Funeral Sermon Research Articles

The death of Charles IX Valois: an assassin's or a martyr's blood?: The image of kingship during the French Wars of Religion

The purpose of this article is to analyse works connected to the death of Charles IX Valois. In particular, we will focus on the image of the blood of the dead king. Analysis of Charles’ autopsy, as well as the account of the court intrigue characterizing the last months of his life, provides the context in which this flow of propaganda took place. Catholic sources, especially funeral sermons by court preacher Arnaud Sorbin, cast light on the image of the blood of Charles IX as the blood of a ‘saint’ and a ‘martyr’ king. We will also show how Sorbin’s sermons related to Henri III’s succession to the throne given the tense situation at court. Finally, analysis of Reformed sources, both contemporary to Charles’ death and later, outline how Calvinists tried to dishonour the ‘tyrant’ through references to his blood and by characterizing his death as divine justice.

Book of Honors for Empress María of Austria. A Translation with an Introductory Study and Facsimile of the Emblems by Antonio Bernat Vistarini, John T. Cull and Tamás Sajó (review)

Reviewed by: Book of Honors for Empress María of Austria. A Translation with an Introductory Study and Facsimile of the Emblems by Antonio Bernat Vistarini, John T. Cull and Tamás Sajó Harry Sieber Antonio Bernat Vistarini, John T. Cull and Tamás Sajó, Book of Honors for Empress María of Austria. A Translation with an Introductory Study and Facsimile of the Emblems. Early Modern Catholicism and the Visual Arts Series, Vol. 5. Saint Joseph's University Press, 2011. 240 pp + unpaginated facsimile. This volume joins other important emblem books and studies published by St. Joseph's University Press, such as Emblematic Images & Religious Texts (essays written in honor of G. Richard Dimler, S.J.), Adrien Gambart's Emblem Book (ed. Terence O'Reilly), and Emblemata Sacra (emblems from the Maurits Sabbe Library, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven). The emblems are reproduced on high quality, semi-glossy paper and are near perfect images of rare and often difficult texts to locate or otherwise obtain. The present volume of emblems is no exception. It should be made clear at the outset that this volume is primarily an English translation from Spanish sources without the original language included, thus precluding an assessment of the accuracy of the translations of most material contained in the Libro de las honras que hizo del colegio de la Compañía de Iesvs de Madrid . . . , namely the oration by Juan Luis, the sermon preached by Jerónimo de Florencia, and the commentary that accompanies the emblems. Part of the Introduction to the volume (3-38) was previously presented by A. Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull and published in the conference proceedings (GRISO, 2010), 101-26. After relatively brief remarks on "María de Austria and the Jesuit College of Madrid," "The Genre of El Libro de las Honras," "The Structure and Content of the Libro de las Honras," a "Summary Table of the Hieroglyphs," "The Poems," and "The Present Edition," the translation begins with the title page, preliminaries, a description of María de Austria's catafalque, a funeral oration delivered by Juan Luis ("Theologian of the Society of Jesus, and Professor of Rhetoric"), the translation of Jerónimo de Florencia's lengthy sermon, and the commentary on the emblems themselves. The relationship between María de Austria and the Jesuit College is described briefly, framed with a few biographical remarks on her marriage, family connections, her cloistered life in the Descalzas Reales and a reference to her death in 1603 (also see below). The main focus is to emphasize her "zealous Catholic fervor" and to point out that she "virtually left the whole of her estate to the Jesuits in Madrid, including a parcel of land on Toledo Street," which would later become the home of the Colegio Imperial. The authors describe the work as a "relación de suceso in its most fundamental meaning [End Page 456] as a published chronicle or summary of an important public event" (4). The purpose of this "literary genre," as they call it, is to inform, entertain and move the public. Funeral exequies, especially those featuring monarchs or royal personages, functioned to reassure the public of the stability of kingship and dynastic succession. The mythological imagery employed to memorialize such occasions was often similar for both male and female royal personages. The section on the prayer and the funeral sermon (10-15) is a summary and analysis which concentrates on Spanish Baroque religious rhetoric, neatly dividing the material into the traditional structure: Exordium, Body and Conclusion. María is "allegorized as golden eagle," she is given a "new coat of arms, has not lost an empire," with a final reference to "[f]elicitations for glory attained" (14-15). The series of thirty-six emblems ("hieroglyphs") and their Latin mottos are translated and sourced and the content of the images are described in detail. The final section on the numerous anonymous poems that conclude the work are "largely uninspired and perfunctory" (29). The critical bibliography is up-to-date and pertinent and effectively lends the scholarly support expected in such studies. It is perhaps relevant to be reminded that the Court was in Valladolid (1601-1606) when the empress...

O regionalności siedemnastowiecznych kazań pogrzebowych. Część 1: druki lubelskie

In the 17th century, funeral sermons were a frequent type of public address. Over six hundred of such sermons were published in Poland at the time. They were published by presses all around Poland, so that each region is represented in the production. Consequently, funeral sermons are a good source for research in regional varieties of Polish in the 17th century. The article presents the problem on the example of printed material from Lublin, published in the press owned by Paweł Konrad, Anna Konradowa, and Jan Wieczorkowicz. The inspection of the texts has shown that they represent typical qualities of 17th-century standard Polish, as well as regional differential and frequency-based qualities. Because sermons were written not only by authors from Małopolska, it can be assumed that their language was largely influenced by editors and printers.

Erinnerungsstrategien in Zeiten des Wandels: Zur Bedeutung der Reformation als Generationserfahrung im Spiegel sächsischer Leichenpredigten für adlige Beamte

This article pursues the question in what ways the Reformation and the new personal and family orientations associated with it were handled in biographical narratives of noble officials. Based on funeral sermons for noble officials who, between 1530 and 1570, stood in service to the Albertine Dukes of Saxony, the study can show that the Reformation did not become a generational interpretive pattern in the remembrance of the dead. Rather, the funeral sermons generally referenced the God-fearing lives and everyday piety of the deceased. Overall, a time horizon of collective remembrance was created which made possible narratives that minimized the Reformation.

„Zum Andenken und zur Ehre Gottes“: Kunst und Frömmigkeit im frühneuzeitlichen Luthertum

This article explores the motivations behind Lutheran patronage of ecclesiastical art. Drawing on a number of case studies from amongst the lesser nobility in Albertine Saxony during the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it asks why Lutherans gave images - pulpits, altars and epitaphs - to churches in the absence of any salvific imperative for doing good works. It argues that although individual and family commemoration had always been and remained an important motivator, we should not understand Protestant visual culture as purely commemorative. Lutheran patrons were prompted by their desire for dynastic representation, but also by a sense of duty to their local church and by their desire to express confessional loyalty. Yet other examples, such as a memorial church in the village of Prießnitz near Leipzig decorated in 1616 by Hans von Einsiedel as a memorial to his dead wife, show that after the Reformation, as before, religious and secular objectives sat side-by-side. Such monuments are in no sense secularized - their most obvious parallel was perhaps the Lutheran funeral sermon, which aimed to console, to promulgate confessional norms and to strengthen communal ties as well as to commemorate. The article closes with a consideration of other possible motivations, presenting sources that demonstrate the continued importance of pleasing God through such donations.

Die Wolverdiente Ehren-Seule für Herzog Ernst I. von Sachsen-Gotha und Altenburg als Medium höfischer Kommunikation

The funeral sermon of a deceased prince played a particular role within the system of communication of early modern courts. The Wohlverdiente Ehrenseule, printed in honour of Ernst I von Sachsen-Gotha und Altenburg, and the Personalia which it contained, carried multiple meanings. In the first instance they served to communicate an unquestioned acceptance of the new ruler as guarantor of the existing order, in the context of the state ceremony of mourning. They acquired additional meaning as part of the ostentatious printed account of the funeral, where they worked to communicate the newly created image of Duke Ernst set up by his oldest son Friedrich in the context of the latter’s conflict with his brothers. It has become clear that such ostentatious funeral publications can only be evaluated with an understanding of both their political implications and the complete medial system of the relevant court, because the commemoration of the deceased prince was not the consequence of his qualities as a ruler but rather of the message that his successor wished to communicate.

Seventeenth-Century Funeral Sermons and Exemplary Female Devotion: Gendered Spaces and Histories

Les sermons de funérailles du XVIIe siècle, qui contiennent des eulogies pour des femmes décédées, peuvent être riches en détails et en constructions conceptuelles éclairant la vie dévotionnelle des femmes des débuts de la modernité. Cet article explore dans une sélection de ces eulogies les différentes représentations de l’espace spécifiquement féminin de la lecture, de la méditation et de la prière. On y examine également l’utilisation, dans ces sermons, de récits de lutte sur leur lit de mort contre Satan, afin de décrire une version féminine des dernières heures de la vie et de la lutte pour vaincre les tentations diaboliques. On y démontre que l’espace intime et le lit de mort féminins sont construits dans ces textes de telle sorte qu’ils y apparaissent comme des espace fonctionnant comme des frontières entre les espaces public et privé et entre la chasteté et la sexualité. Cet article souligne également la tension présente dans ces eulogies entre l’expression du pouvoir féminin d’action sur le plan religieux, et l’établissement de limites et de principes exemplaires de spiritualité féminine.

The Critique of the Priest in Anne Brontë’s Agnes Grey

This paper investigates Anne Brontë’s treatment of three Anglican priests in Agnes Grey. While Mr Hatfield is shown to be deficient in religious doctrine and defective in character, the Reverend Mr Grey is depicted as a weak man dominated by his powerful wife. However, Anne Brontë offers a highly favourable image of the curate Edward Weston. The paper explores the apparent similarities between Mr Weston and the Reverend Patrick Brontë’s popular curate, the Reverend William Weightman. It suggests that Patrick Brontë’s Funeral Sermon for the Late Rev William Weightman MA, Preached in the Church of Haworth on Sunday, the 2nd of October 1842 is an invaluable primary source for understanding what ‘every clergyman ought to be’ in the eyes of both Patrick and Anne Brontë.

Die Bestattungspredigt zwischen Einstimmung und Einspruch: Eine rhetorisch-theologische Verortung

The Funeral Sermon between Attunement and Objection: Rhetorical and Theological Orientation. There is a continuous tension in funeral sermons between giving an eulogy honoring the deceased and proclaiming resurrection of Christ as a contradiction to human possibilities. From an analysis of the theological and rhetorical aspects involved, the author reconstructs closeness vs. distance in communication as the two ideals funeral sermons try to follow. Criteria are given for combining an attunement to consoling elements of faithwith biblical objections to empty promises, and thus delivering a sermon in a mode of tentative assurance by providing fitting images.

A mártírium toposza a Felvinczi Sándor halálára íródott prédikációkban és epigrammákban

Although Sándor Felvinczi, a Hungarian Calvinist preacher of Debrecen in the second half of seventeenth century was not persecuted by the Habsburgs or the Catholics, he was still represented as a martyr by funeral sermons and epigrams which were published to commemorate him in 1686 in a volume entitled Hedera Poetica. A few years after the decade of persecution (persecutio decennalis) most funeral texts used the topos of martyrdom. There are several Biblical and Classical sources of this early modern rhetorical tradition, and the present study sets out to examine these.

John Donne's Pulpit Voice

Three sermons delivered at old St. Paul's Cathedral reveal John Donne's extraordinary skill as a preacher. Insufficient attention has been paid to Donne's physical voice as he attempted to reveal the Word of God in the cathedral, while efforts to depict Donne as a performer have obscured Donne's self-presentation as a contrite sinner who fully shares the sinful nature of his auditors. In his Christmas sermon in 1621, Donne positions himself as a moderate, sacramentalist Protestant. In the Second Prebend sermon in 1626, he urges his listeners to take comfort in the holy joy of the Holy Spirit and thus to anticipate the joy of heaven. In the Cokayne funeral sermon, also in 1626, Donne ponders the resurrection of Lazarus and proclaims the joyful resurrection of the dead in Christ. The printed texts of the sermons allow us to imagine the power of their initial delivery from the pulpit of St. Paul's.

‘This rare Poetesse’: the Remains of Lady Jane Burdett

Jane Burdett ( d. 1637) is named a literary patron in the entry on her in the ODNB by historian Vivienne Larminie. The primary evidence for this attribution of patronage is found in the only extant copy of Burdett’s funeral sermon, with eight poetic tributes, published at York in 1650 and held at the Bodleian Library: Thomas Calvert’s The Wearie Souls Wish. With permission from the Bodleian, Mary Polito provides a transcription of the poems, one provided by John Newdigate III. The prefatory material reviews the other scant evidence about Burdett and her links to the Newdigate circle. Polito speculates that some of the poems may have been employed as part of the funeral ritual for Burdett and foregrounds evidence that alludes to her productivity as poet, intellectual, muse and salon style patron.

Piety, Poetry, and the Funeral Sermon: Reading Graveyard Poetry in the Eighteenth Century

Eighteenth-century “graveyard poetry”, as a literary category, has been a problematic one at best. Modern studies of graveyard poetry are restricted to the footnotes of larger traditions, afflicted by a combination of formal and aesthetic codes that fail to fully validate its generic and taxonomic differentiation. This essay presents graveyard poetry as a historically embedded poetic mode, and demonstrates how it can be viewed as a specific experimental response to the intersection of evolving reading, religious and poetic practices of the early to mid-eighteenth century. This revision reads graveyard poetry alongside changing religious practices that appear to mark discernable shifts from collective to individual modes of religious experience, and from public to private forms of devotion. Moreover, it suggests that graveyard poetry was an ideal alternate didactic medium to the declining printed funeral sermon, able to aesthetically facilitate private meditation upon death via affective and subjective response.

Poetry, Reading, and the Trilingual Question in Early Modern Spain

In Madrid, in 1603, there appeared, at the press of Luis Sanchez, a Libro de las honras que hizo el Colegio de la Compania de Jesus de Madrid de la Emperatriz dona Maria de Austria fundadora del dicho Colegio, que se celebraron a 21 de abril de 1603. This book expressed the Jesuits’ grief for the death of their benefactor, Maria of Austria; sister of Felipe II; widow of the Emperor Maximilian of Austria; daughter of Emperor Charles V; mother of Rudolph II. The Jesuits’ Colegio Imperial was established in this town in 1572, thanks to Maria de Austria’s generous donation. The book, apart from a description of the display done for the Empress’s last honors in the church at the Jesuits’ School in Madrid, includes texts of prayer and funeral sermon in Latin in which the Empress’s virtues and generosity are praised. Jose Simon Diaz1 frames the book in a particular historical background. The Jesuit College aimed to be the most advanced school in Spain. The universities began a campaign against it. The Empress, who had helped found the college, had left most of her legacy to the college upon her death, in 1603. Simon Diaz, historian of the college, has also emphasized the relations between festivities and literature in early modern Habsburg Spain. This would mean that these questions touch on cultural studies of early modern Spain. Others have noted the emblems within the emblematic tradition of Europe and Spain.2 The general trend—it has been argued—was to present these Habsburg women as models of piety and religious devotion and erase any trace of their real political involvement (Sanchez). The hieroglyphics with the epigrams in Hebrew, Greek, Latin and Spanish that were created and exhibited for her obsequies, are reproduced and described in the book. According to the description, the tumulus in the Jesuits’ church was painted to represent white marble

‘I abhorr what I Soe long lov'd’: An Exploration of Rochester's ‘death bed repentance’

(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)On 25 June 1680, John Wilmot, 2nd Earl of Rochester, aged only thirty-three years but the most dissolute member of the dissolute court of Charles II, lay dying at his country retreat in Oxfordshire. Two years earlier, his fellow poet Samuel Butler had penned a not unaffectionate portrait of him in his satire The Court Burlesqued:This Noble Peer, so fam'd for writingSatyrs, so Bawdy and so Biting,Who for lampooning Church and Crown,Usurps the Bays from all the Town,May boast himself, we must allow it,Lord, Atheist, Mountebank and Poet,Rake, Coward, Libertine, but yetA Man of Learning and of Wit.1Satirist, atheist, rake, libertine, and poet with a reputation for ridiculing Church and State: Rochester's life and writings fully justify all these attributes. Yet on that day in late June, apparently without any warning, and too weak to write himself, he dictated 'at Twelve at Night' a remarkable letter to a former chaplain to the King, Gilbert Burnet:I beginn To value Churchmen above all men in the World: & you above all the Churchmen I know in itt ... I hope ... that The World may See how much I abhorr what I Soe long lov'd, & how much I Glory in repentance in Gods Service. bestow your prayers upon mee that God would spare me, (if itt bee his Good Will) To shew a True repentance, & amendment of life for the Time to come, or els ... that hee would mercifully except of my death bed repentance ...2Within five weeks, Rochester was dead, and the news of his self-styled 'death bed repentance' swiftly reverberated through the Court, the City and the Church. This was achieved initially by astounded word of mouth, and then reinforced through the rapid publication of both Rochester's letter to Burnet and the funeral sermon delivered by his mother's chaplain, Robert Parsons; three months later, Burnet issued a biography largely fashioned out of conversations he had held with the earl during the previous winter and latterly over a period of four days during Rochester's final illness. Parsons and Burnet had no doubt as to the genuineness of the earl's volte face, but their shared conviction has been tarnished by suspicions of ecclesial selfinterest; many contemporaries found it simply incredible to accept that Rochester had repented of 'the commissions of some sins extraordinary'. Some may have rejected out of hand the whole notion of repentance, sharing the sentiments expressed by Sulpitius in Otway's The History and Fall of Caius Marius (1680), 'A Curse on all Repentance! How I hate it! / I'd rather hear a Dog howl than a Man whine!' (p. 66), and one of Rochester's regular companions, William Fanshaw, is representative in attributing his conversion simply to delirium, 'for to [my] knowledge', he commented at the time, '[my Lord] believed neither in God nor Jesus Christ'. Nonetheless, the Earl of Halifax, the unamiable Earl of Mulgrave (Rochester's bitter enemy) and John Tillotson, the Dean (later Archbishop) of Canterbury, were amongst those who seem to have accepted the conversion at face value, and during the next 150 years, the accounts by Parsons and Burnet of Rochester's 'death bed repentance', passing through over thirty reissues and editions, would provide a staple of the popular devotional diet. 3This paper seeks to explore the context and validity of Rochester's profession of faith. After a review of his family background and the contemporary political situation, Rochester's letters and poetry will be examined for any evidence of his religious views and, finally, the conclusions drawn by Burnet and Parsons will be sifted and assessed.The social and political backgroundRochester was born on 1 April 1647, just under two years before the lawful monarch, Charles I, was publicly executed outside the Banqueting Hall, Whitehall Palace. His father, Baron Wilmot of Adderbury (he would be created Earl of Rochester in 1652), was one of Charles I's principal cavalry commanders during the Civil War, but falling into disgrace in 1644 he had joined the Queen's court which had removed to France. …

“More swete vnto the eare / than holsome for ye mynde”: Embodying Early Modern Women's Reading

This article draws together the theories of practice articulated by Michel de Certeau and recent work on the physiology of reading to argue that women's reading, ca. 1560-1640, was understood as a bodily activity shaped by, and also working upon, its physical situation. Drawing upon a range of sources, including funeral sermons, diaries, and Helkiah Crooke's influential Mikrocosmographia, Helen Smith demonstrates the connections in early modern thought between reading and the physiology of seeing, hearing, remembering, and digesting, arguing that early modern descriptions of reading situate it as an embodied experience within a broader set of material practices and encounters.

Across Europe: Educational Travelling of German Noblemen in a Comparative Perspective

AbstractIn recent years, cultural historians interested in the Grand Tour have written divided histories focusing on travelers from one particular nation or region. Drawing from what these researchers report on educational traveling as well as from primary sources, it is now possible to put the Grand Tour into a European perspective. As to travelers from Germany, there is a wide scope of source material at hand, comprising funeral sermons, university rolls, travelogues, travel accounts, and correspondence. As a comparative perspective clearly reveals, educational travelling was vital in shaping the identity of gentlemanly travelers. Though starting out as a transnational social practice common to most aristocrats from northern and eastern Europe and to a lesser degree also to the nobilities from Romance countries, it contributed to sharpen notions of “the own” and “the other” towards the end of the Early Modern Period.

Funeral Sermons and Graveyard Poetry: The Ecstasy of Death and Bodily Resurrection

AbstractThis article argues that Anglo‐American graveyard poetry is a form of religious poetry closely connected to the eighteenth‐century funeral sermon tradition. An analysis of graveyard poetry in the context of the funeral sermon reveals that the poems explore Christian themes of faith, doubt and the afterlife, in which death, the grave and its paraphernalia are not objects of fear and horror but objects of desire. Such an analysis also reveals that the authors of funeral sermons employed many similar poetic techniques when addressing their congregations, showing that sermons can be fruitfully approached as literary as well as religious texts.

THREE VERSE EULOGIES OF ANNE OF BOHEMIA

Anne of Bohemia, the first queen of Richard II, died on 7 June 1394, after a short struggle with what may have been the plague. Her funeral on 3 August, nearly two months after she died, was of course an occasion to focus on her deeds and character, to reflect on the past and on how her reign had impacted England. Yet the crowd which gathered at Westminster Abbey that day did not check its politics at the door. The Earl of Arundel, for one, was not in a particularly reflective mood; arriving late to the funeral (and asking to leave early on pressing business), his audacity provoked Richard to physical violence, which caused a delay in the proceedings until Arundel's blood could be cleared and the church reconsecrated.1As Anne and Richard had been childless, her death also brought to the fore a looming crisis of succession, part of a more widespread anxiety about Ricardian legitimacy. Richard was under enormous pressure, then, to turn the occasion of Anne's funeral to his own political advantage. It was to be an affair of state which would command a degree of obligatory cooperation and, as Richard made clear to Arundel, the 'unity' of all factions, however coerced.2 Any commemoration that might have been offered for the Bohemian queen thus presented its narrative of the past under the duress of tremendous political tensions.And indeed one would like to know what was said of Anne during or after her funeral, and whether her legacy was shaped to address Ricardian political woes. Up to now, with the exception of a scattering of brief eulogizing generalities in the chronicles and a specious anecdote about a funeral sermon by Thomas Arundel (then the Archbishop of York),3 what scholars have known about the impact of Anne's death has had more to do with her contemporaries' commemoration through indirection. Most notable are Chaucer's efforts to edit out what many have read as references to Anne between the F and G prologues to the Legend of Good Women. Anne's absence has also been credited for much of Richard II's subsequent tyrannical bent, no longer moderated by a queen who was celebrated for her meek supplications.4 John Bowers has argued that the Middle English Pearl may also eulogize Anne, but if he is right, then the poet does so (as Bowers admits) by carefully avoiding direct association with any particular mourner, any specific deceased maiden.5 It seems, in light of such commemoration, that Anne of Bohemia left the world quiedy, relegated to near total obscurity, the legacy of her twelve-year reign reduced to stock characterizations of piety, veiled literary allusions, and indignant remarks about modish footwear.6Fortunately there is more to be said. We can now add to the discussion of the discourse surrounding Anne's funeral three verse eulogies, carried to Prague within years of her deadi, which commemorate Anne of Bohemia in explicit terms. The eulogies, which I edit and discuss in the appendix, are valuable indications of die ways in which Anne's piety was construed and then used to advance royalist devotional and political agendas. In the discussion which follows I restrict my commentary primarily to issues of manuscript context and transmission history, as well as to the origin and audiorship of the eulogies. Social and political implications, together with considerations of historical context, will be addressed more fully as part of a book-length study on Angloimperial relations which I am currendy revising.ManuscriptsOf the three eulogies, only the poem beginning Anglica regina' survives in two witnesses (Prague, Knihovna Metropolitni Kapituly (hereinafter PKMK) MS H.i 5, fol. 9or; and PKMK MS D. 12, fol. 2.17^sup r-v^), with the other two poems ('Femina famosa' and 4NoHs natura florem')7 extant in a single copy (PKMK MS H.i 5, fols 9o^sup v^ and 9o^sup v^- 92^sup r^, respectively). The poems in both manuscripts are copied in Bohemian hands - the D.i 2 poem in a competent book hand, the H. …

Articles and Publications

Articles and Publications Christopher Densmore and Barbara Addison Recent studies of the early years of Quakerism in Britain include Stephen A. Timmons, “From Persecution to Toleration in the West Country, 1672–1692,” The Historian 68.3 (Fall 2006), 461–488; Sünne Juterczenka, “Crossing Borders and Negotiating Boundaries: The Seventeenth-Century European Missions and Persecution,” Quaker Studies 12.1 (September 2007), 39–53; and Justine Williams, “Dispute and Print in Cambridge, 1659,” The Journal of the Friends Historical Society 61.2 (2007), 124–135. A number of articles examine the theology of early Quakerism, including Martha Paxson Grundy, “Learning to be Quaker: Spiritual Formation and Religious Education among Early Friends,” Quaker Studies 11.2 (March 2007), 151 -165; Hilary Hinds and Alison Findlay “The Journal of George Fox: A Technology of Presence,” Quaker Studies 12.1 (September 2007), 89–106; Stephen W. Angell, “Early Friends’ Views of the Sacraments,” Quaker Religious Thought, 109 (December 2007), 8–16; Timothy W. Seid, “The New and Eternal Covenant,” Quaker Religious Thought 109 (December 2007) 16–29; and Bernadette Smith, “The Testimony of Martha Simmonds, Quaker,” Quaker Studies 12.1 (September 2007), 26–38. Richard Allen, “Turning Hearts to Break Off the Yoke of Oppression’: The Travels and Sufferings of Christopher Meidel c.1659–c.1715,” Quaker Studies 12.1 (September 2007), 54–72, concerns a Norwegian Quaker who was imprisoned in both England and the Continent in the early 1700s. Two articles focus on William Penn: Michael Graves, “Travelers Here in this Vale of Tears: William Penn Preaches a Funeral Sermon,” Quaker Studies 12.1 (September 2007), 7–25, examines Penn as a public speaker though a 1688 sermon on the death of Rebecca Travers (1609–1688); and James Robertson, “William Penn, the Oglethorpes and an Election in Haslemere: A New Letter,” The Journal of the Friends Historical Society 61.2 (2007), 136–143. The long history of the Muggletonians, who sometimes clashed with the Quakers in the seventeenth century, is covered in a monograph by William M. Lamont, Last Witnesses: The Muggletonian History 1652–1979, Aldershot, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, c2006. A major contribution to British Quaker studies is Edward H. Milligan’s Biographical Dictionary of British Quakers in Commerce and Industry 1775–1920, York [England]: Sessions Book Trust, 2007, with 2800 individual biographies with detailed indexes and appendices on Quaker practices and procedures. Melanie [End Page 58] Barber, “Tales of the Unexpected: Glimpses of Friends in the Archives of Lambeth Palace Library,” The Journal of the Friends Historical Society 61.2 (2007), 87–123, uncovers sources of Quaker history in the principal research library of the Church of England ranging from eighteenth century visitation reports to twentieth century collaborations on peace. Edwina Newman, “‘Children of Light and Sons of Darkness’: Quakers, Oaths and the Old Bailey Proceedings in the Eighteenth Century,” Quaker Studies 12.1 (September 2007), 73–88, uses court records to document Quakers and attitudes toward Quakerism. Deutsche Quäk-erschriften des 18. Jahrhunderts, edited with an introduction by Claus Bernet, Hildesheim; Zürich; New York, NY: Olms, 2007, contains facsimile reproductions of early Quaker writings by Joseph Gurney Bevan, Ludwig Seebohm, Benjamin Holme, Robert Barclay, Mary Brook, William Penn, and Heinrich Meyer. Edwina Newman, “Some Quaker Attitudes to the Printed Word in the Nineteenth Century,” Quaker Studies 11.2 (March 2007), 180–191, examines the library of an English meeting in Worcestershire. The Diary of Joshua Whiting (1820–1909) of Hitchin, Hertfordshire from 1861 to 1873: Citizen, Countryman and Quaker, compiled by Sarah Graham, York [England]: William Sessions Ltd., 2006, documents the life of a Quaker clerk and amateur beekeeper. The case of American Quaker martyrs is the subject of Jon Pahl, “Founding an Empire of Sacrifice: Innocent Domination and the Quaker Martyrs of Boston, 1659–1661,” 97–113 in Belief and Bloodshed: Religion and Violence Across Time and Tradition, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007. John Rogers and the Rogerenes of New London, Connecticut, a group with affinities to Quakerism, is the subject of Susan Chongmi Kim, Mr. Rogers’s Neighborhood: Religious Dissent in New London, 1674–1721, Thesis (Ph. D.)—University of California Los Angeles, 2006. Sharon Braslaw Sundue, “Confining the Poor to Ignorance? Eighteenth-Century American Experiments...