Great Game Research Articles

Artificial Intelligence and Big Data in Digital International Relations

The article examines the role of artificial intelligence (AI) and big data in the context of digital international relations. It explores the historical stages of AI development, key technological directions such as machine learning and neural networks, and their impact on the economy, politics, and society. Special attention is paid to the strategic importance of big data as a critical resource for AI advancement, its role in shaping digital sovereignty, and global technological competition. The author investigates contemporary challenges related to the ethical and legal aspects of AI, including regulation, security, and international cooperation. The national strategies of leading countries (USA, China, EU, Russia) in the field of AI are analyzed, focusing on their approaches to ensuring technological leadership and data protection. The article emphasizes the need for universal international norms to prevent the fragmentation of the digital landscape and guarantee equitable access to technologies. The study highlights the transformation of international relations under the influence of AI, where the technological race has become the new “Great Game” of the 21st century. In conclusion, recommendations are provided for establishing a balanced global AI governance system based on multilateralism, fairness, and the consideration of all nations’ interests.

On the Road to Kashgar

Abstract Three aspects linked to the circumstances of Adolph Schlagintweit’s travel to Kashgar are contextualised with the Great Game and Anglo-Russian rivalry in Central Asia. First, Chokan Valikhanov’s friendship with the eminent explorer Pyotr Semenov sheds light on the linkage between Russian and German geographers. Second, the acquaintance between explorers in Russian services and the Schlagintweit brothers in their quest for reaching the Tien Shan Mountains. Third, the news of Adolph Schlagintweit’s execution on August 26, 1857, their reception in St. Petersburg and thirty years between his murder and the consecration and inauguration of the memorial dedicated to him.

Geopolitical sacrifice zones in US strategic thought: erasure, the frontier and the Blue Pacific

Bridging the critical concepts of the spatial frontier and sacrifice zones with strategic thought, this article argues that Washington’s recent geopolitical ‘rediscovery’ of the Pacific primarily represents an imagining of the Blue Pacific as a new frontier for geopolitical competition; a site toward which its military strategy can redirect adversary violence. Unconsciously erasing actually existing social and political structures across the region is a condition of possibility for exclusionary strategies based on a prejudicial rationality that, ironically, risks heightening regional and US insecurity. This insight corrects a common category error claiming that the US goal in the Pacific is ‘strategic denial’ when it is more precisely described as control in the name of strategic denial. The risk that entire Pacific nations become zones for extraction or wartime sacrifice increases when policymakers imagine it as a blank canvas for a ‘great game’.

Central Asia as the Grand Chessboard: the EU, China, Russia’s Regional Strategies and the C5’s Responses

Abstract Central Asia is an integral part of the concurrent geopolitical marathon in the 21st century. This region has been of great imperative concern for all the rising and incumbent hegemons of the international arena. The dissolution of the Soviet Union has garnered the multidimensional speculations to the Central Asian countries and gave a new stream of struggle for geopolitical clout among the influential actors (Russia, China, and European Union) in the geopolitical canvas. The current political atmosphere immaculately exemplifies the amplified power dynamics in the new global order. The contest for Central Asia act as an immediate chessboard in which the rooks and bishops along with their overlapping interests are trying hard to get the king’s worth. Nevertheless, the self-proclaimed pawns of this grand chessboard (Central Asian States) are unaware of their own potential of being a checkmate in this conundrum. The approach towards the Central Asia by Russia, China, and EU often differs from each other. However, interests and strategic vulnerabilities have put these giants in the same spectrum. Russia’s objective in this region is to maintain the neocolonial status with the tool of Eurasianism to consolidate its position in the region. China’s foremost ambition in the region is to preserve the Sino-Initiatives integrity (BRI) and to accommodate the regional connectivity with its global economic agendas in the region. Surprisingly, the primary ambition of all stakeholders overlaps with each other which elevates their geostrategic rivalry and possibly paves the way for Central Asian’s strategic autonomy. This research paper is going to conduct a comprehensive and qualitative analysis of this intricate marathon by using Heartland theory for identifying the specific and significant objectives of this unusual quest for Central Asia. Firstly, it will focus that, How the overlapping interests of the stakeholders can become the competing threshold along with analyzing the aftermath of Russia-Ukraine Crisis? Moreover, it will further extend its analytical view on How the Central Asian nations can maintain the more pragmatic, realistic, and inclusive approach towards every stakeholder in this great game without facing any geopolitical trials and tribulations?

British Policy Toward Russia: The Great Game and the Great Lie

British Policy Toward Russia: The Great Game and the Great Lie

Rudyard Kipling's Kim as a Narrative of Empire

The paper seeks to examine Rudyard Kipling’s novel Kim in relation to British Empire in India. One way and another, all narrative elements revolve around and comply with the British rule in India. The paper employs textual narrative analysis to excavate how Kipling weaves the novel round the British empire in India. The adventure of the title character is central to the plot. He undertakes the adventure to search for a Red Bull on a green field, which is a regimental flag of the regiment to which Kim’s father once belonged. Kipling creates and projects Kim in such a way that he is not only entrapped but also works for colonial cause. During his adventurous quest, he instrumentalizes Teshoo Lama as a shield of innocence for his colonial expedition. In the meantime, Kim keeps on working for Colonel Creighton, who is the head of British intelligence agency. The Great Game gets dominant implication in the novel.

Extended Commentary—Blitz on the West: Ukraine as Ground Zero of China's New Great Game

ABSTRACTThe task of this commentary is to explore the place of the Ukraine War in China's New Great Game. It is a standard realist trope, crudely adopted by MAGA pundits, that the war is a regional conflict that was born in NATO expansion and warrants little U.S. support. Taking this strategically reductive position is rather like trying to treat the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 as a basically Caribbean event. The fact is that Ukraine is a victim of unprecedented (since the Stalin era) Russian aggression, not Western machinations, and since 2022 Russia's massive invasion has been entirely dependent on China's backing. Apart from Ukraine itself, Russia has been the war's biggest loser, while China has been its colossal winner. In a negotiated “peace” mediated by the Trump administration, Russia will likely secure a chunk of Ukraine about the size of Virginia, whereas China will almost surely end up as the de facto hegemon of Eurasia as a whole, with Russia serving as its regional proxy.

The New Great Game in Central Asia and Afghanistan : Geopolitical Influence of Major Powers

मध्य एशिया और अफगानिस्तान में “नया महान खेल” एक बहुस्तरीय भू-राजनीतिक प्रतिस्पर्धा का प्रतीक है, जिसमें संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका, रूस और चीन जैसी प्रमुख वैश्विक शक्तियाँ शामिल हैं। ऊर्जा संसाधनों से समृद्ध और व्यापार मार्गों व वैश्विक वाणिज्य के लिए एक महत्वपूर्ण केंद्र के रूप में स्थित यह क्षेत्र, सामाजिक-आर्थिक असमानताओं, शासन की चुनौतियों और बाहरी हस्तक्षेपों के कारण गहरी अस्थिरता का सामना कर रहा है। इस जटिल परिदृश्य के केंद्र में चीन की बेल्ट एंड रोड इनिशिएटिव (बीआरआई), रूस की यूरेशियन इकोनॉमिक यूनियन (ईएईयू), और संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका की रणनीतिक नीतियाँ हैं, जो इस क्षेत्र में प्रभाव और वर्चस्व के लिए प्रतिस्पर्धा कर रही हैं। शोध यह पता लगाने का प्रयास करता है कि ये आपस में गुँथी हुई भू-राजनीतिक महत्वाकांक्षाएँ क्षेत्र के आर्थिक, राजनीतिक और सुरक्षा परिदृश्य को किस प्रकार प्रभावित कर रही हैं। इसके साथ ही, यह अध्ययन किर्गिस्तान और ताजिकिस्तान जैसे छोटे क्षेत्रीय खिलाड़ियों की भूमिका पर भी प्रकाश डालता है, जो इन महाशक्तियों की प्रतिद्वंद्विता के बीच अपनी संप्रभुता और राष्ट्रीय हितों को बनाए रखने का प्रयास कर रहे हैं। वर्तमान साहित्य में ऐतिहासिक और ऊर्जा-आधारित दृष्टिकोण पर पर्याप्त ध्यान दिया गया है, लेकिन उभरते हुए पहलुओं जैसे साइबर रणनीतियाँ, हाइब्रिड युद्ध, और समाजशास्त्रीय जटिलताओं जैसे भ्रष्टाचार और सत्तावाद पर व्यापक विश्लेषण का अभाव है। यह अध्ययन इन अंतरालों को भरने का प्रयास करता है और बाहरी हस्तक्षेपों के प्रति क्षेत्रीय प्रतिक्रियाओं, जल-संसाधनों पर आधारित संघर्ष जैसी पर्यावरणीय चुनौतियों, तथा सांस्कृतिक और तकनीकी कारकों के अंतर्संबंध का विश्लेषण करता है। अंततः, इस शोध का उद्देश्य यह समझ प्रदान करना है कि “नया महान खेल” क्षेत्रीय स्थिरता, विकास के रास्तों और वैश्विक शक्ति संरचनाओं की बदलती गतिशीलता को किस प्रकार प्रभावित करता है।

The New Great Game in Central Asia: Pakistan's Interests in the Regional Power Play

The New Great Game is a power struggle for dominance and geopolitical supremacy in Central Asia, to control energy reserves, establish monopoly over supply routes and capture lucrative high-stakes energy projects. The huge energy reserves of Central Asia have paradoxically become a bone of contention, fostering an uncooperative environment, fuelling political differences, and exacerbating high-stakes power politics, thereby jeopardizing the collaborative relationships among the regional and global stakeholders. The primary objective of this research article is to undertake a comprehensive comparative analysis of the competing interests of Pakistan alongside with those of regional players including China, Russia, and India through examining the intricacies of convergence and divergence of their engagement in the region. The theoretical framework of Geopolitics provides a nuanced lens to contextualize regional dynamics, explain and analyse the patterns of cooperation and competition of different players in Central Asia. The paper argues that Pakistan’s interests in Central Asia can be best served by harmonizing its policy with China and Russia, and forming cooperative partnerships with Iran and Turkey. This research paper will equip Pakistan’s policymakers and diplomats with a deeper understanding of the competing interests enabling informed decision-making to achieve strategic and political objectives.

The Confrontation of the U.S., Russia, and China in the Geopolitical Network of Central Asia

With the world’s growing economic dependence on energy resources, the increasing significance of energy-rich regions, the re-emergence of Russia as a key player in the global energy market, and the rise of China as a highly influential power in international affairs and the geopolitical network of Central Asia, competition and confrontation among major powers in this strategically important region have intensified. Longstanding struggles among global powers to control the oil and natural gas resources of Central Asia have given rise to a “new great game” between these major actors. Russia, as a dominant player in Central Asia, and China, as a rising power and neighbor of this geopolitical network, are both seeking an active role in the region. Meanwhile, the United States, as an extra-regional power with key energy interests in the area, also seeks closer ties with the region. The key question this article explores is: Who are the main players in the power struggle over Central Asia's resources, and who is likely to prevail? Our hypothesis is that, due to the geopolitical importance of Central Asia for the major global powers, the primary competition and confrontation in the region is among the United States, Russia, and China. The findings of this research suggest that, due to China's steadily growing power, it is poised to become the dominant actor in the region's future.

Особенности и приоритеты внешней политики США и КНР в странах Северной и Тропической Африки

At the beginning of the 21st century, the African continent, endowed with rich resource and political potential, has garnered the attention of leading global powers, marking the onset of a new “Great Game”. This article aims to analyze the foreign policy strategies of the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the African continent. Through a comprehensive review of contemporary scholarly publications, this study ex-amines the economic, political, and military doctrines of both the United States and China in North and Sub-Saharan Africa. The authors employ a comparative-historical research methodology to investigate the foreign policy strategies enacted by U.S. Presidents Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden. The study explores the potential causes of the geopolitical rivalry between the PRC and the United States in the region. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that the foreign policy strategies of both nations in Africa are fundamentally driven by na-tional interests. Additionally, the article notes that this rivalry may evolve in various directions due to the in-volvement of new active players, such as Russia, Brazil, and India.

Gwadar Port as an Emerging Hub in New Great Game: Opportunities and Challenges for Pakistan

Gwadar Port has emerged as a crucial player in global trade and geopolitics, particularly in the New Great Game unfolding in Central Asia. Initially envisioned as a trade and transit hub, it now serves as a strategic asset for China, securing energy supply routes through CPEC and expanding its influence in the Indian Ocean. India perceives Gwadar as a threat to its regional dominance and counters it by investing in Iran’s Chabahar Port to strengthen connectivity with Central Asia. The United States also opposes China’s growing presence in the region, raising concerns over strategic dominance. Meanwhile, Central Asian states view Gwadar as a key trade corridor providing access to warm waters. However, regional tensions, security challenges, and competing interests hinder their full potential. This study explores Gwadar’s economic and strategic significance, the evolving power dynamics surrounding it, and policy recommendations for Pakistan to establish Gwadar as a major global trade and economic hub.

Gwadar port as an emerging hub in new great Game: opportunities and challenges for Pakistan

Sea-ports have become increasingly crucial for global trade and military strategy. Gwadar Port, initially designed as a trade and transit hub, has evolved into a focal point in the New Great Game unfolding in Central Asia. This port holds immense economic significance for Pakistan while serving as a strategic asset for China, facilitating its access to the Middle East and securing energy supply routes via the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). India perceives Gwadar as a challenge to its regional influence, fearing that China might establish a naval base there, countering Indian and American presence in the Indian Ocean. To offset Gwadar’s potential, India is actively investing in Iran’s Chabahar Port, strengthening its connectivity with Central Asia through Afghanistan. This geopolitical rivalry further complicates Pakistan’s efforts to position Gwadar as a key economic gateway. The United States also opposes China's growing presence in the Indian Ocean, raising concerns about strategic dominance. Meanwhile, Central Asian states view Gwadar as a valuable trade corridor offering access to warm waters. However, regional tensions, security concerns, and competing interests pose challenges to fully realizing its potential. This study examines Gwadar Port’s role in regional geopolitics, its strategic and economic importance, and the emerging power dynamics surrounding it. It also explores policy recommendations for Pakistan to maximize Gwadar’s potential as a global trade and economic hub.

The New Great Game in Central Asia and Afghanistan : Geopolitical Influence of Major Powers

मध्य एशिया और अफगानिस्तान में "नया महान खेल" एक बहुस्तरीय भू-राजनीतिक प्रतिस्पर्धा का प्रतीक है, जिसमें संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका, रूस और चीन जैसी प्रमुख वैश्विक शक्तियाँ शामिल हैं। ऊर्जा संसाधनों से समृद्ध और व्यापार मार्गों व वैश्विक वाणिज्य के लिए एक महत्वपूर्ण केंद्र के रूप में स्थित यह क्षेत्र, सामाजिक-आर्थिक असमानताओं, शासन की चुनौतियों और बाहरी हस्तक्षेपों के कारण गहरी अस्थिरता का सामना कर रहा है। इस जटिल परिदृश्य के केंद्र में चीन की बेल्ट एंड रोड इनिशिएटिव (बीआरआई), रूस की यूरेशियन इकोनॉमिक यूनियन (ईएईयू), और संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका की रणनीतिक नीतियाँ हैं, जो इस क्षेत्र में प्रभाव और वर्चस्व के लिए प्रतिस्पर्धा कर रही हैं।

Understanding the essence of the “Great Game” by classics of the Russian school of geopolitics (Ending)

Th is article is devoted to understanding the essence of Th e Great Game — the policy of containing the development of Russia by Anglo-Saxon elites and powers, dating back more than two centuries, by the classics of the Russian school of geopolitics. Th e author of the article considers the geopolitical concepts of the founders of the civilizational approach and civilizational geopolitics — N.Ya. Danilevsky, K.N. Leontyev, representatives of pan-Slavism (R.A. Fadeev, I.I. Dusinsky), military-strategic direction (D.A. Milyutina, A.E. Vandama, A.E. Snesareva), Eurasia (P.E. N. Savitsky), Y.S. Kartsova, V.P. Semenova-Tyan-Shansky, P.N. Durnovo.Th e author emphasizes that the development of Russian geopolitical thought took place in the absence of a political order from the state, as well as political and economic elites to develop a geopolitical strategy for the development of Russia and the implementation of its foreign policy. Unfortunately, the author states, many ideas of the classics of the Russian school of geopolitics (in particular, in their understanding of the essence, content and dynamics of the Great Game) turned out to be unclaimed by the ruling circles and governments, among which there were many people, Anglophile orientation, promoting the ideas of allied relations with England, to the detriment of the national interests of Russia.At the same time, the author of the article notes, the understanding of the essence and features of the development of the events of the “Great Game” by representatives of the Russian school of geopolitics was largely carried out fragmentally, oft en in the aspect of analyzing the centuries-old civilizational confrontation between Russia and the Romano-German cultural and historical type (Western European great culture, civilization), and not purely continentalist concepts.Authors who comprehend the essence and signifi cant events of the “Great Game” in their works include: representatives of Pan-Slavism — N.Ya. Danilevsky, I.I. Dusinsky, R.A. Fadeeva; representatives of the military-strategic direction — A.E. Snesarev and A.E. Vandam; Y.S. Kartsov and P.N. Durnovo. Th e rest of the classics of the Rus sian school of geopolitics addressed this issue selectively, within the framework of other topics of interest to them

“The Great Game” in the Context of Manifestations of Anglo-Saxon Russophobia: the Problem of Interpreting Territorial Borders (Second Half of the 19th — Early 20th Centuries)

In the conditions of the current increase in international tension, against the backdrop of the growing confrontation between Russia and the collective West, research interest in the term “The Great Game” and the international-political phenomenon implied by it is becoming more urgent and the accompanying manifestations of Russophobia in its Anglo-Saxon version. Issues of the regional dimension of the classic example of the “The Great Game” in the context of its origin, stages of development and completion seem particularly debatable, correlation with the strengthening and spread of anti-Russian sentiments in Western society. The conventions, interstate agreements, letters from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, memoirs and notes of active officers and politicians have been used as research sources. The reasons, context and features of the formation of the area of Russian-British geopolitical rivalry in Central and South Asia in the second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries have been clarified. The final stage of transformation of the geographical boundaries of the classic version of the “The Great Game” has been characterized. The conducted research makes it possible to single out the core (main space) and the periphery (periodically activated “foci”) of the Russian-British geopolitical rivalry. During the period under review, two areas of intense action existed almost simultaneously: in Western and Eastern Turkestan. After the annexation of most of the Turkmen lands to Russia and the introduction of Russian troops into the Ili Valley, the frontiers of rivalry expanded eastward, and British positions in the region weakened. In 1890—1895, the actions of empires intensified within the borders of the Pamirs, after the agreement on the division of which the “center” of competition shifted to Tibet, where it was fixed until 1907. The development of geopolitical confrontation between empires is correlated with the manifestation of Anglo-Saxon Russophobia as an ideological tool for neutralizing the opponent in the “The Great Game”.

АЗІЙСЬКА ПОЛІТИКА США ПІСЛЯ 2021 РОКУТА ВІДНОВЛЕННЯ ІСЛАМСЬКОГО ЕМІРАТУ АФГАНІСТАН

B a c k g r o u n d . The relevance of the problem lies in the fact of the restoration of the Taliban regime after the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan and the country's acquisition of an uncertain status in the international arena due to the non-recognition of this regime as legitimate by the majority of the global community. The purpose of the article is to consider the role of the Taliban as an element associated with Washington's formation of its policy towards Asia and the protection of US national interests. M e t h o d s . To prepare the study, the historical method was used to work with the background of the situation surrounding the US Asian policy; in addition, the methods of analysis and synthesis were applied, as well as the deduction method which was used to identify problematic issues in this policy. R e s u l t s . It was established that Afghanistan was a zone of US interests in Asia since the beginning of the 20th century and gained particular importance during the "great game" against the USSR. After George W. Bush declared a "war on terror" at the beginning of the 21st century, the first overthrow of the Taliban regime, established in the 1990s, took place for the first time. After the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban movement restored its power in the country in a short period of time. The US Congress has initiated a thorough audit of the 20-year presence of troops in Afghanistan to determine the reasons for such a rapid fall of the "democratic" Afghan government, as well as to review US foreign policy towards the region. Surely, an important factor influencing this policy is the restoration of the Taliban after 20 years of US troops stationed in the country to maintain order and stability, and understanding the specifics of how this regime functions and what it seeks. The Taliban regime is a complex combination of religious fundamentalism and the political and economic interests of individual functionaries of the movement, which makes it even more unpredictable for any kind of international interaction. At the same time, in the course of developing further steps during creation of US policy towards the region as a whole, it is necessary to take into account not only the non-ambiguous factor of regional dynamics, but also the activities and interests of Pakistan and China; therefore, shaping foreign policy measures in the region must consider bilateral relations with these countries. To develop regional policy, attention should also be paid to the miscalculations associated with the demands made on Afghanistan at the beginning of the 21st century regarding the formation of an inclusive government, internal military training, etc. C o n c l u s i o n . It has been determined that an important component of the failure of US policy towards Afghanistan was a rather one-sided approach to setting criteria for building a stable state and military system in the country, which was based largely on "Western" ideas about the military hierarchy and the priorities of the state's domestic policy and how it should function. In addition, the lack of attention to local societal contexts and non-existence of clear long-term plan for Afghanistan have also had a destructive impact on the approach of American administrations and contributed to the chaotic and rapid events unfolding in 2021. Therefore, taking into account these miscalculations and considering the interests of regional players and relations with them, Washington needs to "work on mistakes" to develop a further course towards Asia as a whole.

Explaining peace during long and rapid power shifts: A theory of grand bargains

Abstract Bargaining scholars predict rapid power shifts cause preventive war. But cases with rapidly shifting power often remain peaceful. To explain the dogs that don’t bark, we introduce instant, repeated, costly militarization into Powell’s (1999) conventional-weapons power transition model. First, we rationalize preventive war during long, slow, complete-information power shifts. Second, we find that where past research into conventional shifts predicts war, a grand bargain backed by the decliner’s threat of war emerges as a second equilibrium. Because war and a grand bargain both prevent power from shifting, declining powers deploy them under the same conditions. Our grand bargain survives war-causing hazards, and some latent shifts. It occurs after incremental militarization causes repeated appeasement-like concessions, and when power shifts are instant, slow or fast, and perfectly observed; suggesting conventional shifts induce grand bargains under surprising conditions. The Great Game’s end fits our grand bargain, but that British elites seriously considered war.

Where and When Did the “Great Game” Start?

The “Great Game” is acquiring special significance as a scientific and historical problem, replete with material not for rote memorization but for comprehension of how random, regular, unique, and cyclical processes intertwined in the past.

The Great Game Within the Olympic Games: Comparing Western Reactions Toward Beijing 2008 and 2022

The Great Game Within the Olympic Games: Comparing Western Reactions Toward Beijing 2008 and 2022