Foreign Policy Process Research Articles

Decision-making in Poland's foreign policy. An organisational and bureaucratic perspective

The decision-making process is a key element of any state's foreign policy analysis. Research on how decisions are made feeds into the research of the Polish foreign policy as a whole and results in a better understanding of its determinants. Based on the analysis of primary sources collected in the archives of the government, the Sejm, the Senate and the President, as well as the statements of decision-makers, this article analyses the decision-making process in Poland's foreign policy between 1992 and 1997. Two George Allison’s models have been applied: the organisational process model (emphasises the formal-institutional dimension of the decision-making process) and the bureaucratic policy model (emphasises the bureaucratic-functional dimension). The article is intended to make it possible to answer the following research questions: How were the decisions taken in Poland's foreign policy, by whom, what mechanisms, formal or informal, were most important and can Allison's models be an effective tool for studying the entire decision-making process, and not only selected decision-making situations? The article proves that although the key decisions in Poland's foreign policy were taken by the Prime Minister together with the Foreign Minister, the influence of the President was also considerable. As a result of the study, it can be concluded that the President played an important role in foreign policy during the period of the Small Constitution. Allison's models can be a tool for analysing processual phenomena, and not only individual decision-making situations. In the case of Poland, one more centre should be taken into account, in addition to the dual executive, i.e. the Sejm and the Senate, which at the time had at least a controlling function. The decision-making process in Poland's foreign policy was clearly dominated by informal components based on parochial communities of values, experiences and an oppositional past.

THE REASONS AND CONDITIONS FOR THE BCR OF THE 2ND ALL-BELARUSIAN CONGRESS ON JUNE 27, 1944 WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE OCCUPATION POLICY OF THE THIRD REICH

This article examines the reasons and conditions for the holding by the Belarusian Central Rada of the 2nd All-Belarusian Congress on the eve of the liberation of the occupied territory of the BSSR. The motives and goals of organizing the congress by the occupation administration of the Third Reich are determined. The interrelation of political processes in Europe with the conjuncture of the occupation policy of the Third Reich in the first half of 1944, during the preparation and holding of the congress, was established and investigated. The unspoken aspect of the activities of the Belarusian Central Rada in the preparation and holding of the congress is investigated. The features of the political structure of the pseudo-state formation of the Belarusian People's Republic as part of the colonial empire of the Third Reich are determined. The political significance of the Congress resolution in the context of foreign policy processes during the liberation of the territory of the BSSR is analyzed.

From Expansion to Restriction: CIA Reforms under the Presidential Administrations of D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy

The object of the study is the functioning of national security agencies in American foreign policy during the administrations of D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy (1950s – 1963). The subject of the study is changes in the activities and powers of the CIA in connection with the change in political courses of the two presidents. This work allows to understand the driving forces of modern events using the example of the past. The article examines the conflict in the "president-intelligence agencies" system, namely the relationship between the role and place of the CIA during the conservative administration of President D. Eisenhower and the liberal John Kennedy. Particular attention is paid to the Director of Intelligence Allen Dulles, who was one of the most significant figures in American foreign policy. The emphasis in the work is made on the expansion and reduction of powers, organizational reforms, their causes and covert operations that served as a catalyst for long-overdue changes. The study uses the historical-comparative method to analyze the approaches of the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, the historical-systemic method to study the role of the CIA in the context of foreign policy, and the analysis of documents (laws, directives, memoirs) to reconstruct events and identify cause-and-effect relationships. The nomothetic method reveals patterns between the work of intelligence agencies and political cycles. The study revealed contradictions in American national security in the mid-20th century, which lay in the "US President - intelligence agencies" system. In the 1950s and 1960s, the US intelligence agencies, especially the CIA, carried out large-scale activities due to the conservative political cycle and extensive powers. Particular attention in the study is paid to the Director of the CIA, who had a noticeable influence on foreign policy. The theoretical novelty of the work lies in the implementation of a synthesis of historical and political science approaches. Historical and archival analysis of primary documents made it possible to reconstruct the institutional mechanisms of the influence of intelligence agencies on the American foreign policy process. The political interpretation of the obtained data through the prism of the cyclical theory of A. Schlesinger Jr. revealed the influence of the change of cycles (conservatism/liberalism) on the dynamics of institutional interaction between the president and intelligence.

The relationship of strategic communications with internal and foreign policy processes in the context of integration

The processes of domestic and foreign policy are inextricably linked with the desire to integrate the country into the international community. They interact and influence each other, creating favorable conditions for effective integration. Domestic policy reforms and changes aimed at increasing stability, development of democracy, rule of law and effective governance create a positive environment for integration, and stability and developed democracy are important factors for attracting foreign investment and establishing partnerships with other countries. Foreign policy strategies aimed at the development of international relations, cooperation and diplomacy ensure the active participation of the country in the international arena – participation in international organizations, signing of international treaties and agreements, as well as the development of joint strategies with other countries. An important component of the integration process is a developed communication strategy aimed at interaction with the international community and attracting support for integration initiatives. It involves the promotion of the state’s own ideas and interests, as well as interaction with other countries and international organizations. The interrelationship of strategic communications with internal and foreign policy processes in the context of the desire for integration is key to the successful implementation of foreign policy strategies and the achievement of the state’s foreign policy goals. Through effective communication, the state can present itself positively on the international arena, attract investments, increase exports and improve its international status. Communication strategies influence the perception of state positions and proposals during international negotiations and the conclusion of treaties. High-quality communication is designed to ensure understanding and support of the country’s interests in the international community. Therefore, the relationship between strategic communications and domestic and foreign policy is important for achieving the country’s successful integration into the international community and ensuring internal stability and prosperity.

Behind the U.S. Foreign Policy Decision-Making to Invade Iraq (2003): Insider Accounts Two Decades On

ABSTRACT The aim of the article is to analyse – via U.S. senior official perspective – why in 2003 the United States had chosen to go to war with Iraq; how the decision-making process developed and was justified; and what mistake were made, which prevented the selection of a more prudent course of action. The central hypothesis tested in this study is that three factors contributed most to the erroneous decision to invade Iraq. These were: a) a foreign policy process distorted by internal powerpolitics; b) a disdain towards multilateral institutions and consultative solutions c) unilateralism in relations with key U.S. allies. The article also situates the interviews in a larger theoretical debate driven by the question whether the Bush administration’s decision to invade Iraq was motivated more by security considerations or by the pursuit of hegemony.

Правовое обеспечение внешней политики КНР: укрепление международного статуса и защита национальных интересов

This article explores the intersection of law and politics in China’s foreign policy, focusing on how legal frameworks are being utilized to advance the country’s international ambitions. The research emphasizes the significance of “foreign-related law” (涉外法律) and “legal governance in external relations” (涉外法治) as innovative concepts that encapsulate China’s approach to blending legal rigor with strategic policymaking. The 2023 Foreign Relations Law serves as a central case study, illustrating how China is integrating its domestic legal principles into its foreign policy framework to reinforce its global standing and protect its national interests. The law is part of a broader effort to develop a comprehensive legal system that supports China’s modernization and international objectives, particularly in the context of rising geopolitical tensions. This research highlights the escalating influence of party organs in the foreign policy process, uncovers the key features of the counter-sanction policies enshrined within the law, and probes the unique characteristics of China’s approach to international relations. The study examines how China’s leadership views law not just as a tool for domestic governance but as a means to assert its position in international affairs. Through a detailed examination of the law’s provisions, the legislative process, and the political context, the paper sheds light on China’s approach to integrating its domestic legal standards with its foreign policy goals. The interdisciplinary approach, combining legal analysis with political science insights, highlights the complexity of China’s legal-political integration and its implications for global governance. The findings suggest that China’s legal diplomacy, as exemplified by this law, is a critical component of its broader strategy to reshape the international legal order in a manner that favors its interests.

Political sociology in Armenia: stages of institutionalization and priorities

The rise of sociology as a science, reflecting modernization processes in society and exerting significant influence on them, developed during the post-Soviet period of Armenian reality. This development was facilitated by ‘discovery’ of sociology by the post-Soviet society and the close (though not always equal) interaction of domestic sociologists with Western sociological schools. Additionally, the participation of Western sociologists of Armenian nationality contributed to the formation of Armenian statehood as well as to growth of sociology as an academic discipline in Armenia. Under the influence of democratization processes, political sociology focused primarily on the transitional Armenian society, addressing the formation of power institutions and the utilization of political technologies. Regional dynamics, traditional and new foreign policy processes in Armenia, threats, and risks influenced the study of foreign policy guidelines within Armenian society. This also led to the formation and development of sociology of conflict and military sociology, closely linked to political sociology and sometimes inseparable. The effective managing of the Armenian state and society directly correlates with the integration of political sociology into political practices, and with demand for sociological knowledge, especially sociological forecasts, among decision-makers.

An Analysis of Biden's Administration Stark Opposite Approaches in Humanitarian Crises

This paper examines the different approaches of the United States foreign policy towards the Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Palestine conflicts by comparing similar cases in both of the conflicts. The United States, who have been actively criticizing Russia for violating rules-based order and humanitarian values in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, have not done the same to Israel even though there is mounting pressure for similar allegations. The comparisons are analyzed through cases of the United States' aid towards Ukraine and their criticism towards Russia’s international norms violations, Continuing with their military aid to Israel while they are attacking Gaza and staying silent with Israel’s violations. We would also see how international institutions that are supposed to prevent such a crisis are unable to do much to stop the crisis, As well as Israel’s influences in the US foreign policy-making process, which resulted in persistent pro-Israel foreign policies. By analyzing the United States' actions through the concepts of Humanitarian Diplomacy, Hegemon, and Rules-Based International Order, this paper finds that the United States' national interest’s alignment with Ukraine has used humanitarian values and rules-based international order as a political instrument. On the other hand, Israel’s great influence in the United States foreign policy process has made them silent in numerous cases of international law violations committed by Israel. United States’ concern and alignment towards the Middle East and Eastern European regional hegemon has also played an important piece in their vocal criticisms of Russia’s international norms violations and their normative response towards Israel’s norms breaches.

On Historical Relationship between Parliamentary and Humanitarian Diplomacy

The paper analyzes approaches to defining parliamentary and humanitarian venues of diplomatic cooperation. It is shown that institutionalized inter-parliamentary cooperation began to develop in the last quarter of the 19th century, while examples of the influence of parliamentarians on the foreign policy process in their nation-states can be traced back even earlier, at least since the time of the Great French Revolution. It has been revealed that the early forms of parliamentarian influence on foreign policy were based on humanistic arguments and appealed to a sense of humanity. The humanistic orientation of the emerging parliamentary diplomacy in the last third of the 19th century is explained by focusing on factors such as the development of the media and the growing influence of public opinion on the domestic and foreign policies of European nation-states. The similarity of the initial organizational forms of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy illustrates the example of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Both types of diplomatic interaction emerged via multilateral conferences. The final section of the paper is devoted to an analysis of the origins of Russian parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy. It is shown that Russia played an active role in the development of these forms of diplomatic interaction. The paper concludes by arguing that a thorough definition of parliamentary diplomacy is only possible when both the actor and organizational dimensions of parliamentary diplomacy are taken into account. It argues further that the more or less common paths of development of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy result in their thematic affinity. The third conclusion is that the parliamentary methods accepted by diplomatic agents profoundly affected the development of cooperation between nation-states during the 20th century.

Роль Евросоюза в (де)стабилизации постъюгославского пространства

Since the launch of the Stabilization and Association Process in 1999, the European Union has become the main conflict mediator on the post-Yugoslav space. The EU’s policy towards the region of the so-called Western Balkans implies the juxtaposition of integration and conflict settlement goals, which was not the case during the previous enlargement waves. Besides promoting peacebuilding initiatives through traditional foreign policy instruments, Brussels has been practicing a complicated system of incentives and sanctions related to the European integration procedures. Progress of the post-Yugoslav republics in enlargement is conditional on their willingness to implement particular requirements. The article analyzes the efficiency of the European Union’s conditionality from the perspective of regional stability. The ambivalence of such approach lies in politicization of peacebuilding agenda as the EU advances its specific image of recent civil wars in the Balkans. Using the methods of retrospective analysis of European politics, including foreign policy documents, the author substantiates the political nature of the demands made by Brussels on the parties to the conflicts. The distinct feature of the EU enlargement policy is the hierarchization of actors in foreign policy processes, which provides various countries with different negotiating power. This conditionality, due to the value contradictions within the communities, leads to the point when the applied measures of settlement lead not to the expected normalization, but to the aggravation of the situation and polarization of the parties. Thus, the author identifies the discrepancy between the declared objectives of the European Union as a mediator and the practical results. This inconsistency has prompted the decay of neighbor relations on the post-Yugoslav space as the EU member states attempted to instrumentalize their position within the Union for the ultimate solution of bilateral disputes with candidate countries, blocking the integration process in general.

Study On Policy Effect Evaluation and Optimization Path of Foreign Investment Introduction in Shenzhen

his paper deeply discusses the implementation effect of Shenzhen’s foreign investment introduction policy, and makes a comprehensive evaluation of its policy effect. Through the systematic analysis of the historical background, current situation of the foreign investment introduction policy and its economic, social, scientific and technological influences in Shenzhen, the positive effects of the policy on promoting economic growth, optimizing industrial structure, enhancing scientific and technological innovation ability and improving social welfare are revealed. At the same time, this paper also points out the existing problems and challenges in the implementation process of the current foreign investment introduction policy, such as the lack of adaptability of some foreign enterprises to the local environment, the attractiveness of the policy needs to be improved, and the insufficient efforts to promote industrial upgrading and scientific and technological innovation. Based on the above analysis, this paper puts forward the optimization path of Shenzhen’s foreign investment introduction policy, including strengthening the formulation and implementation of localization strategy, improving the pertinency and attractiveness of the policy, promoting industrial upgrading and scientific and technological innovation, etc. These optimization paths aim to further play the role of foreign investment introduction policy and promote the sustainable and healthy development of Shenzhen’s economy.

Основные резервные валюты и их роль в обновлении мировой финансовой архитектуры

The subject of the study is the main reserve currencies as universal means of payment used to simplify international trade. The purpose of the work is to identify the role and assess the impact of world reserve currencies on the global financial architecture due to the severity of financial and monetary problems in the modern deglobalizing world. Based on the consideration of the results of a number of crisis situations that took place in global development, commonalities and differences between the monetary and financial system and financial architecture in a global context have been established. A critical analysis of the current problems of world reserve currencies, trends in their development in relation to foreign policy activities and processes taking place in the global economy is carried out. Possible directions of research on the global financial architecture in connection with the problems of the development of world reserve currencies in the global economic space are identified. Conclusions are drawn about the relationship and influence of world reserve currencies on the global governance system and increasing their role in maintaining the stability of the global monetary and financial system.

V.S. Buyanov’s book «Russia’s Foreign Policy. History and Contemporaneity»

«Russia’s Foreign Policy. History and Contemporaneity», a book written by Doctor of Philosophy, Professor V.S. Buyanov, examines the foreign policy of the Russian state during the main stages of its history: Ancient Russia, the Tsardom of Russia, the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, and the Russian Federation. It is one of the few books that attempts to understand the most significant foreign policy processes and phenomena in both historical and modern Russia from a philosophical and ideological perspective, in addition to presenting historical events and facts. Based on the Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, approved by the Presidential Decree of March 31, 2023, and other strategic documents, the book reveals the fundamental guidelines of international activities in modern Russia. The study highlights notable shifts in the Russian Federation’s foreign policy priorities both before and after the start of the special military operation in Ukraine. The author draws attention to the difficult tasks that the country’s foreign policy and foreign economic agencies face in the context of the ongoing attempt to isolate Russia in the international arena. Russian internationalists contribute significantly to strengthening the sovereignty and true independence of the Russian Federation by developing interaction with friendly countries and peoples of the Eurasian and other continents, maintaining and strengthening partnerships and cooperation relations with states that stand on positions of benevolent neutrality, and responding appropriately to anti-Russian policies of unfriendly countries.

RUSSIA’S CLIMATE DOCTRINE AS A REFLECTION OF DOMESTIC POLICY PRIORITIES

The article examines the issue of the influence of foreign policy processes on domestic political decisions in the country. At the same time, the author shows how a number of countries use the climate agenda to lobby their own interests in the foreign political arena. Various pseudo-ecological organizations operating within the state and insisting on the unconditional implementation of certain international provisions related to solving the problem of climate change, even to the detriment of their own national interests, act as one of the tools for exerting pressure on other countries. At the same time, using the example of building a climate policy in Russia, the author analyzes the change in state priorities under the influence of various international factors. Thus, the article demonstrates that for a long time Russian climate policy has been shaped by the influence of Western guidelines and priorities. Nevertheless, after the events of 2014, as a result of the intensified ideological confrontation with the countries of Europe and the United States, Russia took a course to strengthen state sovereignty by asserting the priority of its own national interests, including ones within the framework of climate policy. In this aspect, the adoption of Russia's new Climate Doctrine is noted as a key moment, in which the unconditional priority of national interests over international obligations was indicated. As a result of the fact that Russia is still a participant in global climate policy and has a number of international obligations, the ideas of decarbonization have continued to play a significant role in domestic climate policy. However, a significant difference of the new Climate Doctrine was the inclusion of measures aimed at adapting to climate change in order to prevent negative climatic consequences, which can significantly reduce the amount of direct and indirect damage to the economy of our country. Thus, the article for the first time presents an analysis of the process of sovereignization of domestic political processes as a result of opposition to foreign policy pressure from unfriendly countries.

Culture and Identity in International Relations: Re-Thinking Javanese Value In Contemporary Indonesian Multilateralism Strategy

<p>The emergence of culture currently being acknowledged in political science. It has played an important role in policy making to the development of a region or country. This paper will focus on how far culture, especially local values, has been interpreted in the decision-making process of foreign policy. Culture and its values and interpretation exists in formal organizations whose members develop a form of shared belief, shared values, and shared knowledge to interpret the reality. Indonesia is famous for its identity to remain neutral as one of the nation's foreign policy blueprint. The long-standing foreign policy of <em>mendayung antara dua karang</em> is challenged several times, especially during the shift of the unipolar through multipolar system in world order. This research will highlight the role of culture in foreign policy by interpreting local values, especially Javanese values conducted by President Joko Widodo’s cabinet in foreign policy approaches related to G20 chairmanship by Indonesia. By using constructivism approach in foreign policy and non-western approach in international relations, this research found that under President Jokowi’s administration there are attempts to re-interpreting Javanese values such as <em>rukun</em>, which emphasize on harmonious values in conducting foreign policy.</p>

A.A. Gromyko and security policy: setting up for Helsinki

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The chronological framework is limited to the events of 1971. The importance of these events allowed the author to identify and characterise some elements of the complex and controversial process of setting up for a future conference on security and cooperation in Europe, as well as to analyse A.A. Gromyko’s strategy of in this setting. The studied materials are presented in six subsections. The scientific novelty of the first subsection lies in the consideration of the logic and features of the diplomatic game of the West. The scientific novelty of the second subsection consists of five differences in the approaches of L.I. Brezhnev and A.A. Gromyko, who could help or hinder the defense of the interests of the Soviet Union at a future conference. The scientific novelty of the third subsection lies in the consideration of the Soviet position on a conference on security and cooperation in Europe by Western diplomats. The scientific novelty of the fourth and fifth subsections was determined by the proof of the hypothesis that A.A. Gromyko had two plans - in case the conference was convened or postponed. In the fourth and fifth subsections, the author presents the main activities and expected results of «Plan A» and «Plan B». The sixth subsection is devoted to conclusions that can be classified into historical conclusions (conclusion 3) and historical and political conclusions (conclusions 1-2, 4-5). The results obtained make it possible to test hypotheses related to the influence of the personal factor (long-term holding of a responsible position; constant strengthening of influence, authority and opportunities) on foreign policy and evolutionary processes in the systems of international relations. In relation to 1971, the author discovered Soviet version of the “magnet theory” developed by A.A. Gromyko's. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.

Maritime Digital Diplomacy: Legal Revitalization and Reform of Modern and Solutive Diplomacy

The existence of international politics and the foreign policy processes of a country has changed since the presence of the internet as a form of digitalization. The internet changed the practice of diplomacy and relations between countries. The Internet of Things is provided for all sectors. This also changes the dimension of diplomacy to digital diplomacy. Digital diplomacy cannot replace face-to-face diplomacy, but it still exists, and its needs will continue to increase. Digital diplomacy has also not been accommodated in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, even though the development of diplomacy is very dynamic, along with the many disputes that arise between countries. Disputes between countries that often arise are disputes in the maritime sector. Therefore, maritime diplomacy is needed in resolving disputes in the maritime sector, considering that one of Indonesia's maritime axes. This research is normative juridical research that uses qualitative methods with statute and conceptual approach. The result of this research is that maritime digital diplomacy has a position as a means of communication and political negotiation, which is important for defending and fighting for national interests. Indonesia needs maritime digital diplomacy as a medium to fight for national interests and strategic issues in the maritime sector. A modern and solutive revitalization and legal reform of diplomacy is needed in order to establish good relations between countries.

Indonesia-ASEAN Institutional Roles and Challenges in the Crisis of the Liberal Order

The clash of interest and influence between the United States and China after the Cold War in the Asian region has contributed to the increasing number of threat perceptions in Southeast Asia and ASEAN institutions. The deepening crisis of the liberal international order through the leadership of the United States has proven to have decreased its influence due to internal rather than external behavior during the Donald Trump era. Indonesia-ASEAN has always tried to build a complex institutional role with the status attached to it. This study shows that ASEAN's institutional complexity is successful through the great powers� rivalry management between the United States and China. Indonesia-ASEAN has become a subject rather than an international object in facing discursive challenges through historical roots, the spirit of Indonesia-ASEAN foreign policy, norms, and decision-making processes. By using the system dynamics method, it will be seen how complex the influence of the liberal international order is by comparing perceptions between other regions and the security cooperation that has been formed to balance China's influence, and explains the role of Indonesia-ASEAN in responding to times that are considered a crisis. The conclusion of this study lies in how great power pressure on ASEAN will have a worse and more dangerous impact so that Indonesia-ASEAN through the value of solidarity has succeeded in managing the rivalry of great powers and being soft on perceived threats during the liberal international order crisis.

Security Threats and Military Strategic Factors in the Russo–Ukrainian War: Focusing on the Russia's Identification of Greater Eurasianism and the Instability of the Buffer Zone*

The Russo–Ukrainian war has lasted longer than expected due to a combination of two reasons: security threats and military‐strategic conflicts. It turned out that through this conflict, the paradigm of war has changed rapidly enough to be called a game changer. This article aims to provide a theoretical analysis of the main factors in Russia's foreign policy that concern a security threat to the instability of the geopolitical buffer zone and Greater Eurasian military strategy, including the leadership of Putinism 4.0, which influenced the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It examines the development aspects and implications of special military Operation Z, which is regarded as Russia's defense military strategy against conflicts with NATO's eastward expansion and Eurasian pluralism. The analysis found that Russia's military strategy and foreign policy will be preemptive and proactive in seeking international security and global order, but at times, however, they show defensive and reactive characteristics. As examined, external factors such as security threats to the identity of a great power in Eurasia, instability in the buffer zone, fear of encirclement on the border, and historical and ethnic factors are expected to serve as constant variables in the decision‐making process of Russia's military strategy and foreign policy.

“Политическая война” 2.0 (США vs Россия – миг между прошлым и будущим)

The article analyzes the political conflict between Russia and the U.S. that started in February 2022 within the framework of the “political warfare” (POLWAR) concept. Focusing specifically on the dimension of information and ideas as a primary field for confrontation, the author seeks to define and evaluate the tendencies related to the American public diplomacy (PD) that have emerged in 2022–2023. The analysis covers three levels: structural level (observing the formal structure of the U.S. PD), practical level (observing the main activities related to the POLWAR topic) and theoretical level (observing the development that took place in the relevant discourse of American expert and political communities). The article discovers several tendencies. There seems to be little action on the structural level: the systemic crisis of the American PD remains in place, indicated by a structural atrophy, lack of leadership and the absence of political will for change. Trends on the practical level demonstrate the defensive “political warfare” tactics: the intensification of “countering disinformation” activities focuses on disputing and discrediting information and narratives of Russian origin, whereas measures taken by the United States and allies against Russian media, journalists, public diplomacy organizations and activists are aimed at restricting access of the Western audience to Russian information sources. On the theoretical level, the emergence and spread of “domestic public diplomacy” and “reputational security” concepts in the U.S. among expert and political communities calls for attention. While “reputational security” (proposing the elevation of PD from an optional to the core element of foreign policy) definitely implies a trend towards considering public diplomacy and other related activities more seriously because of the POLWAR, the “domestic public diplomacy” concept reinforces the defensive tactics in the POLWAR by suggesting the adaptation of PD practices (traditionally used to influence foreign audiences) for the domestic audience. At the end, the author draws a conclusion, suggesting that the choice of the defensive tactics by the United States in the “political warfare” against Russia was determined not by limited resources for the offensive tactics but rather by expectations of the opponent’s behavior. The article compares the current POLWAR with the “political warfare” that took place between the U.S. and the USSR, and reveals some similarities: at the start of the previous POLWAR, the USSR had an advantage of developed and proven effective system of institutes, instruments and activities for influencing foreign public, incorporated into the foreign policy processes. Today, roughly speaking, the United States possess the same advantage due to the well-known American PD system. In the past, with the roles reversed, the U.S. chose to focus its efforts on influencing the public opinion of the opponent’s population undermining their POLWAR capabilities from within. Thus, there is a high probability that the choice of defensive tactics in the modern “political warfare” was made by the U.S. because the same approach (a massive campaign aimed at America’s population and at the population of western allies) is expected from Russia. According to the author’s assessment, such an approach to POLWAR is rather precarious. First, by focusing the “political warfare” efforts on the defense Washington risks losing some positions in the field of influencing the international community. Second, no one can predict how the systemic problems of the American public diplomacy might manifest in the process of adapting the PD activities to influencing the domestic audience.