Review: <i>The Age of Youth: American Society and the Two World Wars</i> , by Masako Hattori

Importance. Issues related to the fate of foreign citizens who were captured by the Soviet authorities during the Great Patriotic War have not been sufficiently studied to date. The need for a comprehensive problem analysis of French war prisoners staying in Soviet camps, which has been poorly covered in Russian historiography, determines the relevance of the study. The purpose of the study is to analyze the circumstances of the stay of French war prisoners in Soviet camps during the Great Patriotic War and the post-war period based on the analysis of archival documents, partially introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Materials and Methods. The source base of the research consists of archival documents, published official materials, and memoir literature. The research is based on historicism and objectivity principles. General scientific (analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction) and special historical methods are used: historical-genetic and historical-typological. Results and Discussion. The study identified the categories of French military personnel held in Soviet camps as war prisoners. The circumstances of the stay and movement of the French contingent of war prisoners in the USSR from the beginning of concentration in NKVD camp No. 188 to repatriation in 1945–1946 are revealed. Conclusion. During the Great Patriotic War and the post-war period, more than 20,000 French war prisoners were held in Soviet camps, including both mobilized residents of Alsace-Moselle and French citizens who had volunteered to join the Wehrmacht and the the Waffen-SS. The main concentration point for French war prisoners was Camp 188 of the NKVD (Tambov Region). The vast majority of French war prisoners were repatriated by mid-1946.

Importance. An analysis of Canadian foreign policy formation in the first third of the 20th century in the context of the impact of the First World War on the further evolution of the status of dominions. The relevance of the research is determined by the need to study the historical experience of the foreign policy traditions’ formation of individual countries in the context of the constant transformation of the world order. Materials and Methods. The research is based on official published documents on Canadian foreign policy, memoirs, and archival materials from the personal collections of Canadian political figures. The methodological framework of the study is grounded in the principles of historicism and scientific objectivity. Comparative, historical and genetic methods, system analysis, problemchronological and personological approaches are also used. Results and Discussion. This study traces the evolution of Canada’s foreign policy independence from its status as a British dominion in the early 20th century to its acquisition of international sovereignty. It analyzes the key role of Canadian-American relations as a catalyst for independent foreign policy and examines the key stages in the institutionalization of autonomy. Particular attention is paid to demonstrating the evolutionary, progressive nature of this process, which precluded a revolutionary break with the mother country. Conclusion. Based on the results of the study, itias concluded that the formation of Canada’s foreign policy independence is evolutionary, not revolutionary. This process was not a break with the metropolis, but a gradual transformation of imperial relations, during which the dominion expanded its autonomy step by step. The actions of Canadian leaders, often in defiance of outside pressure and established traditions, have played an important role in the country’s foreign policy independence. The key catalyst for the changes was the factor of Canadian-American relations. Having gone from participating in the Imperial War Cabinet to signing the Treaty of Versailles and membership in the League of Nations, Canada came to sovereignty by adopting the Statute of Westminster in 1931 as a natural result of many years of progressive development.

Introduction . The article examines the main aspects of song writing as a special sphere of Russian culture during the Great Patriotic War. The author focuses on its evolution from the dominated propaganda models projected onto public consciousness in the 1930s of the 20th century to universal individualistic narratives that appealed to the inner world and value system of an individual who found himself in the maelstrom of social upheavals and war years of 1940s. Based on this, the purpose of the article is to examine the main aspects of song writing as a special sphere of Russian culture during the Great Patriotic War. In the course of the study, the author used the following methods : hermeneutic, comparative, system analysis, comparative, etc. The author used a set of military songs from the Great Patriotic War as sources. He also studied various aspects of the songwriting of Soviet performers and composers of those years, as well as genre features of the texts of poetic works, folklore, everyday elements of songwriting in the period under review. Various genre and stylistic features of the Soviet song brought into existence by wartime and the tasks that were set before the Soviet society in this difficult historical period are also analyzed article. Results . The author analyzed various aspects of the creative activity of the authors of Soviet songs, revealed the process of generational change in the Soviet musical culture that occurred during the Great Patriotic War. In addition, the article highlighted the general and specific in the creative approach of individual authors. The features of the state policy of those years aimed at the formation and development of musical culture in the period of history under review and are also considered in the article. Conclusion s. The author substantiated the connection between the events that were fateful for the existence of Soviet society and the state with the cultural trends of that time, which found expression in the Soviet song, as the most vivid manifestation of the national spirit and popular consciousness in this difficult period in the history of the country.

ABSTRACT Commonwealth immigration transformed British society after the Second World War. Settlers from Britain’s former colonies in the West Indies, Pakistan, India and East Africa made a new life in the country, satisfying the labour demands of post-war reconstruction and making Britain a multi-racial society. While the consequences of this change are well studies, this article opens up a new area of historical inquiry by asking how the ways immigrants spoke structured the ‘uneven’ citizenship experienced by post-colonial migrants to Britain. Immigrant communities brought with them different ways of speaking. For some, this was a question of new ‘accents’, or different, global English-es. For others, particularly those from South Asia, English was a second, or perhaps third language, learnt or still to be learnt alongside another tongue. These different ways of speaking have often been considered through the frame of integration. The ability to speak English was a necessary pre-requisite for integration into the British nation. However, by drawing on wide-ranging sources from the National Archives, the BBC archives, and media representations, this paper will move beyond this dichotomy between English speakers and non-English speakers, demonstrating how voices and ways of speaking become contested sites in discussions over citizenship.

The article actualizes the potential of the academic subject "Informatics" as a tool for patriotic education of students. It is proved that informatics has unique opportunities for the formation of civic identity due to the interdisciplinary nature of project activities, the presence in the content of the subject of examples of the contribution of Russian scientists to the development of science and technology, the possibility of solving personally significant practice-oriented tasks, the inclusion of legal aspects in the content. As an example, the article presents the interdisciplinary project "The combat path of a veteran". Its implementation includes searching for information about relatives of students who participated in the Great Patriotic War on the "Memorial of the People" portal, analyzing this information, comparing the veteran's personal combat path with key historical events of the Great Patriotic War, and creating a multimedia presentation. Students' work on such projects contributes to the formation of their systemic knowledge of the country's history, the development of a sense of pride and respect for the heroic past of the people, the fostering patriotism and civic responsibility, and the formation of analytical abilities.

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the anti-partisan war waged by the rebel forces during the Spanish Civil War and later by Franco’s dictatorship between 1936 and 1952. It argues that Spain constituted the earliest and longest-lasting case of anti-fascist armed resistance in twentieth-century Europe and, correspondingly, one of the first sites of modern counterinsurgency conducted by a fascist regime. Drawing on military orders, judicial records and internal security documentation, the article examines the main pillars of Francoist counterinsurgency, including the refusal to take prisoners, indiscriminate reprisals against civilian populations, hostage-taking, forced evacuations, deportation to concentration camps and the deliberate destruction of forests. By comparing the Spanish case with the anti-partisan wars waged by Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and other Axis or collaborationist regimes during the Second World War, the article challenges interpretations of Spanish exceptionalism and instead places the Francoist experience within a shared European repertoire of counterinsurgency.

The article examines the nature of the Russian-Ukrainian war of the 21st century. as a hybrid that lasts longer than the Soviet-German times of the Second World War. The historical and legal characteristics of racism as a political ideology and social practice of modern fascism and the reasons for its emergence are revealed. The author’s vision of the national security system of Ukraine is given, its philosophical and legal foundations are revealed. Various aspects of the interaction between religion and national security are analyzed. The author’s vision of the role of religion in political life, the relationship between the national and religious ideas in the context of the religious and spiritual life of Ukraine, in the political analysis of the national and national-state society – the state – its constitutional system, sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability; territory, natural environment – from emergency situations. Interests of Ukraine are outlined in the religious and church sphere. The nature of the state policy in the sphere of national security and defense of Ukraine is revealed, as a system of measures aimed at protecting: people and citizens – their lives and dignity, constitutional rights and freedoms, safe living conditions. It was concluded that the problem of religious security comes to the fore in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war of the 21st century as an important component of the national security system of Ukraine, therefore it needs further development in a separate strategy of religious and spiritual security and improvement of the regulatory framework and systemic understanding at categorical interdisciplinary levels

The world of Star Wars may seem far removed from Renaissance England, but through an examination of the regnal aspects of Henry VIII and (Emperor) Sheev Palpatine (Darth Sidious), it is evident that their ruling styles, concerns, and personal characteristics are quite similar. Specifically, they share (1) a connection to the arts through visual, architectural, and political themes, making them ‘Renaissance men’; (2) a fixation with male (Force-sensitive) bloodlines, whether through biological children or Sith Apprentices; and (3) a legacy of having their most powerful and ‘best’ heirs being women—Elizabeth I (r. 1558–1603) and Rey (Palpatine/Skywalker). Hence, these case studies, which rely on the trait approach of leadership, demonstrate the utility of comparing leaders from different times, cultures, and realities in an effort to understand not only good and bad leadership elements, but also the nature of leaders’ downfalls.

This article explores how cartoon culture helped Australian airmen imprisoned in Stalag Luft III cope with captivity during the Second World War. By focusing on their adoption of ‘kriegie talk’ and the appropriation or creation of cartoon alter egos – Pilot Officer Percy Prune, Donald Duck, and Kriegie Joe – it examines the linguistic and visual practices through which prisoners of war (POWs) asserted identity and mediated emotion. These figures, recorded in wartime log books and camp newspapers, functioned as affective tools and narrative devices, enabling POWs to manage shame, negotiate moral dilemmas, and sustain martial masculinity. Ultimately, they told (and continue to relate) a story of emotional survival. By foregrounding the affective dimension of Stalag Luft III’s cartoon culture, this study contributes to the historiographies of captivity, cartooning, and the history of emotions.

With 70 million dead, World War II remains the most devastating conflict in history. Among the survivors, millions were displaced, returned maimed from the battlefield, or endured years of captivity. We examine the effects of such war exposures on labor market careers, showing that they often become apparent only at certain life stages. While war injuries reduced employment in old age, former prisoners of war prolonged their time in the workforce before retiring. Many displaced workers, especially women, never returned to employment. These responses align with standard life-cycle theory and thus likely hold relevance for other conflicts.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the virtual exhibition "Science in the USSR during the Great Patriotic War" as an example of integrating digital resources within the electronic library "Scientific Heritage of Russia." The principles of collection formation are discussed, including the distribution of materials by languages, years of publication, and scientific disciplines, as well as technological solutions to facilitate navigation and search. Using the example of an interdisciplinary exhibition, the article demonstrates how digital technologies aid in systematizing and presenting scientific materials.

Abstract What was the place of sharīʿa in the USSR? Did Communist authorities take measures to adjust sharīʿa to social and institutional change? Or was sharīʿa crushed under the heavy march of Soviet modernization? A collection of manuscript records preserved today in the mosque of Karabudakhkent in central Daghestan affords us the opportunity to rethink the space that sharīʿa occupied in the public sphere in the North Caucasus after the Second World War beyond the official scholarly network of the local Muslim Spiritual Board. Resurfacing now after decades of oblivion, this documentation allows us to appreciate how between the 1950s and 1960s Muslim communities living under the rule of the one-party state endowed sharīʿa with normative force in spite of the official ban on Islamic law courts. Such a documentation helps us furthermore to illuminate the peculiar trajectory of legal hermeneutics ( furūʿ al-fiqh ) in the Soviet Union, and shed light on the textual traditions which acquired, preserved, or lost authority in the eyes of the local scholars of Islam after WWII.

During the Great Patriotic War, thousands of Soviet women, along with men, rose up to defend their homeland. The history of this war knows that women fought in the Red Army and Navy, partisan detachments and formations, in the ranks of the underground. At the same time, they were not only doctors, medical instructors, signalmen and traffic controllers, but also pilots, tankmen, gunners, drivers, translators, investigators of the military prosecutor’s office, intelligence and counterintelligence officers, soldiers and officers of the rear units, etc. There were chemical warriors among the women who found themselves in the war. The military fates and front-line roads of some of them were truly amazing, so much so that they made even the commanders of the fronts admire. These include the fate of Victoria Vasilyevna Nemtsova, the head of the chemical service of the 58th Infantry Division of the 3rd Guards Army of the 1st Ukrainian Front.

Abstract This article examines the heritage of landscapes of resistance from World War II. Specifically, it explores how the heritage professional or activist might deal with such landscapes when they were not created through guerrilla warfare, nor by partisans, but instead through unarmed civilian resistance. This article proposes two related concepts for conceptualizing and perceiving such landscapes: the “resistancescape” and “double vision.” Taken together, these concepts were used in the creation of resistance heritage trails in the Channel Islands of Guernsey and Jersey. The trails are discussed here, and the advantages and disadvantages of such heritage in preserving yet contributing to the atrophy of resistance narratives are evaluated.

This paper examines the role and significance of the Bosnian ayans during the Great Turkish War (1683–1699), a period in which the Bosnian Eyalet, for the first time on a larger scale, became a military theatre—an area of devastation and suffering. The study highlights the social engagement and sense of responsibility demonstrated by the ayans, particularly during decisive moments of the conflict. Special attention is given to the petitions they addressed to the Ottoman capital, through which they reported on the deeply alarming situation in Bosnia and urgently requested military assistance in terms of manpower and material resources. Evidence suggests that some of these appeals yielded certain positive outcomes. Nevertheless, historical sources indicate that, at the time, the ayans across the Bosnian Eyalet were not always equal to the task. The paper also presents examples in which members of the urban elite neglected their duties and abused their authority. Such conduct-especially under wartime conditions-may be regarded as a betrayal of the interests of the Ottoman state, which, as was often the case, ultimately inflicted the greatest suffering upon the local population.

The article presents historical information about the creation and activities of Communities of Sisters of Mercy in Crimea, as well as biographical data of doctors and nurses. Information is provided on the medical institutions (hospitals and infirmaries) of the ROCC, organized by the Crimean communities of sisters of Mercy to provide assistance during the First World War.

Alexandru Marghiloman was a politician interested in solving the country’s important problems. Highly documented, attentive to details, he was feared by all his political opponents. In 1906, he had a broad intervention on the Romanian army budget law. She highlighted a series of deficiencies in the organization and financing of the army, including an excessively large administrative apparatus, too few officers in operational units, difficult living conditions for soldiers, and insuffic ient medical insurance. After only 10 years, Marghiloman’s observations were confirmed by the failures suffered by the Romanian army on th e fronts of World War I. Another important intervention was made by Alexandru Marghiloman in 1912, when, as Minister of the Interior, he introduced amendments to the law by which Dobrogea was completely integrated into Romania. There was a need for moral reparation towards the old inhabitants of Dobruja. Marghiloman, with an authentic European spirit, initiated these chan ges.

Alexandru Marghiloman’s assumption of political leadership during the final year of the First World War constituted a notable act of political resolve, undertaken amidst the collapse of the old European order and the emergence of a new geopolitical landscape. During his tenure as Prime Minister, from 5 March to 24 October 1918, Marghiloman demonstrated composure in navigating a series of complex challenges: negotiations with the Central Powers, the signing of the Treaty of Bucharest, and most significantly, the unification of Bessarabia with Romania, a defining achievement of his mandate. A pressing issue confronting his administration was the economic exploitation of the occupied territories of the Old Kingdom, especially the persistent demands for grain requisitions from Bessarabia. These demands prompted Marghiloman to engage in sustained efforts to limit the requisitioning imposed by the German military authorities, as food shortages in the occupied regions had reached critical levels. The safeguarding of the monarchy remained a consistent priority throughout his administration. This commitment became particularly visible during the controversy surrounding Crown Prince Carol’s secret and abrupt marriage to Miss Ioana Maria Valentina Lambrino (Zizi) in Odessa on 31 August / 13 September 1918. The prince’s unauthorized marriage posed a threat to the legitimacy of the monarchy and, by extension, to Marghiloman’s broader political project. However, disp laying astute political judgment, he used the dynastic crisis as leverage in justifying to the German authorities the continued postponement of the treaty’s ratification. The strategy of delay, pursued in coordination with King Ferdinand, was effectively employed through the introduction of new points of negotiation, including the proposed entry of the Romanian army into Dobruja at a time when Bulgaria had already been occupied by Entente forces. These maneuvers ultimately succeeded in creating the diplomatic space necessary for Romania to reenter the war on the side of the Entente on 10 November 1918, just one day before the signing of the Armistice of Compiègne. Marghiloman’s role as a transitional, and ultimately sacrificial, head of government came to an end on 6 November 1918, only days before this final strategic realignment, concluding a politically and diplomatically consequential episode in Romania’s wartime governance.

ABSTRACT Spiritualism thrived in Australia between the world wars through a network of Spiritualist churches, private readings and séances. Women were central to this activity. They conducted most private consultations, led church mediumship and held leadership roles in many Spiritualist congregations, including as ordained ministers. Mass mourning after the Great War, losses from the influenza pandemic and the economic struggles of the Depression increased interest in spirit communication, and women met that demand. This article explores how female mediums found in Spiritualism a path to spiritual authority, public visibility and income. It argues that Spiritualism provided opportunities for religious leadership and paid work, but these gains were tenuous. Police often targeted professional female mediums and prosecuted them under vagrancy laws, despite volunteering their labour for Spiritualist churches. Their authority was recognised within Spiritualist communities but often challenged in the courts and by the popular press. By exploring the experiences of ‘high street’ and church mediums and physical séance practitioners, the article uncovers the opportunities and limits of women’s agency in interwar Australia. It shows Spiritualism as a significant yet contested space where women sought spiritual and economic independence during a period of pronounced social change.