While often impressive, memory is far from perfect. For example, the sentence “The karate champion hit the cinder block” is often misremembered as “The karate champion broke the cinder block” (Brewer, 1977). Hearing a list of related words such as “bed, rest, tired …” leads people to claim “sleep” was presented when in fact it was not (Roediger & McDermott, 1995). Answering the question “How fast was the white sports car going when it passed the barn while traveling along the country road?” increases witnesses’ later reports of having seen a non-existent barn in an earlier video (Loftus, 1975, p. 566). These examples represent just a few of the many ways in which memory can go astray. Not only are these errors easily created, they often become vivid false memories held with high confidence. For example, false memories for non-presented words like “sleep” are so vivid that people often claim to remember which of two voices said the word (Payne, Elie, Blackwell, & Neuschatz, 1996). False memories can be strikingly persistent. Warnings about memory errors are rarely effective (McDermott & Roediger, 1998), especially after the study phase (Greene, Flynn, & Loftus, 1982). Re-exposure to events is insufficient; hearing “bed, rest, tired …” again reduces, but does not eliminate, false memories for “sleep” (McDermott, 1996; Watson, McDermott, & Balota, 2004). Even interventions that pinpoint specific contradictions between subjects’ memories and the original events are inadequate; many errors remain uncorrected even after subjects place an X next to each false memory (McConnell & Hunt, 2007). Despite much evidence that false memories are difficult to correct, a finding from another literature allows a surprising prediction about the correction of false memories. In a prototypical experiment demonstrating the hypercorrection effect, participants answer general knowledge questions and rate their confidence in each response before viewing the correct answer. High-confidence errors are more likely to be corrected on a second test than are incorrect guesses (Butterfield & Metcalfe, 2001). Someone who strongly believes that Sydney is the capital of Australia will benefit more from the feedback “Canberra” than someone who simply guessed “Sydney.” The parallel in the false memory domain would be surprising, predicting that confidently-held false memories should be corrected more often than other errors. To examine this, we created false memories using sentences that encourage inferences; for example, “The clumsy chemist had acid on his coat” is often misremembered as “The clumsy chemist spilled acid on his coat.” We examined ability to correct false memories as a function of initial confidence in the errors.
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