Editorial independence and freedom of expression are not self-evident in 21st century European Union. Although the Press Freedom Index monitors the situation on a yearly basis, we ask in the context of two Baltic states – Estonia and Latvia, what the improvement of Latvia’s ranking and deterioration of Estonia’s tells us about freedom of press (FoP) and freedom of expression (FoE) in these two countries. As we differentiate between FoP and FoE in the current article, our aim is to evaluate who the agents are that play a key role in ensuring both. The main objective of this article is to propose an agent-oriented approach for the assessment of the trends concerning the practices of FoE and press freedom in Estonia and Latvia. We conclude that cases from Estonia and Latvia illustrate how the actions and non-actions from individual and institutional agents could have detrimental effect on both the FoE and of the press, even when the highest court instances and legal frameworks are generally supportive of these freedoms.

The Bahá’í faith derives from Babì movement and takes its first steps in Persia duringthe first half of the 19th century. Bahà’u’llàh reveals to be the new Manifestation of God in 1863.Thanks to his successors, the Bahá’í faith transcended its geographical boundaries, initially Persianand Arab, by embracing Western Countries and adapting its characteristics to those cultural contexts.Commencing from my doctoral project, the contribution aims to focus on the presence of theBahá’í religious minority in Tunisia, which arrived in the 1920s of the 20th century. The Country,in addition to the Bahá’í one, welcomes the Shiite Muslim minority, as well as various Christians,which can be categorized as indigenous (converted Tunisians), European, Sub-Saharan, and theJew minority. The presence of the Bahá’í community, as reported by the Association of ReligiousData Archives (ARDA), is estimated to be around 2,000 believers, however, it appears to engage ina fluid coexistence with other religions and navigate a cold conflict within a predominantly SunniMuslim context. The oral testimonies range from examples of “peaceful coexistence” to “fear ofopenly declaring oneself”. Moreover, they reveal that the number of believers ranges between 200and 250, as many believers do not officially declare their affiliation.Prior to the Revolution in 2011,nobody dared to openly acknowledge their affiliation with the Bahá’í faith; subsequently, thanksto a newfound spirit that has animated religious, national, and ethnic minorities (including Berberand Black communities) – Bahá’í adherents have reported an increased sense of freedom ofexpression. However, instances of believers experiencing apprehension regarding potential acts ofviolence and discrimination persist.

Abstract With the advent of social media and a unique brand voice, brand communications frequently employ artificial intelligence (AI) to facilitate timely interactions across the many channels of communication, and often integrate communications. This research seeks to investigate the influence of an AI-regulated brand voice on the freedom of expression (FOE) when communicating on social media. A qualitative research design is implemented based on content analysis. The research gap was identified by reviewing the role of brand voice using AI, the application of AI to monitor freedom of expression, and the study of integrating FOE in brand voice generation using AI. Various case studies were used to conclude that AI-regulated brand voice has a substantial impact on the freedom of expression on social media, which is frequently governed by privacy rules. This study establishes that a brand’s communication in its social media portfolio is governed by national and international laws that regulate freedom of expression and thus have legal implications. This study suggests that AI must be fed information to prevent content such as hate speech, bullying, and so on, and produce a brand voice with checkpoints for human validation and verification to maintain general societal decorum.

The main purpose of this article is to stimulate and contribute to the debate aboutthe role of the media in South Africa as a developing country. Against the backgroundof an overview of the relationship between the government of apartheid and themedia, and the similarity of this relationship to the conflict between the AfricanNational Congress (ANC) government and the media in 2000 and the early part of2001, it is argued that there is a need to rethink the role of the media in South Africa.Such rethinking could start with a revaluation of the values underlining the conceptof "freedom of expression". Both the media and the government use the concept of"freedom of expression" as a basis for their interpretation and debate about the role ofthe media in South Africa. Yet, the historical development of the concept, the valuesassociated with it, and its meaning and relevance in terms of the nature of present daysociety, including developing societies such as South Africa, are seldom investigatedand debated. In short, the concept is taken for granted and dealt with as a matter ofcourse without critical consideration of its content, the values it embodies and itsapplicability to modern democracies. From such a point of view, a starting-point fordiscussing the role of the media in South Africa could be a critical investigation ofwhether the meaning(s) and values attached to the basic concept of "freedom ofexpression" are still appropriate today. For the government, it would entail a criticalinvestigation of the compatibility of the concept of "freedom of expression" with thedevelopmental role they want the media to play. For the media, it would mean aninvestigation into whether their modes of operation, their production of content andtheir distribution of information and meaning are still in line with the original valuesassociated with the development of the concept. Tentative arguments to support thisview are presented in this article.

The purpose of this article is to propose/justify a new model for South African public servicebroadcasting, namely, distributed public service broadcasting. The justification is done againstthe background of a description of the changed and converged new media environment broughtabout by technological developments with the concomitant new production, content anddistribution challenges and with interactivity as the new foundation of communicator-audiencerelationships. It is argued that the new media environment requires new thinking about publicservice broadcasting (PSB). The need for a new model is further justified against the backgroundof the continued governance, managerial and financial problems the South African BroadcastingCorporation (SABC) has been experiencing for more than a decade, which has led to a new butcontroversial Public Service Broadcasting Bill (2009/2010) in an attempt to address the problems.It is argued that the problems will not be resolved. Instead, a new broadcasting model should ratherbe considered. It should, however, be emphasised that distributed public service broadcasting asa new model is only introduced in this article. Detail about the model is the topic of additionalresearch that has yet to be done. Finally, the article should be read against the background ofwhat were, at the time of writing in 2010, a number of serious governmental threats to freedomof expression with government proposing, inter alia, the introduction of a controversial Bill on theProtection of Information and also of a Media Appeals Tribunal – both of these constituting furtherthreats to the autonomy of the public broadcaster and which makes it even more urgent that anew broadcasting model be considered. The above topics are addressed in separate parts of thearticle dealing with context, problems besetting South African public service broadcasting, pastand present efforts to address the problems, a justification for a new model – one focusing on thenew converged and digitised media environment – new thinking about regulation, the changednature of social responsibility, a semiotic justification,

In 1996, the late Prof JMT Labuschagne wrote an article dealing with the limits of freedom of speech and hate speech (“Menseregtelike en Strafregtelike Bekamping van Groepsidentiteitmatige Krenking en Geweld” 1996 De Jure 23). He discussed freedom of expression and hate speech in the United States of America, various European countries, South Africa and also within the context of international law. He subsequently discussed the idea of updating his thoughts, taking into consideration the influence of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (4 of 2000, commonly referred to as the “Discrimination Act”). Sadly, he never got around to doing so. Since his 1996 article, much development has taken place in this field including the introduction of the 2004 Draft Prohibition of Hate Speech Bill. The events of 11 September 2001 in the USA and the 2005 bombings in London (and other similar attacks all over the world) have increased intolerance and suspicion between people from different races and religions manyfold. Immediately following the London bombings, it was reported that religious hate crime (that is, attacks targeting England’s Muslim community) had increased by nearly 600% (“Religious Hate Crime Up 600%” 2005-08-0221:14 SA http://www.news24.com visited 2 Aug 2005). Hate speech is regarded as an exception to freedom of speech/expression. The notion of freedom of expression has been discussed at length by various South African writers (Johannessen “A Critical View of the Constitutional Hate Speech Provision: Section 16” 1997 SAJHR 136; Devenish “Freedom of Expression: The ‘Marketplace’ of Ideas”1995 TSAR 442; Carpenter “Fundamental Rights: Is There a Pecking Order?” 1995 Codicillus 27; Johannessen “Freedom of Expression and Information in the New South African Constitution and Its Compatibility with International Standards” 1995 SAJHR 216; Van Rooyen “Censorship in a Future South Africa: A Legal Perspective” 1994 De Jure 283; Nesser “Hate Speech in the New South Africa: Constitutional Considerations for a Land Recovering from Decades of Racial Repression and Violence” 1994 SAJHR 336; and Marcus “Freedom of Expression Under the Constitution” 1994 SAJHR 140). This note briefly touches on some aspects relating to freedomof expression and hate speech and also explores the (rather newly discovered) notion of hate crime. It asks the question whether there is any connection between hate speech and hate crime.

This article discusses the relationship between the right to freedom of expression (FoE) and the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB). These two human rights are often understood to be in a tense relationship, and some see restrictions on FoE as a necessary precondition for full protection of FoRB. This article argues that the two rights are, however, best understood as inextricably interrelated and intertwined, and that restrictions on FoE will very often lead to restrictions on FoRB.

The European Court of Human Rights (the Court, the ECHR) has made a significantcontribution to the protection of social rights in general and labor rights in particular. The articlefocuses on four specific areas that demonstrate the richness of case-law in this area. First of all, theauthor focuses on individual issues related to the general rights of workers, drawing attention to issuesof unfair dismissal, the right to respect for private and family life, freedom of religion and freedomof expression. Secondly, the author dwells on the protection of the rights of migrant workers underthe Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Third, the articleexamines trade union rights in the light of freedom of association. Finally, reflecting the economiclandscape of the past decade, case-law is provided to demonstrate how austerity measures can affecthuman rights and how the Court has responded to this problematic issue.Social rights, including labor rights, have received many advantages from the fact that they wereconsidered in the case-law of the Court, since its practice clarified the boundaries and limited thestate’s unlimited discretion in the management of these rights. At the same time, a certain trend hasformed. If at first the protection of workers’ rights and freedoms sharply increased, which is confirmedby some textbook cases of the ECHR, now it is impossible not to notice a regressive trend that isassociated with labor legislation, expands the discretion of governments and significantly limits theeffectiveness of the Court when considering labor rights. However, this regressive trend should notbe regarded as irreversible. The article highlights how meaningful consideration of soft law principlesallows the Court to take a progressive position that promotes labor rights and how it can continueto help protect workers’ rights.

Book Review: <i>Regardless of Frontiers: Global Freedom of Expression in a Troubled World</i> by Lee C. Bollinger and Agnés Callamard, eds.

The Freedom of Expression and Guiding Controversial Issue in Social Studies

La segunda condena al músico Pablo Hasél por delitos relacionados con actos de expresión (injurias a miembros de la familia real, enaltecimiento del terrorismo e injurias a la policía) ha generado una importante polémica, En este texto se propone un análisis detallado de las expresiones que han dado lugar a la condena, y se confronta el razonamiento de las sentencias condenatorias con los estándares del Tribunal Constitucional y del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos en materia de libertad de expresión.

The current study aimed to evaluate levels of respect for children’s rights showed towards females from 18 to 25 in their childhood, and to interpret their expectations and opinions. Data were collected with open-ended questions in written and qualitatively content-analyzed. The participants were 67 females ranging in age from 18 to 25 from 24 provinces in Turkey. The participants’ statements showed that they felt special and unique in their childhood, their relatives and close others were not allowed to caress them without their consent, they were asked for opinions in matters that concerned them, and their parents gave them the opportunity to spend their free time as they wished. The most valued child rights by the participants were right to play, rest, and spend their free time, right to freedom of expression and thought, and right to receive education. What they did not find the chance to do although they wanted very much were being a child, sightseeing, becoming a family, and being into sports. On the other hand, there were also participants who stated that they could not find the chance to spend their free time as they wished because they had to work, and they were caressed by others without their consent. Considering the results, it may be suggested that the rights of the child be respected and valued more, and various public services, seminars and instructions be made for raising more awareness. Article visualizations:

Treason of Expression: An Alarming Trend in Freedom of Expression

Gunnar Nygren, professor emeritus at Södertörn University, Stockholm, reviews Freedom of Expression in Russia’s New Mediasphere edited by Marielle Wijermars and Katja Lehtisaari.

The Problem of Determining the Limits of Realization of the Right to Freedom of Expression (Exemplified by Child’s Rights)

The paper aims at analysing Sexist Hate Speech, both online and off-line, by characterising the phenomenon under different points of view, providing a comprehensive conspectus of a number of definitions which take into account different aspects of the issue. In particular, a number of factors causing and affecting sexist hate speech are reported, together with a portrait of the different forms that the language of hate may assume such as blatant, covert, and subtle sexism. Besides, an analysis of the boundaries between what constitutes freedom of expression on one hand, and what can be considered as sexist hate speech on the other is provided, with a particular focus on the most relevant articles included in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Another crucial aspect addressed in the current paper deals with the main targets of sexist hate speech, together with an analysis of the causes leading to the use of an abusive and violent language towards certain categories of women, particularly, feminists and human rights defenders. The work also presents a comparative overview of the most important initiatives and legal measures adopted by the UK and some EU countries, in the last few years, to contrast sexist hate speech. Finally, the outcomes of the phenomenon are described in psychological, physical, and emotional terms, with a particular focus on the consequences it carries on the professional and personal life of the women affected.

Este texto acompanha os embates travados entre jornais empresariais, operários, críticos e independentes durante a formulação da primeira lei de imprensa brasileira, procurando evidenciar suas posições e argumentos a favor e contra a imposição de limites ao exercício da liberdade de imprensa. Debate algumas questões em torno da criminalização do exercício da liberdade de expressão em meio às tensões sociais e políticas daqueles primeiros anos da experiência republicana. Destaca articulações entre a definição legal de “crimes de imprensa” com o processo mais amplo de aprovação de leis repressivas para combate ao anarquismo e à expulsão de estrangeiros. Propõe, ainda, que a explicação para a emergência histórica da lei não pode considerar apenas o acirramento das disputas político-eleitorais mas a constituição de mecanismos jurídicos para coibir e limitar a imprensa crítica em geral e a imprensa operária em particular.

La pandemia de la COVID-19 ha supuesto un reto para el Estado de derecho. La aplicación del Derecho de excepción regulado en la Constitución ha introducido restricciones a los derechos fundamentales a fin de proteger la salud de los ciudadanos. En este estudio se examinan el alcance y los límites del estado de alarma en España, como una de las tres modalidades de Derecho de excepción previstas en la Constitución y la Ley Orgánica 4/1981, que permite afrontar el reto de la pandemia sin que sea necesaria la suspensión de derechos fundamentales. Desde esta perspectiva se analiza el impacto de las medidas de excepción adoptadas por el Gobierno sobre el ejercicio de algunos derechos fundamentales y la respuesta judicial a los recursos presentados por los ciudadanos, en especial respecto a la libertad de circulación y el derecho de manifestación, además de la libertad de expresión especialmente a través de las redes sociales, y la garantía del derecho de habeas data. En todos estos casos se examina la aplicación del test de proporcionalidad para evaluar el ejercicio y los límites del poder público en la aplicación de las medidas destinadas a garantizar la sanidad pública y su incidencia sobre estos derechos fundamentales.

Los fundamentos jurídicos y los votos particulares de la primera sentencia ponen de manifiesto que, en la ponderación de los límites a la libertad de expresión de los políticos, se ha de tener en cuenta la circunstancia de que las manifestaciones hayan sido difundidas en campaña electoral así como la relación entre el contenido de las manifestaciones y el programa político de su partido. En el segundo caso analizado, en cambio, las circunstancias que modalizan los límites a la libertad de expresión de un político son valoradas por el daño real de la minoría que se siente lesionada por las declaraciones políticas así como por la gravedad de la sanción impuesta al político. En las dos sentencias que se ha comparado se muestra la dificultad para elaborar criterios generales en la interpretación de los límites a la libertad de expresión de los representantes políticos. La formulación de criterios generales demasiado abstractos, puede que no garantice que se impida el ejercicio abusivo e ilícito de tal derecho. Aún no hay suficiente jurisprudencia como para proponer una construcción dogmática sólida sobre el abuso de derecho en el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión. Asimismo, conviene ser conscientes tanto de las ventajas como de los riesgos que entrañan los conceptos jurídicos convencionales que ya cuentan con una interpretación estable.

Rad sadržava pregled politika vodećih online-platformi u borbi protiv dezinformacija i infodemije kako bi se promislile njihove moguće izravne ili neizravne, kratkoročne ili dugoročne posljedice za medijski pluralizam i informirano građanstvo, uzimajući u obzir značenje platformi u oblikovanju informacijskog okruženja. Metoda istraživanja je analiza dokumenata koje su odabrane platforme objavile od početka koronakrize u veljači do 31. srpnja 2020. kako bi komunicirale promjene svojih politika moderacije sadržaja kao posljedicu te krize. Uključena su i izvješća, koja su u kolovozu 2020. dostavile Europskoj komisiji, o mjerama koje su primijenile kako bi ograničile širenje dezinformacija povezanih s bolešću COV ID-19. Analiza sugerira da su platforme nedvojbeno poduzele niz potencijalno korisnih mjera kako bi odgovorile na izazove širenja lažnih, obmanjujućih i štetnih informacija u pandemiji, ali gotovo svaka od tih mjera sadržava i potencijalan rizik za slobodu izražavanja i medijski pluralizam. Ti rizici ne proizlaze toliko iz samih inicijativa koliko iz nedostatka regulatornog okvira i neravnoteže između odgovornosti i moći koju platforme posjeduju.