This article examines the economic dimension of Malaya–United States relations in the mid-1950s, focusing on the impact of an oversupply (glut) of tin ore and natural rubber on bilateral ties. During 1954–1963, Malaya was a leading world producer of tin and rubber, commodities that were vital to its economy and important to U.S. industry. After the Korean War, however, U.S. strategic stockpiling and the rise of synthetic rubber led to excessive stockpiles and falling prices of these commodities. Relying on newly available primary sources including Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) documents, National Security Council (NSC) policy papers, U.S. Congressional records, and British parliamentary debates (Hansard) – this study finds that the tin and rubber glut strained the otherwise cooperative Malaya–U.S. relationship. Malaya’s export earnings, about 85% derived from tin and rubber, were severely impacted by the price collapse. The Malayan government and British authorities sought U.S. assistance and policy adjustments to stabilize commodity prices, warning of economic distress that could fuel communist insurgency. U.S. officials, while recognizing the issue, prioritized domestic economic concerns and strategic stockpile management, declining to join international price stabilization schemes. The resulting diplomatic frictions included Malayan accusations of bad faith and U.S. dismissal of Malaya’s protests as overly emotional. This article sheds new light on how economic factors specifically commodity surpluses became a significant point of contention in Malaya–U.S. relations on the eve of Malayan independence. It highlights the intersection of economic policy and Cold War strategy, showing that divergent economic interests complicated an anti-communist partnership.

The article investigates the tendencies in the development of Ukraine’s foreign trade activity under the integration challenges of the 1990s–2000s, a period marked by the transition from a centrally planned economic model to a market-based system The relevance of the research lies in the need to comprehend the historical stages of the formation of national foreign economic policy and its role in shaping current trends in the trade and economic cooperation and the realization of the integration strategy. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the specific impact of the Soviet historical and institutional heritage, as well as certain political and economic factors, on the transformation of Ukraine’s foreign economic and integration policies after gaining independence. The theoretical framework of the study draws upon the concepts of economic integration, particularly regionalism, the path dependence approach, and transition economy theory. The research methodology is based on the application of a systemic approach, as well as problem–logical, comparative, and statistical analysis methods. It is argued that the collapse of production and trade chains following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, along with the inefficiency of Ukraine’s economic liberalization due to the low competitiveness of national producers and the underdevelopment of the domestic market, led to the reproduction of economic interdependence between Ukraine and Russia in the 1990s–2000s. This, in turn, preserved Russia’s politico-economic influence as that of the main consumer of Ukraine’s strategic exports and the monopolistic supplier of critical imports. The research identifies the key politico-economic determinants that constrained the diversification of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations and its economic integration with Europe during the 1990s–2000s. Among them are: the inertia of historically established trade and economic cooperation with Russia, and, consequently, the reproduction of the existing production structure; the systemic nature of Russian political pressure and manipulation; institutional hybridity (the aspiration toward European standards while retaining Soviet-era practices); the ideological and value ambivalence of Ukrainian society; and the insufficient political interest of the EU in Ukraine. Under these conditions, economic transformation failed to bring about deep structural changes in production, while the implementation of the European vector of foreign trade policy remained largely declarative and fragmented.

At the beginning of the 19th century, Ottoman–Iranian relations entered a new diplomatic phase shaped by Russia’s expansion in the Caucasus and Britain’s growing influence in the Persian Gulf. This shared perception of external threats led to the establishment of a more structured and representative diplomatic framework between the two empires. This study examines the embassy of Yâsincizâde Abdülvehhâb Efendi, who was appointed as Ottoman ambassador to Iran between 1810 and 1813, in the context of a shifting diplomatic mindset. Yâsincizâde’s mission is analyzed not merely as a temporary diplomatic engagement, but as a form of ideological, sectarian, and cultural representation by a figure from the ulema class. Based on archival sources, the study reveals that his diplomatic reports and observations provided critical input to the central administration, contributing to the development of more institutionalized and long-term strategies in Ottoman policy toward Iran. By focusing on the transitional character of his embassy, the paper reassesses the evolving role of religious scholars in Ottoman foreign relations and situates this case between the classical sefaretnâme tradition and emerging modern diplomatic practices.

This article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the place and role of the prince as the central figure of state administration in the system of the Galicia-Volhynia Principality (1199–1349), which became the highest form of political organisation of the Ukrainian lands in the Middle Ages. It shows that after the decline of the Kyiv centre, it was the power of the Galician-Volhynian princes, starting with Roman Mstyslavych, that took over the functions of the supreme ruler of all Rus’, ensuring the continuity of the state tradition of Rus’. The prince’s power was based on a combination of his personal authority and the administrative hierarchy he had established, which included government positions such as courtier, seal keeper, thousand commander, posadniks, stolniks, otroks, voivodes and other officials of the court and patrimonial apparatus. The prince led the army, managed foreign relations, appointed government officials, exercised judicial jurisdiction, and controlled the financial sphere. It has been determined that his power was sacral and legitimate in nature and was perceived as a source of legality and law and order. Despite the influence of the boyars and the existence of veche institutions, the 13th century saw a trend towards centralisation of power and restriction of the role of the oligarchy, as evidenced by the reforms of Danylo Halytskyi and Lev Danylovych. An important place is occupied by the diplomatic activities of the princes, who actively maintained contacts with the Papal See, Hungary, Poland, Lithuania, the Golden Horde, and the Teutonic Order, acting as independent subjects of international law. Danylo’s coronation in 1253 in Dorogichin cemented the status of the state as the Kingdom of Rus, legitimised the titles and symbols of monarchical power (crown, seal, coat of arms, flag), bringing it closer to European standards of medieval rule. In the article, the author highlights the formation of the court and judicial system, the functioning of the princely chancellery, and the transformation of the concept of power from collective to personified, reflecting the general European trends of the 13th century. In conclusion, it is proven that the prince in the Galician-Volhynian state was not only a military and political leader, but also the main bearer of legality, judicial justice and state sovereignty, and his power became the key basis for the further development of the Ukrainian monarchical tradition.

ABSTRACT This article examines the Cold War strategies of Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand towards the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from 1949 to the 1980s. As members of the Commonwealth and close allies of the United States, these nations pursued dual strategies of containment and engagement. Their policies were shaped by their unique geopolitical positions, historical ties, and national interests. While Britain balanced declining imperial influence with economic and strategic concerns in Hong Kong, Canada engaged the PRC diplomatically while avoiding deeper military commitments to the West. Because Australia and New Zealand were more directly exposed to Asian geopolitical shifts, they emphasised regional security through military cooperation in conflicts such as Korea, Malaya, and Vietnam. This study provides a comparative analysis of how these middle powers deployed military, intelligence, propaganda, and diplomatic strategies to engage with the PRC, often aligning with American policy while asserting independent approaches. Cold War East Asian politics were shaped not only by Sino-American and Sino-Soviet dynamics but also by the actions of Commonwealth nations. The pragmatic engagement of these middle powers – alongside competing interests within the PRC – played a critical role in contributing to the PRC’s gradual opening to the international community. By reassessing the roles played by Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, this article contributes to a more nuanced understanding of Cold War Asia and the enduring legacy of Commonwealth strategies in shaping contemporary PRC foreign relations.

Horn of Africa still faces serious regional conflicts, and needs a detailed historical analysis regarding the Cold War era. Historical research shows that despite the era of détente, new Soviet geopolitical successes were demonstrated. This study examines reasons for Siad Barre's destabilizing efforts to liberate all Somalis, and establish "Greater Somalia". It also tries to find answer how the Soviet Union, which had favoured Somalia previously, switched to the new socialist government in Ethiopia, and why Washington became an ally of Somalia. Due to the massive large-scale military operation aided by the Soviet Union and Cuba, the Somali army was totally defeated. Subsequently, the attack has worsened the country's foreign relations with other states, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has remained divided in the case. In the present study the author attempts to capture the main points of Ogaden conflict by exploring different aspects of foreign interventions in Cold War geopolitical playground, how these factors have led to the fall of déténte politics. Keywords: Horn of Africa, Ethiopia, Greater Somalia, détente, Cold War history

Abstract Foreign relations law, as a genre that aims to build bridges between domestic and international law, is an understudied field in the studies of language use in legal contexts. Drawing on the method of critical genre analysis and the theory of legal speech acts, this comparative genre-pragmatic study between foreign relations laws of the U.S. and China examines foreign relations law as a master speech act and an intertextual and interdiscursive practice. Through analysis of regulative speech acts as well as the intertextual and interdiscursive elements used by drafters, the findings show that the genre of foreign relations law is an interdiscursive continuum with domestic and international legal discourse at two poles, U.S. foreign relations law leans toward the side of international legal discourse while Chinese foreign relations law demonstrates a defensive domestic law orientation, but their position on the continuum is never static but dynamic.

This article examines how wireless media in Iran evolved into radio broadcasting through its entanglement with the Third Reich’s foreign relations. It focuses on the transition from the British-backed wire telegraphy to the German promotion of wireless technologies in Iran, and the establishment of Radio Berlin Persian Service during World War II. This transition from the wired to the wireless phase is discussed in terms of changing media technologies and imaginaries and conceptualised as a cultural transformation from ‘haunted’ to ‘sacred’ media. This media history remains largely neglected in scholarship, mainly because of inattention to a range of primary sources. Drawing on original archival work conducted in the Iran National Library and Archives and the Political Archive of the Federal Foreign Office of Germany, the paper sheds light on the early transformation of wireless media in Iran. It argues that the development of radio broadcasting in the country was shaped by the interplay between foreign political influences, with Radio Berlin’s Persian Service playing a central role, and local technological imaginaries. The article introduces and discusses the potential and limitations of the primary sources necessary for advancing research in Iran’s history of wireless media, radio in particular.

The paper analyzes the impact of the sociocultural and regulatory dimension on the sphere of social trust in the experience of Chinese society. The study of the interaction between law and trust as in the case of Chinese society shows the integration of traditional and innovative aspects; the legal institutionalization of trust is carried out with the supporting function of traditional values. Trust itself acts as a mechanism that ensures the functioning of legal, political, and economic relations. A study of China’s experience shows the importance of a social trust resource in shaping and ensuring the development of legal, political, and economic institutions. Trust allows the Chinese public system to effectively manage, minimize the risks of external influence, and increase the efficiency of processes. The analysis of the Chinese example shows the key role of the sociocultural potential of society in the formation of a unique space of trust within the country and its impact on the construction of foreign policy relations. Trust allows us to achieve and implement the key principles of international communication, namely openness, transparency, explainability, while maintaining a balance of internal and external, security and development. According to the author’s position, these approaches have prospects of application in Russia.

The geostrategic dynamics between the two great powers, the United States and China—especially as they pertain to Taiwan—command intense scrutiny due to their profound implications for global stability and security. This study conducts a forward-looking analysis of Sino-American Taiwan policies by reviewing reports issued by both governments and leading think tanks. Sources include U.S. Department of State Taiwan policy documents; reports from prominent U.S. research organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations and the Brookings Institution; as well as policy statements from China’s Taiwan Affairs Office under the State Council, and research from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences’ Taiwan Research Institute, Xiamen University’s Taiwan Research Institute, and the Center for China and Globalization. We employ a futures-oriented methodology grounded in the “Four Steps to the Future” model, integrating scenario planning, Causal Layered Analysis (CLA), and Emerging Issues Analysis (EIA). Scenario planning explores alternative futures shaped by critical uncertainties and driving forces; CLA probes the deeper causes of problems across litany, systemic social causes, worldview, and metaphorical layers; and EIA identifies emerging trends and weak signals that may influence the future. Together, these approaches enable a comprehensive assessment of current policies and their long-term effects. We further enrich our framework with insights from game theory and the theory of unrestricted warfare to more accurately simulate potential future scenarios. The study constructs four distinct future scenarios illustrating possible trajectories of U.S. and Chinese Taiwan policies. Each scenario incorporates varying degrees of cooperation, conflict, and external drivers, offering insights into policy choices, technological advances, and shifts in the geostrategic environment. By integrating Western and Chinese perspectives, this research provides a balanced analysis of Taiwan’s complex geopolitical challenges and offers policymakers, scholars, and stakeholders critical foresight into the range of futures that may unfold.

The proliferation of small arms and light weapons [SALWs] in the East African region has negatively impacted national and regional security. Porous and expansive borders, corruption and instability in the region, commercialisation of cattle rustling, weak governments and the presence of ungoverned spaces in the region have facilitated the proliferation of SALWs in the region. The purpose of this research was to explore the initiatives adopted by Kenya and Uganda, both individually and collaboratively, for the control of the proliferation of SALWs in East Africa. The study was guided by the regionalism theory of interstate cooperation and a descriptive survey design. The sampled respondents, totaling 55, were drawn from security agencies, civil society members, foreign relations offices, non-state actors, and religious leaders. Instrumentation encompassed questionnaires, focus group discussions, and interviews. The qualitative data was subjected to thematic analysis and presented in its original form, while the quantitative data was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and presented using tables and graphs. The study found that, by understanding the challenges and dynamics at play, stakeholders would certainly implement strategies that not only control the spread of the dangerous but also address the underlying causes of violence and insecurity in the study area. The article showed that various initiatives, including disarmament programmes and legislative and regulatory measures, were in place in the Kenya-Uganda border effort. Various outcomes of the control of proliferation merged, as the results show that 75% strongly agreed that, to a large extent, specific goals and objectives set for each initiative have been achieved. The study suggests strengthening human resource capacity, utilizing technology for surveillance, and enhancing the terms and conditions of security forces in the EA countries.

This work examines the Xuanquan Manuscripts from Dunhuang to explore the significant role of Han Dynasty women in fostering exchanges in the early Silk Road. Through marriage alliances and attendant diplomatic activities, Han princesses and their maidservants not only weakened the Xiongnus influence in the Western Regions but also consolidated the authority of the Han Dynasty. Princess Jieyou of the Wusun, in particular, established a pro-Han network through marital and political strategies, strengthening ties with states such as Wusun and Kucha. Her maidservant Feng Liao also acted as a female envoy, mediating conflicts and maintaining frontier stability. Meanwhile, women such as the Lady of the King of Kucha, who came to other Western Regions for marriage alliances also continued their pro-Han policy, promoting friendly exchanges between these Western Regions and the Han Dynasty, and constantly expanding the Han Dynastys influence and control in the Western Regions. The Xuanquan Manuscripts provide valuable first-hand evidence that compensates for the neglect of womens diplomatic contributions in traditional historiography. By highlighting women as key participants in early Silk Road exchanges, this paper offers a new perspective on Han foreign relations and the role of gender in diplomacy.

Abstract Intense partisanship has become a major corrupting influence in the formulation of, and debate about, U.S. foreign policy, with domestic political opponents often being seen as enemies as much as foreign adversaries are. This pattern has become significantly more marked during the past three decades for reasons related to the end of the Cold War, the revolution in Republican Party tactics led by Newt Gingrich, and the fractionation of information into politically defined silos. Partisan-motivated behaviors include efforts to outbid the opposing party on themes that appeal to popular emotions but do not serve national interests. They also include opposition for the sake of opposition and sabotage of the other party’s conduct of foreign relations. Consequences have included unnecessary embroilment in foreign conflicts, sacrifice of diplomatic opportunities, meddling in domestic U.S. affairs by foreign regimes, deterioration of foreign policy infrastructure, and exacerbation of public misconceptions. Prospects for improvement of the situation are poor, given the absence of factors that have rescued the nation from intense partisanship in the past.

The aftermath of World War II represented a pivotal moment for Turkish foreign policy, during which the country reoriented its international position in light of emerging Cold War tensions. As the global landscape shifted toward a rigid bipolar configuration after the war, defined by the intensifying competition between Western liberalism and Soviet communism, Türkiye’s room for maneuver in pursuing a balanced foreign policy was substantially reduced. Confronted with growing strains in its relationship with the Soviet Union, Türkiye progressively aligned itself with the Western bloc and embraced a pronounced anti-communist posture. This study explores how anti-communism functioned as both a foreign policy principle and a domestic political tool, with Adnan Menderes’s 1959 visit to Francoist Spain serving as a focal point. The visit, backed by military symbolism and reinforced in press narratives, revealed Türkiye’s active role in Cold War politics and higlighted how anti-communist alliances shaped foreign relations and public discourse. Through an exploration of archival records and press narratives, the study demonstrates how Türkiye’s foreign engagements were strategically framed to reinforce its identity as a loyal member of the anti-communist ‘free world’.

Foreign economic activity of Ukraine is a lever for the economic growth by creating favorable conditions for a balanced government budget; promoting the improvement of the state’s competitiveness; and improving social wellness. The main structural element of foreign economic activity is foreign trade, because of the scale of the financial level and of promoting the development of external relations between countries, including integration ones. Economic and mathematical modeling of the processes of foreign economic activity, primarily foreign trade, will contribute to its sustainable development. The article is devoted to the theoretical aspects of modeling foreign economic activity, with the aim of improving foreign trade indicators and Ukraine’s integration processes in the future. The updated internal, external and related indicators of influencing factors on the national economy were formed while the theoretical component of the economic and mathematical model of the development of foreign economic relations was researched. The adjusted risks of impact on foreign economic activity were identified, taking into account current conditions. In the article was analyzed the foreign economic activity effects on the economic development of Ukraine. The proposals to optimize the further development of Ukraine’s foreign economic activity by its modeling were forming based on the results of the research. These proposals are relevant in need to stabilize the national economy during the war and for the post-war economic development through cooperation with partner countries and consolidating the position of a stable trade and investment partner. The recommendations were formulated for the implementation of a scenario development of foreign trade activity, with the aim of improvement of foreign economic relations and economic progress. A technology for using the model of foreign trade has proposed.

In the modern, rapidly evolving, and linked global landscape, diplomats must exhibit adaptability, cultural competence, and possess current knowledge to effectively tackle international difficulties. Continuous Professional Development (CPD), especially pre-posting training, is essential for equipping diplomatic officers to meet these demands. Traditional CPD approaches, typically reliant on lecture-based formats, are widely regarded as obsolete and detached from the actual demands of diplomatic practice. Major concerns encompass inconsistent delivery, insufficient institutional support, restricted digital access, and inflexible training frameworks. This study examines the perspectives of trainers at the Institute of Diplomacy and Foreign Relations (IDFR) on the effectiveness of Continuing Professional Development (CPD) programmes, with an emphasis on how adult learning theories are integrated into their design and delivery. This study adopted a qualitative approach through semi-structured interviews conducted with four experienced trainers. The interview findings reveal strong support for learner-centered, experiential, and self-directed learning approaches, grounded in the principles of andragogy and heutagogy. Nevertheless, trainers encounter obstacles including institutional rigidity and constrained resources. This research underscores the importance of integrating adult learning principles into the design of CPD programmes and calls for greater institutional commitment to cultivating flexible, responsive, and collaborative training environments that address the evolving professional development needs of diplomatic officers.

In the second half of the 18th century, foreign trade relations of the population of the Central and Northwestern Caucasus underwent significant changes. The noted phenomenon was the result of the interaction of a complex of socio-economic and geopolitical processes that took place in the region during this period. With the increase in the turnover of the mountaineers' production economy, its further development came into conflict with the preserved traditional forms and mechanisms of functioning of the Black Sea direction of foreign trade. Communications of the Black Sea traffic could not fully satisfy the growing needs of the region's population. In contrast, the Astrakhan direction of foreign trade turnover in the second half of the 18th century was at a stage of unprecedented growth, ensured by skillful regulation and competent trade policy of Russia. The wide involvement of the population of the Central and North-West Caucasus in the Astrakhan trade was objectively conditioned not only by economic expediency, but also by the logic of historical events.

This article proposes a revised approach to the study of European Union sanctions. The objective of the research is to demonstrate the consistency between the constitutional foundations of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the legal basis for the adoption and implementation of sanctions, including their objectives, grounds, and procedures, following the onset of the Russian Federation’s armed aggression against Ukraine. To achieve this objective, the authors apply both general and special research methods, including analysis and deduction, as well as formal legal and logical legal methods. The article examines scholarly debates on certain aspects of the legal regulation of EU sanctions, identifies the features of legal acts under which EU sanctions are adopted, outlines the procedural rules governing the adoption and implementation of sanctions, and provides examples of how EU institutions such as the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the European Commission, and the Working Party of Foreign Relations Counsellors (RELEX) exercise their respective powers within their mandates. Special attention is given to landmark legal acts of the Council of the European Union and the European Council introducing restrictive measures in response to actions that undermine or threaten the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence of Ukraine. The authors also present their position on the development of Ukraine’s sanctions legislation. In conclusion, the study reveals the interrelation between the principles and objectives of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and the goals, grounds, and procedures for imposing sanctions following the Russian Federation’s armed aggression against Ukraine.

The Chinese approach to the Taiwan Strait and Sino-American rivalry is often analyzed within geopolitical and geo-economic frameworks. However, the human elements—including emotions—play an equally, if not more, significant role in Beijing’s foreign relations. Using US Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan in 2022 as a case study, along with other examples of China’s actions against Taiwan and the United States, this article demonstrates that Beijing appears to be driven by a deeply rooted desire to regain prestige, defend its honor on the global stage, and seek retribution for past grievances against former colonial powers. At the same time, China’s actions are motivated by a fear of “losing face” and a sensitivity to repeated humiliation. Thus, it can be argued that a history of traumatic humiliation serves as the primary motivation behind China’s use of the “diplomacy of anger.” Conversely, it can also be claimed that China’s emotional reactions are indicative of its rationality. Unlike coercive measures, the diplomacy of anger provides China with greater flexibility to express discontent and “punish” targets while avoiding direct confrontation with perceived adversaries.

Understanding the policymaking processes of the United States, as a global superpower, is of critical importance. Think tanks are among the most influential behind-the-scenes actors in this arena, having increasingly attracted the attention of researchers and U.S. foreign policy experts. The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an old, powerful, and impactful think tank that has been active for over a century. This paper addresses the following question: What role has the Council on Foreign Relations played in shaping the foreign policy doctrines of the United States? To answer this question, the study analyses and evaluates two major U.S. Cold War strategies concerning their interactions with the two major powers, the Soviet Union and China. The research employs a library-based methodology for data collection. The findings indicate that the Council on Foreign Relations has played a prominent role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, particularly during the Cold War. Its influence was exercised through several key mechanisms: forming study groups, publishing the journal Foreign Affairs, generating policy-influencing ideas, mobilising public opinion, educating future government officials, recruiting retired personnel, organising deliberative meetings, and mediating between different political factions, government officials, and the public.