Abstract It is widely believed that Friedrich Hayek's first encounter with Gunnar Myrdal involved the latter's last-minute contribution, as a replacement for Erik Lindahl, to a Sammelband edited by the former in 1933, and that Hayek was lukewarm toward Myrdal and his ideas from the very beginning. Correspondence between the two shows that, in fact, their interaction about this contribution began two years earlier and that their relationship was cooperative and cordial prior to its publication. We suggest that it was the content, and in particular the tone, of Myrdal's 1933 paper, originally intended for the Journal of Political Economy, that alienated Hayek, who nevertheless treated Myrdal's work with academic propriety thereafter. In the course of our discussion, new light is also thrown on the origins of Myrdal's famous ex post–ex ante terminology.

This paper explores the political economy of W.E.B. Du Bois drawing on the mathematical analogies and theoretical insights presented in ‘The future of the Negro race in America’, a rarely discussed article that examines the conditions for ‘the abolition of the colour line’. The term expresses Du Bois’s demand for ‘full rights and citizenship’ – namely, ‘full and fair equality’ for Black Americans. We argue that Du Bois put forward a dynamic model of social equilibrium that sheds brighter light on the factors that affect the socioeconomic advancement of Black Americans. The main feature of the model is the interdependence between the social condition of a marginalized group and public opinion. We develop a formal Du Boisian model that distinguishes between four regimes. A shock to education improves the social condition of the Black community. This will then affect public opinion, which in turn will change social conditions, and the process will continue until a new steady state is reached at a higher value of education. A shock to integration creates a similar process. Du Bois’s framework is then compared with Gunnar Myrdal’s model of dynamic causation. We contend that Du Bois was a major theorist of social dynamics.

Abstract Despite being a major study that compares India’s caste system to the system of racial stratification in the United States, Oliver C. Cox’s Caste, Class, and Race continues to be largely under-appreciated and under-explored by scholars of both systems. This article re-evaluates Cox’s contributions to social theory by putting him into conversation with Isabel Wilkerson, Bhimrao Ambedkar, and Gunnar Myrdal. Cox, like Ambedkar, concluded that, despite occasional similarities, caste and racial systems were products of two distinct pasts with distinct objectives. Whereas the caste system emerged from a variant of an estate society akin to European feudalism, the modern racial system is an outgrowth of capitalism, according to Cox. However, what Cox failed to consider in his theory of the caste system is the degree to which its expansion and institutionalization over the Indian subcontinent were also modern phenomena.

In this article, we take a look at the influence of 20th-century provenance of caste as a category of academic importance meriting a debate in American sociology and beyond. Two actors participated in the animating discourse of caste and race in the annals of American sociology. Oliver Cromwell Cox took a class position to define caste, unmaking the hierarchies set in social structures. Instead, he advocated for a racialized system to understand the post-slavery capitalist America. Gerald Berreman represented a different camp that found social hierarchies to be co-determinant of relations and division arranged into a caste society. The debate over caste, nevertheless, admitted to the plausibility of castes contrasted with India’s caste system. However, caste categorization was found to be an appropriate application to the conditions of social inequalities. Gunnar Myrdal and other scholars of repute contributed to the debate. What remained limited in their theoretical contributions to the discussion was an inadequate focus on the lived reality and politics of the caste formulations in the postcolonial, socialist mode of production. A serious examination of untouchability, sub-castes and sub-sub-castes that regulate the kernel of the caste system as well as the racialized castes in India were not studied or referenced in detail. This article adds to that void a theoretical understanding of the discussion on caste, race and colour in sociological and anthropological disciplines.

One of the studies that influenced US policies on race and integration the most after the second world war is Gunnar Myrdal’s An American Dilemma from 1944. At the time of publication, it received much praise from leading intellectuals, including W. E. B. Du Bois and the novelist Richard Wright. In this article, however, the author explores a neglected Marxist critique of Myrdal’s work by Raya Dunayevskaya, who then worked closely with C. L. R. James and Grace Lee Boggs in the Johnson-Forest Tendency (JFT). In addition to criticising Myrdal’s liberal position, the JFT developed a critique of class reductionist Marxists. Hence, this article examines the JFT’s critique of Myrdal’s An American Dilemma as a resource to advance further Marxist debates on the relationship between race and class today.

O presente trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, por meio de uma revisão de literatura, realizamos um levantamento bibliográfico de autores que tecem a temática da Economia Regional especialmente nas teorias da Localização e da organização espacial da economia. Foram estudadas as teorias de Von Thunen, Albert Weber, Gunnar Myrdal, François Perroux, Walter Isard, Walter Christaller, Albert Hirschman. Em seguida utilizamos os métodos de análise regional para a verificação das medidas de localização e de especialização que são: Quociente Locacional (QLij), Coeficiente de Localização (CLj), Coeficiente de Redistribuição (CRj), Coeficiente de Especialização (CEi) e o Coeficiente de Reestruturação (CTj). Com relação aos resultados obtidos é importante salientar que conforme vários autores observam que a variável base (mão-de-obra) utilizada para calcular todos indicadores aqui analisados, mesmo sendo a mais utilizada nos trabalhos científicos de mesma natureza, pelos diversos motivos já expostos na metodologia pode ocultar modificações na estrutura produtiva.

PurposeIn the early 1930s, Nicholas Kaldor could be classified as an Austrian economist. The author reconstructs the intertwined paths of Kaldor and Friedrich A. Hayek to disequilibrium economics through the theoretical deficiencies exposed by the Austrian theory of capital and its consequences on equilibrium analysis.Design/methodology/approachThe author approaches the discussion using a theoretical and historical reconstruction based on published and unpublished materials.FindingsThe integration of capital theory into a business cycle theory by the Austrians and its shortcomings – e.g. criticized by Piero Sraffa and Gunnar Myrdal – called attention to the limitation of the theoretical apparatus of equilibrium analysis in dynamic contexts. This was a central element to Kaldor’s emancipation in 1934 and his subsequent conversion to John Maynard Keynes’ The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1936). In addition, it was pivotal to Hayek’s reformulation of equilibrium as a social coordination problem in “Economics and Knowledge” (1937). It also had implications for Kaldor’s mature developments, such as the construction of the post-Keynesian models of growth and distribution, the Cambridge capital controversy, and his critique of neoclassical equilibrium economics.Originality/valueThe close encounter between Kaldor and Hayek in the early 1930s, the developments during that decade and its mature consequences are unexplored in the secondary literature. The author attempts to construct a coherent historical narrative that integrates many intertwined elements and personas (e.g. the reception of Knut Wicksell in the English-speaking world; Piero Sraffa’s critique of Hayek; Gunnar Myrdal’s critique of Wicksell, Hayek, and Keynes; the Hayek-Knight-Kaldor debate; the Kaldor-Hayek debate, etc.) that were not connected until now by previous commentators.

Reviewed by: An African American Dilemma: A History of School Integration and Civil Rights in the North by Zöe Burkholder Campbell F. Scribner (bio) Education, Education history, African Americans, Civil rights, Integration An African American Dilemma: A History of School Integration and Civil Rights in the North. By Zöe Burkholder. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. 297. Cloth, $34.95.) An African American Dilemma is Zöe Burkholder's third book about the history of racial inequality in American education, and like her previous offerings it provides a rigorous, insightful, and unsparingly clear treatment of its subject. The book's title refers to Gunnar Myrdal's classic, An American Dilemma, which examined the cycle of hatred and dispossession that sustained American racism during the early twentieth century. 1 Confronting the issue from the perspective of Black students, parents, and community leaders, Burkholder introduces a second dilemma: namely, whether to pursue civic equality through racially integrated schools or to build sustaining communities in racially separate schools. Both approaches came with tradeoffs and shortcomings, and the persistence of anti-Black racism meant that neither could be implemented entirely on its own terms. Indeed, as Burkholder observes, "neither has been entirely successful," but it is for that very reason that "both ideals—integration and separation—reappear with each new generation" (4). Burkholder's task, and the real strength of the book, is to forgo simplified endorsements of either integration or separation—to accept the conflict over Black schooling as a genuine dilemma—and to demonstrate how intelligent and good-faith actors made difficult (and different) decisions based on the particularities of their own times and places. The book's historical analysis extends into the 1970s, but readers of this journal will probably take greatest interest in the opening chapter, which describes Black education in the North from the end of the eighteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century. Burkholder synthesizes a number of recent studies with her own archival research to present one of the best overviews of Black education in the early nineteenth century to date. There are a few touchstones with which any historian of the period will be familiar: Judge Lemuel Shaw's rejection of Sarah Roberts's plea to integrate the Boston public schools (28–29), for instance, or the attack on Prudence Crandall's female academy (17), both of which speak to the era's institutional racism and vigilante violence. To these, Burkholder adds a [End Page 193] cast of lesser-known activists and settings, from cities like Cincinnati and Detroit and a number of small towns across the North. None of these communities followed a prescribed path for Black public education. Neighboring towns took sharply different approaches to challenging or working within implicitly segregated school systems (36). Some parents found that exclusion from common schools or abuse by white teachers made separate schools the most desirable option for their children. Others valued the proximity and academic quality of the common schools and fled segregated institutions at the first opportunity. Some insisted on common schooling as the path to equal citizenship, while others saw it as the most practical means to good education. It is precisely this sort of variety, complexity, and unpredictability that sustains the vitality of Burkholder's dilemma, and which offers a richly nuanced narrative. Unsurprisingly, the same contingency led to bitter political struggles between and within Black communities. For integrationists, hard-won access to common schools could not be jeopardized by internal dissent. Thus, Frederick Douglass wrote in 1847, "We should feel the most intense mortification if, while many of the most respectable white people of this city should be in favor of admitting our children to equal privileges in the use of our common schools, a single colored man should be found opposed to the measure" (29). Integrationists also accused their opponents of selfishness, arguing that they were merely trying to protect Black teachers, whose livelihoods depended on separate schools. "Should thousands [of children] be losers that a few be gainers?" they demanded (38). For their part, separatists pointed out that white teachers, whether in common or "colored" schools, "are nearly always mentally, morally, or financially bankrupt, and...

The evolution of sociology and the social science subjects took many years by following social and traditional cultures and the contributions made but the several social reformers, sociologists, they tried to explore the new ideas, reforms for the social development of the states in the world, usually in the eastern world we can find the evidence of evolution of sociology ideas, thinking’s in the scientific way. The evolution of Sociology concepts and social science took many years and it was the initial stage in the development of scientific ideas, innovations, political science and the social-economy in the world. The evolution of sociology took its time by the contribution of various social thinkers like “Karl Marx, Max Webe, Émile Durkheim, Herbert Spencer, Auguste Comte, Bruno, Gunnar Myrdal, Elsie Clews Parsons and Talcott Parson’s etc, their contributions was the significant step In the evolution of sociology. The research paper explains the evidences for the evolution of the sociology, as a part of social science, which explains the human development in the social thinking and the socio-political and socio economic development in the states. KEY WORDS: Sociology and its evolution, Scope of sociology, the role of sociology and Social science.

Book Review| November 01 2022 Review: A Field Guide to White Supremacy, edited by Kathleen Belew and Ramón A. Gutiérrez Kathleen Belew and Ramón A. Gutiérrez, eds. A Field Guide to White Supremacy. Oakland: University of California Press, 2021. 424 pp. Paperback $24.95. Max Felker-Kantor Max Felker-Kantor MAX FELKER-KANTOR is an assistant professor of history at Ball State University and the author of Policing Los Angeles: Race, Resistance, and the Rise of the LAPD (2018). Currently, he is finishing a book manuscript on schools, race, policing, and the D.A.R.E. program. Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar California History (2022) 99 (4): 101–103. https://doi.org/10.1525/ch.2022.99.4.101 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Max Felker-Kantor; Review: A Field Guide to White Supremacy, edited by Kathleen Belew and Ramón A. Gutiérrez. California History 1 November 2022; 99 (4): 101–103. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/ch.2022.99.4.101 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentCalifornia History Search In his monumental 1944 study, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy, the famed Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal outlined the fundamental contradiction facing Americans at the end of World War II, that of the gulf between what he called the “American Creed,” the supposed commitment to ideals of democracy and equal opportunity, and the reality of racial discrimination and segregation. While many continue to see this gap between ideal and reality as an aberration from America’s democratic promise, the exceptional collection of essays in Kathleen Belew and Ramón A. Gutiérrez’s A Field Guide to White Supremacy demonstrate that the persistent failure to resolve this contradiction is deeply engrained in the country’s history and that the “American dilemma” is, perhaps, all but unresolvable within the structure of the United States as presently constituted. Indeed, as its chapters collectively demonstrate, the United States as both an idea and a... You do not currently have access to this content.

Alexis de Tocqueville was to the nineteenth-century United States as Gunnar Myrdal was to the twentieth century. Both European intellectuals and left-of-center politicos who lived and wrote in the middle of their centuries, Tocqueville and Myrdal toured the United States and published lengthy volumes based on their observations and their discussions with high-level U.S. political leaders. Each argued that the United States was exceptional for its thorough embrace of liberal democratic ideals, but that its exceptionalism was precarious, persistently dogged by material and psychological forces that could undermine the grand experiment in individual equality. That both volumes were taken seriously and lauded by U.S. leaders at the time of their publication has long convinced historians that these two outsiders had a clear-eyed vision of the United States’ promise—what Myrdal called “the American creed.” Yet equipped now with Maribel Morey’s book, White Philanthropy: Carnegie Corporation’s An American Dilemma and the Making of a White World Order, we might connect the two men and two centuries on very different terms: the lessons they each provided in reconciling U.S. liberalism with a wholly unexceptional and illiberal colonial world order.

Herbert Adolphus Miller (1875–1951) is a neglected figure within North American sociology, yet he made a distinctive contribution to the sociology and politics of race relations. He was one of the first sociological critics of eugenics and developed a distinctive approach to race relations and the position of subject minorities derived from a critical analysis of European empires. His approach was complementary to that of Du Bois with whom he had a close relationship. In this article, we trace Miller’s critique of eugenics and the idea of ‘Americanisation’ as a policy of immigrant assimilation, showing the distinctiveness of his approach within North American sociology, including the milieu of Chicago sociology with which he was associated. We also examine the connection between his sociology of race and Park’s position on race relations as being a process of gradual assimilation. We conclude with discussion of the Chicago school influence over Gunnar Myrdal’s The American Dilemma and the alternative approach to race relations that both Du Bois and Miller had already outlined in the 1920s.

Europe, he strived to keep communication intact between the Eastern and Western blocks through facilitating trade relations in the Cold War. Myrdal is most known for his impact on development theory. He was one of the first economists to address the topics of development, modernization, and integration of the newly set-up states after the Second World War. His development theory rejected the traditional neoclassical approach, which focused mainly on economic growth through capital accumulation and free trade. Instead, Myrdal stressed that reforms in developing countries must structurally transform the whole society and those institutions that hinder development. In Myrdal’s theory a strong state plays a central role in such transformations. Myrdal was also among the first who addressed endogenous problems of development. He (together with Hayek) received the Nobel Memorial Prize for Economics in 1974 for his work in the theory of money and his contributions to institutional analysis.

Scandinavian Exceptionalisms: Culture, Society, Discourse

This paper considers Anna Bugge Wicksell use of economic arguments in her fight for gender equality. Specific attention is paid to the intersection of gender issues with the ‘population question’—or the Swedish national preoccupation with fertility rates that dominated popular discussion from the 1880s through the 1930s. We first outline Knut Wicksell’s contributions to the economics of population. Next, we consider Bugge Wicksell’s writings as they relate to population, equal education, marital property rights, and women’s labor conditions. The persistence of the Wicksells’ ideas through to the next generation of social reformers is examined using the specific case of Alva and Gunnar Myrdal’s Kris i befolkningsfrågan (1934). The discussion illustrates several themes common to the historiographic literature on the contributions of women to economic thought. First, that women often worked on practical and gendered issues is one reason their work has gone unrecognized; this effect is compounded when women write solely for the popular press. Second, the ability of women to make recognized contributions to economic thought was often dependent on idiosyncratic features of their personal relationships as well as influenced by the broader socio-cultural context. Third, considering the production of extra-academic knowledge makes clear that women’s contributions to social debates were not peripheral but had a direct influence on policy.

Swedish sociologist and Nobel laureate Gunnar Myrdal focused on Asian poverty in his major work An Asian Drama (Myrdal, 1969). Now after fifty years of rapid economic development it is time to inquire into institutional performance and we-ordered societies. The measuring rod -rule of law- has nò basis in mainstream Asisn philosophies: neither Hinduism or Buddhism nor Confucianism or Shintoism.

See article on page 1519–1526, in this issue

ABSTRACT Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal’s solution to global inequality was to move Beyond the Welfare State (1960) and national boundaries to create a ‘welfare world.’ Built on a vision to globalize or scale-up the Swedish approach, Myrdal’s proposal was rejected by both international technocrats and impoverished nations. This article examines the Swedish intellectual tradition on inequality, considering both how it contributed to the emergence of the Swedish welfare state and later to Myrdal’s welfare world. By examining the roots of Myrdal’s proposal, as well as its international reception, this article contributes to several different strands of intellectual history. First, it illustrates how dissonance about a concept such as inequality can emerge when its use is context dependent. Second, the paper explores how an idea that is purported to be international in nature can fail to make sense or ‘travel’ in the international realm, e.g. the ‘non-globalization’ of a concept.

Alva and Gunnar Myrdal in Sweden and America, 1898–1945: Unsparing Honesty by Walter A. Jackson (review)

Introduction. It is proposed to pose the question of the original understanding of fundamental economic science as a political economy, presented by Gunnar Myrdal in the book “Against the Stream. Critical Essays on Economics”, which can be regarded from a certain point of view as a modern Scandinavian «Saga about political economy». Hermeneutic analysis. G. Myrdal’s paradigm concept, based on the concept of “establishment economics” was more meaningful than the modern use of the term “mainstream” to characterize the dominant flow of economic thought. The theoretical and methodological substantiation of the scientific hypothesis about the periodic emergence of crises and the formation of the economic science evolution cycles made it possible to explain the chronology of the Keynesian paradigm ascent and decline cycle by changes in economy and society. The arguments in favor of the institutional approach prompted a fundamental conclusion about the advisability of returning economic science to the original name of political economy and restoring its spiritual, moral, value dimension. G. Myrdal questioned and refuted the traditional abstract assumption about the conflict between economic growth and egalitarian reforms, for which one must pay a high price such as the national economy productivity decline, proposed the concept of “created harmony” to characterize the modern welfare state. Conclusion. The interpretation of the scientific monograph “Against the Stream. Critical Essays on Economics” in the style of Scandinavian “Saga about political economy” added a lot of very interesting details, judgments, explanations that substantively complemented the theoretical and methodological approach, showed the opportunity to study, research and present the history of economic thought in an attractive literary style without sacrificing depth and completeness of acquired knowledge.