Holy Year Research Articles

El poema sacro Melo-dramático de Buono Chiodi (Santiago de Compostela, 1773)

Varios autores aluden en sus estudios a la existencia de una “ópera” compuesta por el maestro de la catedral de Santiago de Compostela Buono Chiodi, para el Año Santo de 1773. Hasta la actualidad no ha sido posible hallar ningún rastro de la música de tal obra, por lo que no podemos pronunciarnos sobre la calidad de la misma. Pese a todo, es de sumo interés el libreto, recientemente aparecido entre los fondos de la Biblioteca Nacional. Tanto por la temática que aborda —la Traslación del cuerpo del Apóstol Santiago desde Jerusalén a Compostela— como por haber estado auspiciado su estreno por el Cabildo de Santiago, sin duda, puede considerarse una obra al servicio del poder del clero catedralicio frente a otros poderes, civiles y religiosos, de la ciudad.

Tourism in Galicia: Domestic and Foreign Demand

This paper analyses the main determinants of the demand for tourism in Galicia and quantifies their incidence. The author elaborates two models depending on the origin (domestic or foreign) of the tourists. For domestic demand, a panel of annual data on the 17 regions of origin of tourists during 1999–2006 is used. For international demand, another annual panel is used, comprising data on 24 countries of origin of tourists for the same period. The estimated elasticities suggest that both domestic and foreign tourism in Galicia are very sensitive to income in the origin markets and to prices. Other findings are the dependence of domestic tourism on its own past and the sensitivity of tourism to the celebration of the Holy Year. The results may be of use to professionals and policymakers in their decision-making processes.

Souvenirs and cultural politics in Santiago de Compostela

This article focuses on the visual landscape created by displays of souvenirs for sale in the Galician capital of Santiago de Compostela. It demonstrates that images of St. James and other Catholic symbols compete with more recent representations of the pilgrimage to Santiago, including the modernist mascot O Peregrn created for the 1993 Holy Year. Equally prevalent are souvenirs that constitute reflections on Galician culture, ranging from folklorized images of rural areas as well as kitsch and camp objects commenting on a range of topics from witchcraft to vernacular architecture. The article concludes with a discussion of the expanded presence in recent years of message T-shirts that aim to raise people's consciousness about both local and international matters, including the need to defend the Galician language, environmental protection and fair trade. Through its analysis of the multifaceted role of souvenirs, this article demonstrates that while tourism is linked to cultural appropriation and commoditization, it can also be an avenue for political activism in defence of local cultures and translocal concerns.

Love, Friendship, and Beauty: On the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of a Magisterial Document about Religious Life and the Apostolate

IN THE 2007 FESTSCHRIFT ESSAY that I offered to Fr. Matthew Lamb, I made reference to commission of American prelates that was appointed almost twenty-five years ago to inquire into sharp decline of vocations to religious life in our country after Second Vatican Council (1962-65). (1) It was within context of Extraordinary Holy Year in honor of Redemption, on Easter Sunday, April 3, 1983, that Pope John Paul II sent a message on this matter to bishops in United States. In this letter, Pope expressed grave concern over the marked decline in recent years in numbers of young people seeking to enter religious To address this grave concern, John Paul, in spring of 1983, appointed Quinn Commission. This circumstance forms proximate background for a document that affords occasion for this article. It was on May 31, 1983, that Holy See issued document whose twenty-fifth anniversary we observe in zoos: Essential in Church's Teaching on Religious Life As Applied to Institutes Dedicated to Works of Apostolate. Whereas findings and recommendations of Quinn Commission have come and gone, work of institutes and organizations that took seriously recommendations of Essential Elements continues to bear fruit. (2) Within this same time frame (1983-2008), John Paul began to speak frequently about a evangelization. The original mention of this phrase may date from his first apostolic visit to Poland on June 9, 1979, when John Paul in Nowa Huta vehemently lifted Cross and, deeply moved, proclaimed, A new has begun! From early 1980s, evangelization became a leitmotiv of rhetoric that we have come to associate with John Paul's papacy. This history may explain why Pope Benedict XVI chose ad limina visit of Polish hierarchy in 2005 to express his conviction that secret of new lies in sound collaboration among bishops, priests, religious, and laity. (3) In teachings of post-conciliar popes, we discover that new is intended to enact sanctification of culture. For John Paul, post-Communist European culture; for Benedict, post-Christian Western culture. Both popes however have emphasized actual urgency of renewal task, of promoting new evangelization, even though it must be acknowledged that Church has always been faced with daunting challenge to transform secular culture of a given period. Take, for example, church of Santa Maria Novella in Florence. Within church and cloister walks, one still sees fading frescoes that depict Dominican priests encouraging early Renaissance Florentines to look beyond richly material world of capitalist-humanist period we call Quattrocento. These Dominican friars urged citizens of Florence to consider instead spiritual values of eternal life. Fifteenth-century humanism constituted what one might call a distraction for Christian believers; certain figures of period give evidence of espousing misplaced values and of pursuing exaggerated directions. By contrast, new of late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century encounters a culture that has been deformed by ideologies generated out of philosophical errors of modern period. In short, we find ourselves in a more disadvantageous position than did contemporaries of artists such as Donatello, Fra Angelico, and Botticelli. Today, Church asks Catholics to persuade a people wedded to technocracy and committed to expediency of truth that Christ alone reveals to us our high destiny and that Church alone provides what is required to pursue this destiny. To put it differently, to a world of technocratic utilitarians, Church announces way to highest wisdom; and to a culture dominated by allure of expedient, Church insists on life of virtuous excellence. …

Choosing St. James: Motivations for Going to Santiago

CHOOSING ST. JAMES: MOTIVATIONS FOR GOING TO SANTIAGO Diana Webb King's College, London In 1343, Henry Bolle and Michael Seymakers set off from Kent for Santiago de Compostela, "for the amendment of their lives". We know this only because twenty-one years later they were called upon to give evidence before an inquest that William Sepvans was indeed of full age and able to inherit (Calendars, 11 n. 611). Iftheir estimates of their own ages were remotely accurate, Michael Seymakers was not yet thirty in 1343 and Henry Bolle not yet twenty. As they did not answer questions they were not asked, there was no reason for them to explain why they had chosen to go to Santiago rather than to any other destination. Had they made their pilgrimage three years earlier or later we would probably never have known about it at all; nor do we know whether they made other pilgrimages, in England or abroad, in the course oftheir lives. A trawl ofthe Inquisitions Post Mortem held during the reigns ofthe three Edwards, a period of a little over a century (1272-1377), turns up the names of some 152 individuals who either as witnesses remembered pilgrimages they had themselves performed or were remembered by others as having done so. This may not seem a large number in absolute terms, but given the fortuitous character of the record it is not unimpressive, representing as it must merely a small fraction ofthe total La corónica 36.2 (Spring 2008): 39-57 40Diana WebbLa corónica 36.2, 2008 number of Englishmen who went on pilgrimage at home or abroad. Of this total 122 (80%) had gone (or at least set off for) Santiago and many others who cannot be counted had done so, such as the boatload from the Welsh Marcher country who were drowned at Dunster in 1332 on their outward journey. By contrast, only nine individuals were remembered as having gone to Rome during the same period. Many of these pilgrims must have had companions who were neither named nor counted; there are occasional references to "others" or "neighbors" who accompanied the named individual. The value of this and other English record sources was pointed out by Constance Storrs, who attempted a list of English pilgrims to Santiago between 1107 and 1484 (157-69). The list also includes those who received the royal permission to make an overseas pilgrimage, many of whom also registered attorneys for the duration of their absence. The royal records identify large numbers who went to Rome in 1350 to receive the indulgences of the second Holy Year, but overall they reinforce the impression ofSantiago's preponderant popularity with those Englishmen who could afford the time, money and energy to make an overseas pilgrimage. The phenomenon was not of course a peculiarly English one. A survey of pilgrimage souvenirs found in Scandinavia found that Santiago souvenirs comfortably outnumbered those from all other sources put together (Christian Krötzl 386). Pilgrims also went in large numbers to Galicia from much further south in Europe. Between about 1360 and 1480 the clerks ofthe Opera di San Jacopo, the office ofworks of St. James in the cathedral ofthe Tuscan city of Pistoia, recorded the names of over three thousand pilgrims, the vast majority of them going to Santiago, who received alms from the charitable funds of the Opera to assist with their journey (Webb, "St. James in Tuscany"). The true numbers must have been much greater, for the volume of registers for the years 1407-1417 is missing. The clerks usually recorded the pilgrim's name and his or her place oforigin, for the amount of alms given would normally vary according to whether he or she was a citizen of Pistoia, an inhabitant of the adjacent territory or a "foreigner" from further afield in Italy or beyond. The Pistoia records identify a few individuals who made the Santiago pilgrimage more than once, even frequently (Webb, "St. James in Tuscany" Choosing St. James41 230-32). Between 1380 and 1403, the name Piero del Bene or di Bene, an inhabitant of the parish of San Marco, occurs no fewer than fourteen times; in 1403 he...

Re-Viewing Counter-Reformation Art

Re-Viewing Counter-Reformation Art

“An Ever Brighter Beacon for all Who are Seeking an Informed Orientation and Sure Guidance Amid the Uncertainties of the Modern World”

NEWMAN STUDIES JOURNAL 3 EDITORIAL PREFACE “AN EVER BRIGHTER BEACON FOR ALL WHO ARE SEEKING AN INFORMED ORIENTATION AND SURE GUIDANCE AMID THE UNCERTAINTIES OF THE MODERN WORLD.” POPE PAUL VI ON JOHN HENRY NEWMAN On 7April 1975,Pope PaulVI addressed the participants of a Newman symposium that was being held in Rome during the Holy Year.1 The pope welcomed the participants—especially the young people whose presence provided “unmistakable signs of the great attraction to Newman and of the relevance that he enjoys today— indeed today perhaps more than at any previous time”; the pope also greeted the “members of the Anglican clergy . . . who by your participation in the Symposium emphasize the great ecumenical importance of the figure and work of Newman at the present time.” Characterizing Newman as “an ever brighter beacon for all who are seeking an informed orientation and sure guidance amid the uncertainties of the modern world—a world which he himself prophetically foresaw,” the pope pointed out:“Many of the problems which he treated with wisdom—although he himself was frequently misunderstood and misinterpreted in his own time—were the subjects of the discussion and study of the Fathers of the SecondVatican Council,as for example the question of ecumenism,the relationship between Christianity and the world,the emphasis on the role of the laity in the Church, and the relationship of the Church to non-Christian religions.” Paul VI commented on the symposium’s theme, “Newman's Realisation of Christian Life,” by observing: “The ‘realisation’ of the Christian ideal in Newman's sense is but another name for a continual effort for the renewal of personal and community life in the spirit of the Gospel and in accordance with the just demands of the present moment of history.” The pope emphasized that for Newman“realising” our Christian vocation means “making the truths of our faith a living reality, full of practical consequences for our daily life;it means becoming true followers of Christ.” In “realising” our Christian vocation, “the thought and example of John Henry Newman bring a precious light and a great incitement.” CONTENTS In the initial article of this issue, Lawrence Cross considers Newman not only as a precursor of Vatican II, but also as “A Father of the Church.” The following article by Edward Miller looks at a topic of universal concern:“Belief in Afterlife.” The next two articles look at different literary dimensions of Newman: Fredric W. Schlatter 1 The pope’s remarks, which were originally published in L'Osservatore Romano (English edition) on 17 April 1975, are available at: http://www.newmanreader.org/canonization/popes/or17apr75.html. NEWMAN STUDIES JOURNAL 4 considers “Hopkins and Newman on Poetry,” while Michael Pino suggests that the calendar-dates in Newman's novel, Loss and Gain, may have symbolic significance. The last two essays consider Newman’s relationship with two of his contemporaries: Edward Short contrasts Newman’s political views with those of Gladstone, while C. J.T.Talar compares Newman’s views on the laity with those of Baron Friedrich von Hügel. Finally, Drew Morgan provides an unexpected vignette of Newman—as a businessman. This issue also contains seven book reviews, including reviews of two new editions of Newman’s writings; these publications testify to the continued relevance Newman has for today. That interest is now being promoted in Dublin, where Newman was once rector of the Catholic University,by a newly established institute, The International Centre for Newman Studies, whose initial accomplishments and proposed projects are described by Teresa Iglesias. Finally, this issue includes: a bibliographical survey—with summaries of some recent Newman-related articles—that was prepared with the assistance of Celeste Sánchez; a Newman Chronology; and a report on the recent activities of the National Institute for Newman Studies. As in previous issues, the “space-utilizers”—which fill otherwise unused space at the end of articles—come from Newman’s Verses on Various Occasions. COVER PORTRAIT The portrait of Newman on the front of this issue has appeared on the cover of other publications, including John Henry Newman: Heart to Heart (New City Press, 1993) by Father Vincent Giese, the founder of the Venerable John...

Rome, global city? Church, state and the Jubilee 2000

This paper explores the Holy Year (Jubilee) held in Rome in 2000 in the context of debates about the global nature of cities. It argues that the event clarified the importance of ‘Rome’ to powerful political actors, which crudely correspond to the left-right division of post-war Italian politics, with the Vatican an important player in negotiating this divide. However, it is suggested that the spatial reach of these actors is uneven, yet that both exploit the ‘global’ event as a means of expanding their scalar power. Through a discussion of four aspects of the event—the nature of Rome as a capital city, the role of the mayor, Francesco Rutelli, the Gay Pride march that took place during the Holy Year, and the urban planning debates that surrounded its staging—the politicisation and scalar politics of Rome are elaborated.

Stability and conservation of the Maxentius Basilica in the Roman Forum

Originally extended over 6500 square metres, the Basilica of Maxentius was one of the biggest and most outstanding buildings of Roman architecture. Only one third of the monument is still standing. In celebration of the Christian Holy Year of 2000 (the Jubilee), the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma (SAR) started an extended project with the purpose of restoring the terrace and of studying the structural problems of the monument. CISTeC was appointed to the structural part of the project, including the study of the foundations and the proposal for the consolidation project.The present paper reports the conclusions of the static and dynamic studies that were carried out both on the present-day Basilica and on the model of the original basilica. The results concluded that the monument could be subjected to seismic risks. Following such conclusions, a provisional consolidation project (which is currently in progress) and three final consolidation proposals were submitted to SAR. The immediate application of the provisional consolidation will give time to SAR to decide which of the final projects is the most Suitable, while still protecting and preserving the monument. The structural studies and the projects are briefly described in this paper.

Repressive tolerance: The gay movement and the Vatican in Rome

The World Gay Pride week convened in Rome in July 2000 at the same time the Catholic Church planned on celebrating its Holy Year Jubilee. Thousands of gays came together, and by the end of the week more than 200,000 marched through the streets of Rome's historical centre. This unique event provides an opportunity to examine the causal relationship of the gay movement acquiring a political identity of its own while the city of Rome was trying to assert a `proper' identity for its public spaces. Acting in solidarity for the first time since its formation, the gay movement drew attention to the difficulties in securing unrestricted access to Rome's public spaces. Conservative sectors of society challenged the right to demonstrate, as guaranteed in Italy's Constitution, which resulted in the delay of obtaining the necessary permit. On the one hand, this revealed the existence of sectors of society not yet willing to acknowledge gay rights or even discuss gay issues in public; on the other, it helped make clear that the process for building Rome's identity is governed by a specific political design. In particular, policies for the privatisation of urban space in conjunction with discriminatory planning processes in the city's historical centre, point to tourism as a powerful tool to control urban space. Resisting this spatial marginalization the gay movement has significantly widened the scope of its social and political action in order to contest prevailing practices and trends which are shaping the city.

Rutelli’s Rome: Mayors and Personality Politics in Italy

Francesco Rutelli’s period as mayor of Rome was marked by controversy over his relationship with the Vatican, and with the use of the 2000 Holy Year for the replanning and modernization of Rome. His high profile in the 2001 general election demonstrates the growing importance of mayors in Italian political life.

Rome 1300: on the path of the pilgrim

Pope John Paul II declared the year 2000 a Jubilee year. This book looks at the first holy year in 1300, and the route of a prospective pilgrim, guiding the reader through medieval Rome and its treasures and rituals. It also discusses Rome's transformation from a Pagan to Christian city.

Une année jubilaire

The first Jubilee of which we have clear record was proclaimed by Pope Boniface VIII in the year 1300. It was intended by him to be celebrated every hundred years. When the middle of the fourteenth century was reached, Clement VI was earnestly besought by the people of Rome to proclaim another Jubilee, this time a true Jubilee as occurring after a fifty years' interval. But in 1450 this period was replaced with a twenty-five years jubilee, so that every generation of Christians might normally hope to see during the time of their lifetime the occurrence of at least one such holy year of pardon. From 1475, when this arrangement first came into force, the celebration succeeded each other uninterruptedly every twenty-five years. The omission of the Jubilees of 1800 and 1850 was due to political disturbances. The most distinctive feature in the ceremonial of the Jubilee is the unwalling and the final walling up of the «holy door » (Porta Santa) in each of the four great basilics which the pilgrims are required to visit. The precise conditions for gaining each Jubilee or plenary Indulgence are determined by the Roman pontiff, and they are usually announced in a special Bull. The popes have constantly exercised their prerogative of conceding to all the faithful indulgences «ad instar jubilaei» which are commonly known as «extraordinary Jubilees». In our time the Holy Year remains a season of grace and spiritual renovation for many Christians.

Marenzio's sacred music: the Roman context

M ARENZIO is virtually unique among composers based in late 16th-century Rome in not having had any known church position or employment which involved the regular composition of sacred music. Only when he occupied the post of maestro di cappella to King Sigismund III of Poland, from 1595 to 1598, was the composition and direction of sacred music required of him.' For the bulk of his career Marenzio was employed by or otherwise associated with a succession of cardinals (Madruzzo, d'Este, Montalto, Aldobrandini) and noble families (Medici, Orsini). In the case of Cardinals Cristoforo Madruzzo and Luigi d'Este, Marenzio did have the title of maestro di cappella, but there is little evidence that his duties included the regular provision of sacred music (but see below for further on Madruzzo). This employment profile is reflected in the relative sizes of his surviving secular and sacred outputs (roughly in the proportion 5:1). At the same time, his 70 or so extant sacred Latin pieces represent a considerable body of work in diverse styles and deserve closer scrutiny. This study will attempt to place at least some of them in a Roman context, using available information on Marenzio's involvement on a free-lance basis in liturgical and paraliturgical celebrations, and seeking to map such occasions on to his surviving music. This involvement centred particularly on two of the most prominent of the city's confraternities. Recent work has highlighted the importance of confraternities as a locus of patronage in Rome, positioned between official institutions (such as the major basilicas) and private households, and overlapping with both.2 Free-lance work for confraternities provided one of the main means by which the city's musicians supplemented their earnings; Marenzio's Roman contemporaries such as Palestrina, Ruggiero Giovannelli, Asprilio Pacelli engaged in it assiduously.3 While the lack of access to a regular choir for much of his Roman sojourn might have hampered Marenzio in undertaking such work, this would have been counterbalanced by his network of contacts with the nobility and influential cardinals, from whose ranks the office-bearers in the city's leading confraternities were drawn. The earliest evidence for such employment comes from the archives of the German national church of S. Maria dell'Anima (illus.2). In June of the Holy Year of 1575 a payment of 4 scudi and 6o baiocchi was made 'al mag[ist]ro cappellae Ill[ustrissi]mi Card[ina]lis Trid[entin]i' for music at the procession of Corpus Christi, held on the Sunday within the octave of that feast.4 Unfortunately the maestro of the then Cardinal of Trent (Cristoforo Madruzzo) is not named, but it has been generally assumed that Marenzio was in this post by at least 1574. Similar payments for the same procession were made to the 'cantoribus Ill[ustrissi]mi Cardinalis Tridentini' in 1571, 1572 and 1573. The payment for 1574 simply says 'cantoribus', while those for 1576 and 1577 do not survive. In 1578, and frequently thereafter, Jean Matelart, maestro di cappella at S. Lorenzo in Damaso, was paid. Cardinal Madruzzo had succeeded Cardinal Truchsess von Waldburg as Protector of the German Nation in Rome in 1573, and he held this office until his death in 1578. It was thus politically appropriate that his singers should be called on to provide music for the German Church's

Erinnern an die Gründung: Universitätsjubiläen, Universitätsgeschichte und die Entstehung der Jubiläumskultur in der frühen Neuzeit

AbstractThe first part of the report pursues the development of the modern jubilee tradition. The ‘Holy Year’, introduced in 1300 by Pope Bonifaz VIII, and still being celebrated in a 25 years cycle since 1475 can be considered the root of this tradition. The Catholic monopoly of jubilees was then broken by some Protestant universities. Anniversary cycles were first performed by the universities of Tübingen (1578), Heidelberg (1587) and Wittenberg (1602) to commemorate the founding of the university by a secular sovereign. With the competition of confessions in the Reich in the background this adaption of the jubilee‐idea in the university area leads to a new religiously inspired jubilee tradition in the Protestant regional churches, which celebrated the anniversary of the Reformation regularly since 1617. To counteract the Protestant onslaught of jubilees the Roman jubilee‐year, planned for a universal church, changed in the outgoing 17th and 18th century to a historically based jubilee of the dioceses, monasteries and universities in Catholic regions. ‐ The guiding role of the universities in adopting and profaning the jubilee‐year led to an early concern with the institutions' own history.As an early example for the rich production of jubilee books the anniversary speech of Heidelberg's deputy vice chancellor, Georg Sohn, of 1587 is introduced. Hence the close relationship between university jubilees and historical exploration of institutional, personal and academic history counts as a constant in university history, as will be seen in a second part with examples from the 19th and 20th century. Especially the university jubilees of the 1960s and 1970s contributed to a duration, and in parts even to the institutionalization of the historical partial discipline of the history of the universities. Finally, a few possible negative aspects of the close relationship of university jubilees to university historiography are being discussed.

Le Pape Pie XI et l'opinion (1922-1939) by Marc Agostino

Le Pape Pie XI et l'opinion (1922-1939). By Marc Agostino. [Collection de l'Ecole Frangaise de Rome, 150.] (Rome: L'!cole Francaise de Rome, 150.] (Rome: L'ltcole Francaise de Rome. 1991. Pp. vi, 820. Paperback.) The reign of Pope Pius XI, claims Marc Agostino, was one of the most significant of modern times because its development contained many of the key elements of the evolution of the Catholic Church and of the Catholic movement in the twentieth century (p. 8). From the beginning of his reign in 1922, Pius XI deliberately challenged the secularization of the age in which he lived by promoting a Christian reconquest of the world to create the Peace of Christ in the reign of Christ, through which Christian values would permeate modern society. This central religious message formed the substance of his first encyclical, Ubi Arcano Det, of December, 1922, and informed every action of this pope. The central question raised by Agostino has to do as much with the medium as with the message. To what extent, he asks, did public opinion recognize, receive, and understand the Pope's message? Agostino examines the impact of the papal message on the public through a study of the press and popular opinion in France and in Italy, two countries which provided striking social and political contrasts in the interwar years. Agostino notes that Pope Benedict XV (1914-1922), the predecessor of Pius XI, meant well but had no significant influence on his times. Pius XI, in contrast, Agostino claims, demonstrated a flair for public relations with the result that, by the time of his death in 1939, the universal values for which he stood were widely understood and shared by many in European society and formed the basis for the post-1945 revival of Catholic religious, social, and political influence. Agostino first assesses the variety of means available to Pius XI for the transmission of his message. Some means were traditional such as the dissemination of papal encyclicals and official church publications; the appointment of selected individuals as bishops, members of the papal Curia and Secretaries of State; and the celebration of canonizations, great church festivals, and other public occasions. Other means were modern and were used by Pius XI with great skill and effectiveness. These means included public exhibitions, the press and the radio, especially Vatican Radio, which was founded in 1931 to became one of the media for the papal message. To assess reaction to the papal message, Agostino conducted a thorough study of the press of France and Italy between 1922 and 1939. He is interested in both the Catholic press-those organs of the press which promote the interests of the Catholic Church yet are independent of the Vatican or the local hierarchy-and the lay press, including newspapers and journals of record as well as the partisan press. While the message of Pius XI was not entirely clear to the public at the beginning of his pontificate, it was understood in France and Italy by the time of his death in 1939 because of the way that the pope deliberately kept his message in the public eye and manipulated public opinion to his advantage. Agostino divides the papacy of Pius XI into roughly five phases. During the initial phase, from his election in 1922 until 1925, the pope first enunciated his vision in Ubi Arcano Dei, then used the events of the Holy Year of 1925 to bring it to the world's attention. It was clear, however, that the message was not being understood at the time in either France or Italy. Issues of nationalism and anticlericalism clouded any assessment of the position of the Pope in France and, in Italy, the need for a settlement of the Roman Question dominated Italian opinion. In the second phase, from 1926 to 1929, Pius XI decided that he had to capture the attention of the people of both France and Italy for his central religious message by dealing directly with the fundamental issues in those two countries. …

The Lateran Patronage of Gregory XIII and the Holy Year 1575

The Lateran Patronage of Gregory XIII and the Holy Year 1575

The Church and Culture since Vatican II: On the Analogy of Faith and Art

O OF the principal preoccupations and intentions of the Second Vatican Council noted by Cardinal Agostino Casaroli in his address to an international encounter of artists during the special Holy Year of Redemption in 1984 was the renewal of a positive dialogue between the Church and the world of culture. An entire section of the pastoral constitution Gaudium et spes, chapter 2 of Part 2, was devoted specifically to the promotion of culture on the part of the Church. This outward thrust of the Church to the world and to the world's autonomous concerns became in the course of the Council its fifth major goal. After the Council, in a variety of ways, Pope John Paul II has implemented vigorously this conciliar intention. He has revitalized the Pontifical Academy of Science. He has addressed in a fresh way past estrangements, notably by calling for a new study of the Galileo case and a frank recognition of wrongs from whichever side they came. He has praised the cultural experiments of Matteo Ricci, comparing his efforts to those in an earlier age of Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen. The Pope has manifested his concern concretely by creating on May 20, 1982, the Pontifical Council for Culture and by appointing in the same year an auxiliary bishop for the Diocese of Rome, Pietro Rossano, with the unusual charge of the pastoral care of culture (la pastorale della cultura). More significantly in terms of our purposes in this article, he has given two discourses devoted to the topic of the relationship of the Church and art which, I hope to show, are helpful theological elaborations of the Christian humanist world-view he expressed in his inaugural encyclical, Redemptor hominis (the human person is the way for the Church), and an important contribution as well to a Catholic theology of culture. The analogy which he draws between faith and art clarifies in today's cultural context both of these expressions of the human spirit.

Effects on tourism British Tourist Authority

'Low-Fares’ is a misleading term. Low compared with what? It certainly implies change. Perhaps ‘lower’ fares are what the debate is all about. There are tourism as well as aviation conditions.Fares are vital to tourism. A quarter of a century of low fares has supported the world tourism boom, making tourism the biggest single factor in world trade, and produced a growth rate of 8-9%, considerably higher than that for world trade as a whole. In particular, the trans-Atlantic fare revolution is not new.The journal of the ITA gave an illustration of this, comparing a package tour New York/Rome for Holy Year 1950 priced at $585 and the same offer for the second Holy Year 1975 at $580. Taking into account the equivalent dollar purchasing power, the 1950 offer represented a price of $1400. ‘Eternal bliss', said the ITA reporter, ‘at half the price!’

Clement VIII's Patronage of the Brothers Alberti

During the papacy of Clement VIII Aldobrandini (1592–1605), the Roman art world witnessed the major early innovations of Baroque painting in the works of Annibale Carracci and Caravaggio. Clement himself, however, never commissioned anything from these men, neither did he show any great interest in artistic matters in the first years of his papacy. Clement's lack of art patronage is particularly conspicuous when his accomplishments are compared with those of his predecessors Gregory XIII (1572–1585) and especially Sixtus V (1585–1590).1 Indeed, few popes in the history of the Church can compare with these two for their zealous interest in building and decorative enterprises. Sixtus had sponsored such campaigns while he was still a cardinal and had initiated many other projects as soon as he became pope. Clement was both less ambitious and less interested in the arts. When he did begin to support building and decorative programs, they were either to complete works already begun by Sixtus or to inaugurate schemes for the celebration of the Holy Year of 1600.2 Among the Sistine architectural projects that Clement completed were the Borghetto bridge, the dome of St. Peter's, and the Vatican Palace;3 only in 1595–96, four years after his elevation to the Chair of Saint Peter, did he turn to any decorative enterprises.