Foreign Policy Problems Research Articles

Was Kant a naive pacifist? (philosophical considerations and the background of the russian-ukrainian war)

The article is devoted to I. Kant's views on the problem of war and peace and the possibility of achieving "perpetual peace" on the basis of the pamphlet "To Eternal Peace" and some other late works of the thinker. In particular, attention is paid to the historical background of the appearance of the work as a certain completion of moral philosophy and philosophy of law in the context of developing one's own project of "eternal peace" taking into account the solution of specific problems of foreign policy at the end of the 18th century. The article examines a kind of Kantian "formula of peace", which claims universal significance. It is laid out in the preliminary and especially in the definitive articles of the imaginary contract. It is argued that it is based on three main principles: republicanism, federalism and the presence of a cosmopolitan citizenship limited to hospitality. These principles are complemented by the so-called "guarantees" of "perpetual peace": the progress of law and the spirit of international trade. The article analyzes apologetic and critical responses to Kant's work and its subsequent interpretations in European philosophy and political thought. In particular, special attention is paid to the interpretation of his work as a "pacifist manifesto". Based on this, it was argued that Kant was one of the founders of secular pacifism. The article reasonably refutes such a position on the basis of its anachronism and inconsistency with the views of Kant himself, who considered "eternal peace" only as a higher normative ideal of foreign policy. The influence of Kantian ideas on the formation of modern philosophy of international relations, in particular the theory of democratic peace (DPT), is indicated. It is indicated that the three main principles of Kant's formula of "eternal peace" found their embodiment in the postulates of this theory. At the same time, it is noted that the practice of implementing DPT in US foreign policy has not always had positive consequences. In this regard, the problem of its application to the analysis of the causes and course of the Russian-Ukrainian war is analyzed. There are different positions on this matter, but based on the latest publications and the real course of events. It is concluded that the "militant" version of DPT can be useful for achieving our victory and a just, fair and worthy peace.

Особенности взаимного влияния «мягкой силы» США и Японии

"Soft power" became a key element of Japan’s foreign policy and one of the most important instruments in the United States’ diplomacy after World War II. The main results of the study are the identification and description of the major areas of mutual use of "soft power" by the United States and Japan, which became the basis of a strong interstate alliance after one of the most devastating uses of "hard power" in world history. Theoretical research methods, such as analysis of specialized literature related to the topic of the article and devoted to related problems of international relations, history and foreign policy, were used as a main methodology.

Management of “Features”: Administrative Practices of the Leaders of the Orenburg Region in the First Half of the 19th Century and Imperial Policy of Acculturation

The article attempts to analyze the administrative practices of the Orenburg military governors in the first half of the 19th century. in the context of the imperial policy of acculturation. The study made it possible to conclude that during the period under review, the local and central authorities followed the “policy of difference”, sought to preserve the special estate-legal status of the Bashkirs in comparison with the taxable population of the central regions, the Muslim religion, elements of the estate and ethnic estate court. The goal of the state was not to establish uniformity, but to solve domestic and foreign policy problems: ensuring the loyalty of the indigenous population and peace in the region; performing military service on the border line. The cantonal system of government, the creation of a primary system of new administration in the annexed or conquered regions were important channels of acculturation and mechanisms for the integration of indigenous peoples into the Russian administrative space.

Comparative Aanalysis of National Security Strategies of Armenia in the Context of Political Realism, Liberalism, and Marxism

The article examines the characteristic features of Armenian national security strategies, actively conducting research of an interdisciplinary nature with extensive use of systems analysis. Issues of stability of the political system of Armenia in the interests of national security are considered not only from the point of view of the general theory of systems, but also using the methodological principles of synergetics. An independent section of research was the study of regional conflicts in the post-Soviet space and their impact on the state of national security of Armenia. In this context, traditional international relations theory offers tools for analyzing the previous actions of states within a broader framework and deciding on further actions. The present article seeks to provide simple textual comparisons and analyses of the Republic of Armenia’s National Security Strategies of 2007 and 2020. Those elements within the Strategies which have remained, changed, or been added will then be made the subject of contextual analyses with the theoretical traditions of liberalism, realism, and Marxism to draw out the Republic of Armenia’s major priorities and assess the capability of its approaches to meeting the foreign policy problems that exist. Each theory of international relations will emphasize those positions in the National Security Strategies that most accurately reflect Armenia’s past and current positions, and evaluate them in accordance with global and regional standards.

The republican Manuel de Arriaga – ‘the people’s representative’

ABSTRACT Poet, teacher, and parliamentarian (1882–1892–1911), Manuel de Arriaga (1840–1917) was also Vice-Chancellor of the University of Coimbra and President of the Portuguese Republic. He stood up for democratic principles and he cultivated dialogue and republican values. His thought and actions reflect the ideas of federal republicanism, philosophical eclecticism, secular spiritualism, scientism, and a critique of positivism. His fellow party members remembered him as a leader, a political player, and a politician of the people. As a parliamentarian, he discussed relevant issues such as education and teaching, electoral reform, constitutional reform, penal reform, foreign policy, and regional problems. His parliament speeches highlight his skills as a ‘fighter for the Republic’.

THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ENLARGEMENT POLICY CHANGES IN THE LAST DECADE – A SUCCESSFUL INTERNATIONAL PRACTICE OR DYSFUNCTIONAL TRANSFORMATION?

Since 2004, the European Union’s (EU) transformation and integration potential has been evident and limited. An unusual pattern of perceived threats and challenges precluded the EU’s enlargement. One country from the Western Balkans’ (WB) fold was found suitable over the last ten years to join the EU. The rest of the WB are still queuing in front of the gates of the EU family. The purpose of this paper is to assess how recent changes in the international arena, including suffering on Ukraine’s soil and providing candidate status for Ukraine at the same time, affected the EU “red lines” in the enlargement process, together with the lessons learned from the considerable enlargement in 2004. Does the EU enlargement policy as primarily part of the EU foreign policy still have the effect of a “screwdriver,” or has it eventually become a “hammer” of hard power and force by hitting suddenly foreign policy problems that look like nails (Kagan, 2003), as it seems in Ukraine’s example? Did the Lisbon Treaty bring profound transformation to enlargement policy, and is it still one of the EU’s successful stories? This article aims to answer these questions. The assessment method is based on the International practice theory approach and Christian Bueger’s and Frank Gadinger’s definition and determinants of practice known as the Commitments of International Practice Theory (relying on elements of practice defined by Emanuel Adler and Vincent Pouliot). This approach judges whether or not the EU is a global actor that fulfills all inquiries of creating international practice from the enlargement policy. Based on the results, it is confirmed that the EU is a worldwide actor surviving in times of global transformations and that the enlargement policy is a valuable international practice. However, changes in the conditionality policy in the EU accession process could lead to several scenarios, and one of them is the loss of interest in some of the candidate countries, which could cause perceiving the enlargement policy as a dysfunctional transformation in the future.

Planning in the economy of the XXI century: the lessons and conclusions from the experience of the USSR state planning committee

The article analyzes the experience of the USSR State Planning Committee, methodological drawbacks and mistakes, examines the problems of interregional cooperation, the investment sphere and the current socio-economic situation in Russia. The author discusses the application of planned methods of managing the economy of a mixed type and the possibilities of forming a national development plan of the country in the conditions of modern foreign policy and internal socio-economic challenges and problems facing by our country. This paper also presents the conclusions from the experience of the USSR State Planning Committee, thanks to which the bulk of the national wealth of modern Russia was created.

Chinese visions of self and Other: the international politics of noses

Abstract How does China view the world? While much has been written about how China's international relations are best seen as intercultural relations that do not exclude the Other, this article examines how self/Other relations are visualized in terms of the human face in China, in particular through iconic images that construct the Chinese self with and against foreigners with large noses. It employs interpretivist methods to consider the interplay of social relations and international relations in order to see how ‘external appearance’ and ‘external relations’ inform each other in Chinese theory and practice. It mobilizes the classical Chinese concept ‘deep-set eyes and high-bridged nose’ to compare iconic Chinese images of noses from the Tang dynasty, the Korean War, and twenty-first century China and Taiwan. This critical juxtaposition shows how foreigners are visualized as both friends and enemies in a hierarchical social system. The article's use of visual International Relations (IR) methods enables us to re-examine foreign affairs as a site of affective politics, and thus appreciate how China's ideological world-view resonates with how its artists, scholars and officials aesthetically view the world. This is a concern for IR scholars because world-views shape how foreign policy-makers frame foreign policy problems—and thus foreign policy solutions.

Research of mutual perception of the Republic of Korea and Russia in the period 2016-2021

The study of the mutual perception of Korea and Russia can be considered an important form of cultural exchange for understanding the perception of the people and culture of another country. In addition, this project explores obstacles to the development of bilateral relations and possible points of contact for cooperation, that helps to determine the direction for strengthening the strategic partnership. This article is based on the results of the 2021 study, with particular attention to the differences in perceptions of the peoples of both countries and its changes since 2016.
 Koreans still associate Russia with images of the past - the Soviet Union, a communist country, and communism. Russians associate South Korea with modern concepts such as the development of industry and technology and Korean culture. Both peoples express a desire to visit another country, while the interest in culture is slightly higher among Russians.
 There are no significant changes in the perception of Koreans in bilateral relations. The proportion of Korean respondents expressing a positive attitude towards political cooperation has slightly decreased, positive sentiments can also be observed in relation to cooperation in the economic sphere. There are also no significant changes in Russians' perception of relations between the two countries. The proportion of those who positively assess the prospects for current bilateral relations has slightly decreased, just like the Koreans, the Russians have a positive attitude towards economic cooperation.
 As the analysis of the survey results showed, cooperation between South Korea and the United States as allies and confrontation between Russia and the United States is the main obstacle to the development of relations between Russia and Korea. Foreign policy problems remain a decisive factor in the development of cooperation. Thus, in public opinion, a practical and effective way to develop bilateral relations can be an exchange in the field of economy, medicine, tourism and culture at the level of the private sector and local authorities, rather than political and diplomatic cooperation at the state level.

“IF WE LOSE CZECHOSLOVAKIA, I WILL STEP DOWN FROM THE POST OF GENERAL SECRETARY”. L.I. BREZHNEV AND THE CZECHOSLOVAK CRISIS OF 1968

Th e crisis in relations with Czechoslovakia, arose in 1968, was one of the most acute foreign policy problems for the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies. Th e author of the article, which is based on declassifi ed documents, including the ones of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, showed that the USSR authorities and their East European allies were seriously afraid that the reforms launched in Czechoslovakia would open the prospect of the departure from socialism and the subsequent withdrawal of the country from the Warsaw Pact. Th e anti-socialist and anti-Soviet forces that were openly op-erating there were of particular concern. Th e leaders of the USSR, especially L.I. Brezhnev, sought to resolve this acute situation through political compro-mises with Czechoslovak side and its fulfi llment of the commitments made during the multilateral meetings. Initially they avoided a military intervention in Czechoslovakia, which was insisted upon by the allies of the Soviet Union, the members of the ATS, i.e., Poland, GDR, Bulgaria, and Hungary. However, the Czechoslovak leaders, A. Dubček in the fi rst place, did not comply with the reached agreements (in particular, stoppping the anti-Soviet media campaign and personnel changes), although this could have prevented the entry of troops. By August 1968, the possibilities of getting out of the situation by political means had been exhausted. Not only the fi ve Warsaw Pact countries were responsible for the invasion, but also the leaders of Czechoslovakia. Th e USSR and the other ATS countries were guided by the motive of saving socialism in Czechoslovakia and its preservation as part of the Warsaw Pact when making the decision to send in troops. Th e ATS unity during the Cold War made it possible to ensure the balance of power with the NATO on the European continent. Th e theoretical justifi cation of the right to interfere in the aff airs of one or another country of the socialist commonwealth by other socialist countries to save socialism was given aft er the entry of troops. In the West, this policy will become known as the “Brezhnev Doctrine”.

The Empire in the Political Strategy of Order States of Prussia and Livonia on the Turn of the 15th – 16th Centuries

The implementation of an imperial project to include the Order states of Prussia and Livonia into the Holy Roman Empire as princedoms didn’t meet interests of the Supreme and Livonian Masters of the Teutonic Order. Wishing to keep the status of sovereign rulers, they intended to maintain traditional relations
 with the emperor as the «defender» of the Order, from whom they expected some help to resolve foreign policy problems of the Prussian and Livonian branches of the Order in their confrontation with the Polish-Lithuanian Jagiellonowie and the
 Moscow state. The masters were slow over accepting the ducal regalia and transfer their possessions into the rank of imperial fiefs until they had hope for help from the second «curator» of the Order states, the pontificate, on which the order’s privileges preservation and the receipt of cash grants by the Order within
 «papal grace» (cruciate) also depended. The low efficiency of such analysis and the beginning of the Reformation made inevitable the final course of the Order states for rapprochement with the empire.

Human Capital in Territories with Different Level of Socio-Economic Well-Being: Assessment and Influence

Introduction. In modern foreign policy problems of Russia’s development, the need to implement the formation and preservation of the human capital of the population is increasing. Formation and effective use of human capital influences the creation of new technologies and products. At the same time, for many less developed regions – the so-called depressed territories – their socio-economic condition is associated with a low level of reproduction and implementation of the human capital of the population. The accumulation of human capital can have a beneficial effect on the development of depressed territories. The purpose of the article is to assess the human capital of municipalities with different levels of socio-economic status. Materials and Methods. The study has used a database of statistical indicators of municipalities of the Perm region. To assess the human capital of the population, we have used the index method, in which statistical indicators are combined into blocks: demography, education, health and sports, economics, culture. Results. A correlation between the values of the educational and demographic indices has been revealed. We have found a relationship between the level of socio-economic status of the territory and the educational index. Territories develop most rapidly in the presence of not only the necessary infrastructure for the formation of human capital, but also a developed economy. None of the development indices of the quality of human capital (education, health and sports, culture) have a direct impact on the economic growth of territories. In some depressed municipalities, there is a high birth rate of the population in the presence of social infrastructure and the quality of human resources necessary for the development of human capital. Discussion and Conclusion. The practical significance of the study is determined by the need to influence the regional policy of human capital management in peripheral and depressed territories. It is proposed to adopt at the legislative level mechanisms for identifying depressed areas and measures to support them. This article can be used in public administration to create a strategy for the spatial development of the country.

Barriers to the development of interrelationships between Iraq and Turkey in the years (2014 – 2020)

National security has become a fundamental factor in Turkey's foreign policy Problems between the two countries. Therefore, grief has become an influential factor in the emergence of a number of problems between the two countries. Therefore, the research is based on this argument. In order to prove the research's grievances about the main question, the research is based on this argument. In general, the problems of this reflect the nature of relations between Iraq and Turkey over a period of time. In general, the recent conflicts between Iraq and Turkey can be classified into three groups: First, the recent security problems between Iraq and Turkey can be divided into three groups: The first is the security problem, which is an important part of the presence of PKK fighters in Iraq and the security instability, which is an important part of the presence of PKK fighters in Iraq and the security deterioration of the region in general. The second is the lack of trust between the two countries in the region in general and inside Iraq in particular. These are some of the findings of the study and the crises in the region, especially in relation to the Arab Spring process. These are some of the findings of the study. We have received it.

The Trajectory of International Relations Dissertations in Turkish Academia between 2000 and 2020

Dissertations are among the most important elements of academic production, along with scientific research articles and books. They not only reveal an academic’s field of research, but also provide clues as to what research methods and tools scholars will employ in postdoctoral studies. Moreover, and crucial to this paper, they are important indicators of the trajectory of research fields, as well as their general roles in the academic world. This study aims to reveal general trends/indicators in Turkish International Relations (hereafter IR) dissertations through an analysis of IR dissertations written in various Turkish universities between 2000 and 2020. There is a rather widespread claim among IR academics in Turkey that this particular community largely contributes to the Western-oriented discipline of IR as local or regional experts, dealing mainly with Turkish foreign policy and regional problems rather than with theoretical concerns in IR. A further aim of this study is to test whether this claim remains valid with the analysis of recent IR dissertations produced in Turkish universities.

СПІЛЬНА ЗОВНІШНЯ І БЕЗПЕКОВА ПОЛІТИКА ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СОЮЗУ В КОНТЕКСТІ ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ НАБУТТЯ ЧЛЕНСТВА УКРАЇНИ В ЄС

The article examines Ukraine’s Answers to the EU Questionnaire on the Application for Membership in the Chapter Foreign Security and Defense Policy and the European Commission’s Opinion on Ukraine’s application for membership in the European Union. It was found that to understand all the obligations arising for Ukraine in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU, knowledge of the documents defining this policy is necessary, in particular the Treaty on European Union, Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy 2016, as well as the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence of 2022. In the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine, sanctions policy is gaining particular importance. In this context, it is underway to update sanctions legislation to bring it closer to EU practices. Additional work is needed on preventing and combatting illicit trafficking in weapons, ammunition, and explosives. The ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and its related instruments remains an outstanding issue. These issues require increased attention because they will be directly considered during negotiations on Ukraine’s membership in the EU. It is proposed to analyze the new Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) projects, which were established in 2023, and primarily take into account the experience of the war that Russia is waging against Ukraine. Joining the PESCO projects will contribute to the interoperability of the Ukrainian defense forces with similar structures of the EU member states and increase the defense capability of Ukraine. It is proposed to increase the awareness of the citizens of Ukraine regarding the goals and tasks of the European Union in the foreign policy arena, in particular by expanding the study of the problems of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU in higher education institutions of Ukraine.

ДИПЛОМАТИЧНА ПРИСУТНІСТЬ УКРАЇНИ У СВІТІ В РЕАЛІЯХ СЬОГОДЕННЯ В КОНТЕКСТІ ЦИФРОВІЗАЦІЇ

The article is devoted to modern changes in Ukraine. They are connected with the digitization of the lives of ordinary citizens, as well as with changes in the diplomatic sphere. Today, using the usual tools is no longer effective. Rapid changes require the search for new, extraordinary and bold approaches. It was determined that digitization is a transition to modern, transparent and automated rules. Ukrainians will be able to personally monitor the transparency of the system and monitor the implementation of projects in real time. Even a year ago, it was possible to claim that the coronovirus infection COVID - 19 changed the usual way of life. But the war fundamentally affected the lives of Ukrainians, as well as their digital behavior. Today, even in the conditions of war, Ukraine is becoming a leader in the implementation of the most modern and boldest innovations. Our state was the first to equate a digital passport with an analog one. Also, Ukraine can become the first state in the world to initiate the digital establishment of diplomatic relations. This is undoubtedly a confirmation of Ukraine's leadership in the field of modern technologies. Despite the ancient roots of diplomacy, it cannot be unchanging. We are talking about the creation of new mobile and efficient embassies. It was determined that digitalization accelerates the speed of development of the state. The article states that digital diplomacy or e-diplomacy is defined as the use of the Internet and new information and communication technologies to achieve diplomatic goals. Another point of view boils down to the fact that digital diplomacy solves foreign policy problems with the help of the Internet.

SWEDEN-2022: THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL LANDSCAPE

The article is devoted to the analysis of the results of the elections to the Swedish parliament in September 2022. It shows the significance of these elections, which confirmed the transformation of the party-political system in this country, when stable inter-party unions were replaced by temporary coalitions of changing partners. The consequences of the significant strengthening of the nationalist Sweden Democrats party against the background of the weakening or stagnation of the old parliamentary parties are revealed. The discussed options and combinations of political parties applying for participation in the government are shown. The main features of the settlement of the current political crisis in Sweden are revealed, an explanation is given why exactly the renewed union of bourgeois parties gained an advantage and what is the role of the Swedish Democrats in the formation of the government. The author sees in the found formula for overcoming the political crisis only an intermediate stage in its resolution due to the complexity of the growing domestic and foreign policy problems.

“The Founder and Father of his Empire”: Voltaire on the Peace of Nystad and the Imperial Status of Russia

The purpose of the paper is revealing the peculiarities of Voltaire’s views on the last stage of the Northern War, ended by the Treaty of Nystad, as well as presenting the specific character of the great enlightener’s evaluation of the Russian empire and its historical role. The author finds out, why Voltaire, condemning fascination with the history of wars and kings, in his two works: «The History of Charles XII» and «The History of the Russian Empire under Peter the Great» paid great attention to the Northern War and Peter I’s participation in it.The reasons of the French historian interest to the named subject are viewed in terms of the modern methods of historical analysis, «philosophical» basis of his views on war and civilization, features of historical presentation.The paper shows Voltaire’s change in attitude on interpretation of the military historical subjects, first covered in «The History of Charles XII» and then in «The History of the Russian Empire under Peter the Great». The focus of the paper is on the up to the present-day controversial issue, whether Peter I was involved in Gorth–Alberoni conspiracy, aimed at the complete political change in the appearance of Europe. The 18th century historian ultimately came to the conclusion that the Tsar had made use of Gorth’s plans as a tactic means for solving his own foreign policy problems. This point of view is shared by many contemporary historians. Peter I’s declaring Emperor was the direct consequence of victorious end of the Northern War. It was found that Voltaire drew a more optimistic picture of Peter I’s imperial title recognition, than it actually was. According to Voltaire, the specific feature of the Russian Empire, created by Peter I, lies in the fact that it was a self-civilizing empire, bringing enlightenment on the neighboring «barbaric» peoples.The author of the paper, reviewing specific cases, arrives at a conclusion, that Voltaire’s works of high confidence for their time took a worthy standing in the world historiography of the Petrine era, due to a wide range of sources, the historian’s ability for their critical assessment, his seeking to maintain a certain evaluation independence in the description of events from different perspectives, his commitment to historical truth, his talent of a writer.The work is carried out within the project, aimed at publishing a first complete scientific edition of «The History of the Russian Empire under Peter the Great» in Russian.

Scholarly communication at the present stage of development: The example of the journal “Far Eastern Studies” in coverage of the Chinese issues (1972–2022)

The article discusses the history of the journal “Far Eastern Studies” as a leading academic publication created to cover the problems of modern China. Each stage of formation and development of the journal is characterized in detail, as well as the influence on scientific communication of changes in the Soviet-Chinese and Russian-Chinese relations. Difficulties of both objective and subjective nature, which Russian sinologists are faced with at the present stage – related to the digitalization of work and current foreign policy problems– are outlined and possible ways of their solution are indicated.

Expansion of the west in the Caspian region

The expansionism of the West, led by the United States in the CIS space, particularly in countries with signifi cant natural resources, is always aimed not only at maximization the use of their wealth but also at neutralization the infl uence of Russia. The energy reserves of the Caspian territories and their geography since olden times attracted Westerners, primarily Americans and British. The oil boom in the second half of the 19th century led to the introduction of the largest Western companies such as the American giant «Standard Oil», «French House of Rothschild», and the Anglo-Dutch «Royal Dutch Shell» equipped with advanced technologies into the country's hydrocarbon industry. Extraordinary for that time fi nancial resources were invested in the Russian oil industry. The Soviet government nationalized the oil and gas industry, blocking foreigners' access to it. After the collapse of the USSR, new sovereign states, including the Caspian ones, in an eff ort to overcome socioeconomic and foreign policy problems, focused on the accelerated exploitation of natural resources by the foreign partners. American, British, Norwegian, Japanese, Saudi, Turkish companies have started operating in Azerbaijan. Royal Dutch-Shell, Chevron, Eni, Total feel comfortable in Kazakhstan. Along with hydrocarbons, Kazakhstan has signifi cant reserves of uranium, which is mined by foreign businesses, including Western ones. From 1992 (date of establishment of Turkmen-American diplomatic relations) up to 2021 Turkmenistan and the United States signed 167 documents on cooperation in the energy sector, including the gas sector, engineering, agriculture and other areas. Against this background, Russia needs to intensify its participation and cooperation in energy projects, scientific, educational, agro-industrial areas of the Caspian states. Activities in the CIS space is important especially in the context of the total, political, economic, information war of the collective West against Russia.