Frequency Of Spanking Research Articles

Spanking and children's social competence: Evidence from a US kindergarten cohort study

BackgroundSpanking is a risk factor for children's social competency. However, establishing causality is a challenge, given selection bias in samples and the possibility of confounding the harms of excessive spanking with the effects of infrequent spanking. ObjectiveThis study addressed these causality issues to strengthen the causal estimates of the links between spanking and children's social competency. Participants and settingThe study used longitudinal US kindergarten cohort data from children aged 5 to 7. MethodsThe study used matching and lagged dependent variables to mitigate selection bias associated with lifetime (Ns = 17,171–17,537) and recent (Ns = 10,393–10,724) incidence of spanking. Cases in which spanking frequency exceeded two times a week were excluded. Sample sizes are provided in ranges due to the variations across multiple imputed samples. ResultsLifetime experience of spanking by age 5 was associated with higher externalizing behaviors at ages 6 and 7, and with lower self-control and interpersonal skills at age 6. A recent incidence of spanking at age 5 was associated with higher externalizing behaviors, lower self-control, and lower interpersonal skills at ages 6 and 7. These results remain significant after cases of frequent spanking were excluded. ConclusionThe results support the argument that spanking harms children's social development.

Spanking and subsequent behavioral problems in toddlers: A propensity score-matched, prospective study in Japan

Harsh or frequent spanking in early childhood is an established risk factor for later childhood behavioral problems as well as mental disorder in adulthood in Western societies. However, few studies have been conducted in Asian populations, where corporal punishment is relatively accepted. Moreover, the impacts of occasional spanking on subsequent behavioral problems remain uncertain. This study sought to investigate prospectively the association between the frequency of spanking of toddlers and later behavioral problems in Japanese children using national birth cohort data. We used data from the Longitudinal Survey of Newborns in the 21st Century, a population-based birth cohort data set collected by the Japanese Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare (N=29,182). Frequency of spanking (“never”, “sometimes” and “always”) and child behavioral problems were assessed via a caregiver questionnaire when the child was 3.5 years old and again at 5.5 years. Propensity score matching was used to examine the association between frequency of spanking and child behavioral problems, adjusting for parental socioeconomic status, child temperament and parenting behaviors. Compared to children who were never spanked, occasional spanking (“sometimes”) showed a higher number of behavioral problems (on a 6-point scale) (coefficient: 0.11, 95% CI: 0.07–0.15), and frequent spanking (“always”) showed an even larger number of behavioral problems compared with “sometimes” (coefficient: 0.08, 95% CI:0.01–0.16). Spanking of any self-reported frequency was associated with an increased risk for later behavioral problems in children.

Maternal Treatment Acceptability and Preference of Room Time-Out and Deferred Time-Out Escape Contingencies

ABSTRACTMaternal preference and acceptability were examined for two methods of addressing time-out escape behavior: room time-out (RTO) and deferred time-out (DTO). With respect to preference, mothers were split about evenly. Spanking frequency and previous effectiveness using privilege removal were associated with preference for DTO while previous effectiveness using RTO was associated with preference for RTO. Child age was negatively associated with acceptability for either treatment and lax parenting style was negatively associated with acceptability for DTO. Results suggest that DTO could provide an alternative escape contingency for mothers who spank their children or who have been unsuccessful using RTO.

A Cross-cultural Comparison of Interpersonal Violence in the Lives of College Students from Two Colleges from The Bahamas and the United States of America

There is a dearth of studies that compare interpersonal violence cross nationally. This paper reports the findings of a cross-sectional study which compares and contrasts violence in the lives of 740 college students, as children and as adults, in The Bahamas and the United States of America. Overall, students in The Bahamas were subjected to more violence (more frequently spanked) than their American counterparts. Frequency of spanking when the student was a preteen and teenager were linked to anger outbursts in adulthood, and higher numbers of anger outbursts were linked with violent behaviours of students. Although Bahamian students were exposed to more violence than the American students, this did not result in Bahamian students being more violent than American students in interpersonal relationships. However, Bahamian students were more likely than American students to anticipate using corporal punishment on their children and to condone violence in marital relationships.

What Is the Link Between Corporal Punishment and Child Physical Abuse?

This study aimed to contribute to the literature on corporal punishment by examining the link between spanking and child physical abuse. First, we examined the extent to which individuals who experienced spanking in childhood were at greater risk of also experiencing physical abuse by their parents. Second, we examined various parenting and family factors that could distinguish between spanking that occurred within and without a physically abusive context. A sample of 370 university students completed a questionnaire on disciplinary experiences at age 10. Results suggested that individuals who indicated having experienced spanking during childhood were at greater risk of also having experienced physical abuse. Among individuals who indicated having experienced spanking, greater spanking frequency, perceptions of impulsiveness in parental discipline, and reports of physical violence between parents significantly increased the risk of physical abuse. This research contributes to the growing evidence on the risks associated with child corporal punishment.

The Effect of Head Start on Parenting Outcomes for Children Living in Non-parental Care

We examined the effect of Head Start on parenting outcomes for children living in nonparental care, or living with someone other than biological, adoptive, or step-parent. Data came from the Head Start Impact Study, a nationally representative and randomized controlled trial of Head Start-eligible children and families. Parenting outcomes included receipt of supportive services, receipt of home visiting, parental involvement at home and at school, and frequency of spanking. Regression analyses indicated positive effects of Head Start on receipt of supportive services and home visiting, and on decreases in spanking, as well as marginal effects on greater preschool-based parent involvement (e.g., attending conferences and workshops and classroom volunteering). No effect was detected of Head Start on home-based involvement (i.e., frequency parent–child book reading and enrichment activities). These findings add to an emerging line of research suggesting that early childhood programs, such as Head Start, may be an effective and practical way of supporting non-parental families with preschool-aged children. Findings also identify potential areas for improvement in supporting non-parental families and the need for more research to further understand the role of early care and education in the lives of nonparental families.

Longitudinal Links Between Spanking and Children’s Externalizing Behaviors in a National Sample of White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian American Families

This study examined whether the longitudinal links between mothers' use of spanking and children's externalizing behaviors are moderated by family race/ethnicity, as would be predicted by cultural normativeness theory, once mean differences in frequency of use are controlled. A nationally representative sample of White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian American families (n = 11,044) was used to test a cross-lagged path model from 5 to 8 years old. While race/ethnic differences were observed in the frequency of spanking, no differences were found in the associations of spanking and externalizing over time: Early spanking predicted increases in children's externalizing while early child externalizing elicited more spanking over time across all race/ethnic groups.

Speak softly – and forget the stick: corporal punishment and child physical abuse

. Zolotor A. J., Theodore A. D., Chang J. J., Berkoff M. C. & Runyan D. K. ( 2008 ) , 35 , 364 – 369 . DOI: 10.1016/j.amepre.2008.06.031 . Background Previous studies have shown an association between spanking and child physical abuse. However, the relationship between more frequent and severe corporal punishment and abuse remains unknown. The objective of this study was to examine the associations between reported spanking, spanking frequency or spanking with an object and the odds of physical abuse in a representative sample of mothers from North and South Carolina.Methods This study is a cross‐sectional, anonymous telephone survey of adult mothers with children aged <18 years living in the Carolinas in 2002. The analysis was conducted in 2007. Survey responses were used to determine the association between corporal punishment (spanking, spanking frequency and spanking with an object) and an index of harsh physical punishment consistent with physical abuse (beating, burning, kicking, hitting with an object somewhere other than the buttocks, or shaking a child aged <2 years).Results Mothers who report that the child was spanked are 2.7 (95% CI = 1.2, 6.3) times more likely to report abuse. Increases in the frequency of reported spanking in the last year are also associated with increased odds of abuse (OR = 1.03, 95% CI = 1.01, 1.06). Mothers reporting spanking with an object are at markedly increased odds of reporting abuse (OR = 8.9, 95% CI = 4.1, 19.6).Conclusions Although reported spanking increases the odds of reported physical abuse, the relationship between the reported hitting of a child with an object and reported abuse is much stronger. Reduction in this form of discipline through media, educational and legislative efforts may reduce child physical abuse.

Speak Softly—and Forget the Stick: Corporal Punishment and Child Physical Abuse

Previous studies have shown an association between spanking and child physical abuse. However, the relationship between more frequent and severe corporal punishment and abuse remains unknown. The objective of this study was to examine the associations between reported spanking, spanking frequency, or spanking with an object and the odds of physical abuse in a representative sample of mothers from North and South Carolina. This study is a cross-sectional, anonymous telephone survey of adult mothers with children aged<18 years living in the Carolinas in 2002. The analysis was conducted in 2007. Survey responses were used to determine the association between corporal punishment (spanking, spanking frequency, and spanking with an object) and an index of harsh physical punishment consistent with physical abuse (beating, burning, kicking, hitting with an object somewhere other than the buttocks, or shaking a child aged<2 years). Mothers who report that the child was spanked are 2.7 (95% CI=1.2, 6.3) times more likely to report abuse. Increases in the frequency of reported spanking in the last year are also associated with increased odds of abuse (OR=1.03, 95% CI=1.01, 1.06). Mothers reporting spanking with an object are at markedly increased odds of reporting abuse (OR=8.9, 95% CI=4.1, 19.6). Although reported spanking increases the odds of reported physical abuse, the relationship between the reported hitting of a child with an object and reported abuse is much stronger. Reduction in this form of discipline through media, educational, and legislative efforts may reduce child physical abuse.

Risk factors for paternal physical child abuse

Objective This study uses the developmental–ecological framework to examine a comprehensive set of paternal factors hypothesized to be linked to risk for paternal child abuse (PCA) among a diverse sample of fathers. Attention was given to fathers’ marital status and their race/ethnicity (White, African American, and Hispanic). Methods Interviews were conducted with 1257 married or cohabiting biological fathers who participated in the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. PCA was assessed when the index children were 3 years old. Analyses included a comprehensive set of self-reported paternal variables as well as controls for maternal variables linked to child maltreatment. PCA was measured using proxy variables: two questions assessing the frequency of spanking in the past month and Parent–Child Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS-PC) [Straus, M., Hamby, S., Finkelhor, D., Moore, D., & Runyan, D. (1998). Identification of child maltreatment with the parent-child conflict tactics scales: Development and psychometric data for a national sample of American parents. Child Abuse & Neglect, 22, 249–270] psychological and physical aggression subscales. Results Bivariate results indicated that Hispanic fathers were the least likely to spank or engage in psychological or physical aggression. Multiple regression analyses indicated that paternal employment and earnings were not significantly associated with PCA. Compared to cohabiting African American fathers, married African American fathers were found to be at greater risk for some forms of PCA. This pattern was not found for White or Hispanic families. Conclusions In this diverse sample of involved, biological fathers, there appear to be multiple potential risk-heightening pathways that vary across race/ethnic groups. With the proper control variables, paternal employment and earnings may not be as directly linked to fathers’ physical abuse risk as has been previously thought. Practice implications There is a need for interventions within the child welfare system that better promote family wellbeing by including fathers in services. Patterns linking paternal socio-demographic and psychosocial factors to psychological and physical child abuse varied as a function of paternal race/ethnicity, indicating that race/ethnic differences are among the important factors that intervention efforts should take into account.

Does endorsement of physical discipline matter? Assessing moderating influences on the maternal and child psychological correlates of physical discipline in African American families.

Using longitudinal data from a subsample of 890 African American families in the Child Development Supplement of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, this study examined whether maternal endorsement of physical discipline moderates the link between (a) maternal psychological distress and spanking frequency and (b) spanking frequency and child depressive symptoms. As predicted, physical discipline administered by nonendorsing mothers was more strongly linked to maternal psychological distress than physical discipline administered by endorsing mothers. Also in keeping with the authors' hypothesis, the relation between spanking frequency and child-reported depressive symptoms was stronger for children of nonendorsing mothers than for children of endorsing mothers. In particular, the positive relation between physical discipline and children's depressive symptoms was significant only for children of nonendorsing mothers. These findings suggest that within-group variation in African American mothers' attitudes about physical discipline partially regulates the conditions under which these mothers use physical discipline and the probability that physical discipline contributes to depressive symptoms in children. Conclusions and implications for future research are discussed.

Spanking in early childhood and later behavior problems: a prospective study of infants and young toddlers.

To explore the relationship of spanking frequency before age 2 with behavior problems near time of entry into school. Children who were younger than 2 years were followed up approximately 4 years later, after they had entered school. The likelihood of significant behavior problems at follow-up was estimated in multivariate analyses that controlled for baseline spanking frequency and other characteristics. Participants were mothers from a large-scale national study and their children. Statistical analysis included an ethnically diverse sample of 1966 children aged 0 to 23 months at baseline. Two dichotomous indicators of behavior problems were used. The first indicated that maternal rating of child behavior problems exceeded a threshold. The second indicated that a mother met with a school administrator to discuss her child's behavior problems. White non-Hispanic children who were spanked more frequently before age 2 were substantially more likely to have behavior problems after entry into school, controlling for other factors. For Hispanic and black children, associations between spanking frequency and behavior problems were not statistically significant and were not consistent across outcome measures. Among white non-Hispanic children but not among black and Hispanic children, spanking frequency before age 2 is significantly and positively associated with child behavior problems at school age. These findings are consistent with those reported in studies of children older than 2 years but extend these findings to children who are spanked beginning at a relatively early age.

Stress, maternal depression, and negative mother–infant interactions in relation to infant attachment

AbstractThis research examined factors contributing to infant attachment security such as stressful events, maternal depression, negative parent–infant interactions, and spanking. The sample included 169 mostly European American mothers and infants who were qualified applicants to Early Head Start. Interview and self‐report measures of contextual stress, mothers' depressive symptoms, mother–infant negative interactions, and discipline strategies were administered by trained researchers when infants were 14 months old. In addition, mothers' completed the Attachment Q‐set (AQS, version 3.0, Waters, 1987). Infant security was lower when maternal depression was higher, when mothers were more dissatisfied in their interactions with infants, and when these infants were spanked more frequently. A path model was constructed to examine the direct and indirect paths from predictor variables to infant attachment security. Maternal depression, negative interactions, and spanking directly affected infant attachment security. Economic stress and relationship stress directly affected maternal depression and frequency of spanking, thereby indirectly influencing infant attachment security. These findings suggest that understanding the influences on infant attachment security is essential for effective early prevention and intervention that promote optimal development. ©2002 Michigan Association for Infant Mental Health.

Employment Status, Psychological Well-Being, Social Support, and Physical Discipline Practices of Single Black Mothers

We investigated the effects of depressive symptomatology, parental stress, and instrumental support on maternal spanking. Although we found no associations between employment status, per se, and the frequency of spanking, our results show that employment seems to matter for its moderating effects on the relationship between mothers' psychological functioning and their decisions to use spanking. Significant interaction effects of employment x depression and employment x parental stress indicate that employment reduced the frequency of spanking by mothers with more symptoms of depression and parental stress. The availability of instrumental support increased the frequency of spanking. This may reflect the possibility that mothers in this study found the help they receive psychologically costly. Socialization theorists and researchers have found that harsh parental discipline is associated with problem behaviors in children, especially hostility and aggression (Baumrind, 1993; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Straus, Sugarman, & Giles-Sims, 1997). However, most of the research on physical discipline (e.g., spanking, hitting) either has focused on middle-class White families (Parke, 1992) or has compared Black families with White, mostly middle-class families. (See, for example, Deater-Deckard, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1996; Gunnoe & Mariner, 1997; Smith & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Strassberg, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 1994.) Little is known about within-group differences in discipline practices among single Black women raising young children in poverty (Harrison, Wilson, Pine, Chan, & Buriel, 1990; McLoyd, 1990; Wilson, 1986). Poverty can diminish the quality of parenting due to persistent daily stressors and parental psychological distress (Conger et al., 1992; McLoyd, 1990). Given the 1996 overhaul of the welfare system, which substitutes time-limited cash assistance and work programs for what was an entitlement, it is important to understand the contexts in which single mothers parent their preschool children, specifically mothers who work in low-wage jobs and those who receive welfare benefits. Some researchers argue that a theoretical perspective of risk and resilience should guide the study of poor and near-poor Black families (McLoyd, 1990; Spencer, 1990). Rather than regarding such families as uniformly at risk in difficult social contexts, this perspective highlights the differential and interactive influences of individual, family, and environmental variables in efforts to better understand which individuals are at risk for negative outcomes. Similar to Bronfenbrenner's (1988) person-process-context model, McLoyd and her colleagues (1990; McLoyd & Wilson, 1992) posit that an accumulation of risks is associated with poverty and economic hardship (e.g., female headship, limited access to social support, diminished capacity for responsive and supportive parenting). These risks may have different effects on family processes, depending on the presence of protective factors (key among them, maternal psychological well-being). For example, it is hypothesized that parental depressed mood is a central mechanism through which economic circumstances influence parenting behavior and, thereby, child outcomes. (See Conger et al., 1992.) Indeed, research has consistently shown that parents who experience economic stress display less nurturance and more harshness in their responses to their children (Lempers, Clark-Lempers, & Simons, 1989; McLoyd & Wilson, 1992). Studies also have reported that mothers who score higher in depressive symptoms are more likely than their less-depressed counterparts to experience parenting as arduous and disappointing and to rely on aversive, coercive disciplinary techniques (Conger, McCarty, Yang, Lahey, & Kroop, 1984; Crnic & Greenberg, 1987; McLoyd, 1990; Patterson, 1986). Our investigation examines the issue of physical discipline and uses data obtained for the first wave of a larger ongoing study of single Black mothers who received welfare benefits and former welfare recipients who were employed in low-wage jobs in New York City. …

Multiple risks and comorbidity in an African‐American population

AbstractSocial problems tend to cluster, developing in similar areas, seemingly produced in similar families, and menacing similar individuals. This fact gives rise to questions about whether the same or different conditions predict violence, depression and alcoholism, whether co‐occurrences of morbidity are attributable to similar risk conditions creating alternative ‘outcomes’ or to the co‐occurrence of risk conditions, whether males and females are equally exposed to risk conditions, and whether adverse (and protective) conditions affect males and females similarly. To answer these questions, we used information about 456 males and 497 females who were part of a panel first studied when they entered elementary school, in 1966, and subsequently interviewed at the age of 32. Six risk factors were considered. Aggressiveness, intelligence, school attendance and frequency of spanking were measured when the panel was in first grade; age at leaving home and exposure to discrimination were measured retrospectively. Risk factors available when children were in first grade were reasonably effective predictors of morbidity 26 years later. The risk factors predicting violence differed from those predicting depression and alcoholism. In addition, some risk factors that increased the likelihood of depression in females increased the likelihood of alcoholism in males. Males were more likely to be exposed to multiple risks, but also males and females appear to have somewhat different responses to similar risk conditions. These results are discussed. Copyright © 1997 Whurr Publishers Ltd.

Spanking Infants and Toddlers: Maternal Belief and Practice

To describe maternal beliefs and practices of spanking infants and toddlers and the relations between factors affecting these beliefs and practices. Cross-sectional survey. Site 1 was an inner-city teaching hospital pediatric clinic. Site 2 was a private pediatrician's office in a nearby suburban neighborhood. Mothers of children less than 4 years old in the waiting area. Site 1: n = 104; site 2: n = 100. Systematic sample of convenience. Mothers were interviewed using a 20-minute structured questionnaire. Measures were constructed to assess beliefs (Cronbach's alpha = .90) and practices about spanking and approach to discipline (alpha > .71). Belief in spanking correlated significantly (P < .001) with belief in negative approach (r = .52) and with the practice (r = .46) and severity (r = .34) of spanking. Nineteen percent of the mothers believed that there are times when it is appropriate to spank a child less than 1 year old, and 74% believed this about children 1 to 3 years old. Forty-two percent reported that they had spanked their own child in the past week. Mothers believed more strongly in spanking for dangerous misbehaviors than for annoying ones (P < .001). Belief in spanking and negative approach were stronger for older toddlers (P < .001). Belief in and frequency of spanking were more common at the inner-city site (P < .001). The belief in and practice of spanking are prevalent in disciplining very young children. The context of the spanking affects beliefs and practices. The finding that belief and practice of spanking are highly correlated suggests that belief rather than impulse largely explains spanking of children less than 4 years old. The high correlation between spanking and negative approach toward discipline raises questions about whether negative consequences of spanking are the result of spanking per se, the negative approach toward the child, or both.