by definition comparative history requiring knowledge of several languages and fa miliarity with more than one culture. This essay proposes to accomplish two things: first, review the literature on remigration from North America (mainly the United States) to Europe until the Great Depression, and second, ask which studies of contemporary working-class

Immigrants and refugees: Orethnicity ain't what it used to be

Once upon a time, the facts and generalizations about the people who made up the population of the United States were fairly straightforward. Everyone knew about the Pilgrims and the Puritans in New England and the Dutch in New York. After them came the Irish, because of the potato famine, and then there were the huddled masses, yearning to breathe free, who thronged into Ellis Island. A word or two about the yellow menace, the Chinese laborers willing to work for starvation wages, and the textbook marched gratefully on to more interesting topics, such as the Spanish-American War. Since the end of World War II, the revisionists have taken a mighty whack at this simple picture of the populating of the continent. Immigration, we began to learn, was a complex phenomenon, and one with heavy political implications, both at home and abroad. The motivations of immigrants were more complicated than merely seeking their fortune in a new land of freedom. We learned, too, about the emigration of persons who found the promise hollow, or, having garnered their pot of gold, returning to their homeland to spend it. Finally, the eruption of wars, invasions, and civil disturbances in places most Americans had never heard of, and could not pronounce, produced a new category, refugees. Contemporary events have sharply increased the interest in national groups and national origins. The whole federal policy regarding immigration and naturalization has been under study. Added to this is

Should The Brain Drain Be Encouraged? A Critical Look At The Grubel‐Scott Approach

It is no longer the call to ‘give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses:’ now we ask for your alert, your privileged, your brainy, your talented.