Force For Peace Research Articles

Chemistry as a force for peace

Chemistry as a force for peace

Does tourism lead to peace?

Tourism is often heralded as a force for peace, however, empirical research to confirm this suggestion is scant. To address this gap, this research integrates several datasets on conflict and tourism to examine whether a larger inflow of tourists makes civil conflict less likely. Several theoretical arguments of the role of tourism alongside other peace determining factors are presented. These inform the development of a probit model, and several specifications, that tests the hypothesis based on data from 126 countries and for the years from 1995 to 2010. The findings provide strong evidence that increasing tourism arrivals have a stabilising effect and increase the chance of peace. Implications for tourism and its role in the process of development are discussed.

Historical Role of the International Communist Movement during the World Anti-fascist War

The relationship between the international Communist movement and the world anti- fascist war constitutes a major historical theme of our times. As a positive force for democracy and peace, the international Communist movement became a solid political cornerstone of the anti-fascist war. Its enormous sacrifices and contributions made it one of the final forces terminating the fascist political order, and its humanity provided mankind with a just direction in the struggle against war terrorism and for peace idealism. It thus became a major force in effectively advancing the development of democracy and peace. Based on the logic of condemnation, the critical reflections upon fascism made by the Communist movement have provided a value dimension for the building of today’s international security system. Based on the logic of construction, the international peace ethics followed by the international Communist movement offer an ideological foundation for the building of the new international order. And based on the logic of development, the new paradigm of world civilization pursued by the international Communist movement has become a political exemplar for the current pursuit of international peace. The political force of the Communist Party of China (CPC), as China’s political backbone and advance guard, cannot be overlooked: it influenced the anti-fascist war, the postwar international Communist movement and the democratization of world order. Of course, both the Soviet Union and the Comintern also offered many historical lessons during the anti-fascist war, lessons that merit profound reflection and consideration.

Blunted cardiac reactivity to psychological stress associated with higher trait anxiety: a study in peacekeepers.

BackgroundBoth exaggerated and diminished reactivity to stress can be maladaptive. Previous studies have shown that performing increasingly difficult tasks leads first to increased reactivity and then to a blunted response when success is impossible. Our aim was to investigate the influence of trait anxiety on cardiac and cortisol response to and recovery from a standardized psychosocial stress task (Trier Social Stress Task) in a homogeneous sample of healthy peacekeepers. We hypothesized that participants with higher trait anxiety would show blunted reactivity during the performance of an overwhelmingly difficult and stressful task. Participants (N = 50) delivered a speech and performed an arithmetic task in the presence of critical evaluators. Cortisol samples and electrocardiogram data were collected. Participants completed the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory—Trait version, the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Checklist—Civilian Version (PCL-C) and the Military Peace Force Stressor Inventory.ResultsFor heart rate, the findings showed that peacekeepers with higher trait anxiety reacted less to the speech task (p = 0.03) and to the arithmetic task (p = 0.008) than those with lower trait anxiety. Trait anxiety did not modulate cortisol responses to the task. Despite the high trait anxiety group having higher PCL-C scores than the low trait anxiety group (p < 0.0001), this did not influence the cardiac results.ConclusionsWe concluded that individuals with higher trait anxiety had less tachycardia in response to acute psychological stress than those with lower trait anxiety. The present results point to a higher risk for more anxious individuals of a maladaptive reaction to stressful events.

Introduction

Introduction Suzy Kim (bio) Speaking to veterans on July 27, 2013, at the Korean War Veterans Memorial in Washington DC, President Obama declared the Korean War a victory for the United States in an effort to challenge its status in American memory as a forgotten war. It is worth quoting his remarks at length to appreciate the change in emphasis on the war’s “victory” from what had previously been a focus on the hardships of an unknown war: That July day, when the fighting finally ended, not far from where it began, some suggested this sacrifice had been for naught, and they summed it up with a phrase — “die for a tie.”… But here, today, we can say with confidence that war was no tie. Korea was a victory. When fifty million South Koreans live in freedom—a vibrant democracy, one of the world’s most dynamic economies, in stark contrast to the repression and poverty of the North—that’s a victory; that’s your legacy. When our soldiers stand firm along the DMZ; when our South Korean friends can go about their lives, knowing that the commitment of the United States to the security of the Republic of Korea will never waver—that is a victory, and that is your legacy. [End Page 1] When our allies across the Asia Pacific know—as we have proven in Korea for sixty straight years—that the United States will remain a force for peace and security and prosperity—that’s a victory; that’s your legacy. And for generations to come, when history recalls how free nations banded together in a long Cold War, and how we won that war, let it be said that Korea was the first battle—where freedom held its ground and free peoples refused to yield; that, too, is your victory, your legacy.1 The Korean War does not stand alone in this renewed effort to valorize American interventions during the Cold War. The last several years have seen milestone anniversaries of two American wars in Asia—the Korean War and the Vietnam War—that have generated a grandiose rhetoric of victory for two of the deadliest wars of the twentieth century outside the two world wars. The sixtieth anniversary of the Korean War Armistice Agreement in 2013 prompted the president to claim victory in his speech at the Korean War Veterans Memorial. In the previous year, the administration issued a presidential proclamation for an unusually long thirteen-year program to commemorate the Vietnam War, designating the period from May 28, 2012, through November 11, 2025, as the official tribute to the fiftieth anniversary of the war, at a cost of five million dollars per year.2 Observing March 8, 1965, as the date when thirty-five hundred marines were deployed to start the American ground war in Vietnam, formal events are planned throughout 2015. The year 2015 also marks the seventieth anniversary of the division of the Korean peninsula, an action proposed by the United States (and accepted by the Soviets) at the end of the Asia-Pacific War in 1945. Indeed, American involvement in Vietnam must also be traced back to 1945, when the United States threw its support behind France in its bid to recolonize Vietnam. How can we explain the turn of perspective toward such triumphalist rhetoric at this point in time? Similar to the Vietnam War, but in a much shorter span of only three years, the Korean War resulted in an estimated three million civilian deaths, and the unended Korean War continues to elicit tensions along the demilitarized zone dividing the two Koreas, and throughout the Asia-Pacific region today. But unlike Vietnam, where American veterans have engaged in projects for peace and reconciliation with Vietnamese partners, peace in Korea seems like a distant dream at best.3 [End Page 2] The purpose of this special issue is twofold: first, to engage in a critical intervention into the memorialization of the Korean War among the chief participants—the two Koreas, the United States, and China—to disrupt monolithic understandings of its origins, consequences, and experiences; and second, to do so as a necessary step toward reconciliation by placing...

Sustainable Development Needs Connected and Integrated Sciences

I thank the Government of China and the Chinese Academy of Engineering for this initiative. I can hardly think of a better country to explore the power of engineering, science and technology. Throughout a millennial history, China has given revolutionary innovations to humanity, changing the course of development of all societies. On 27 March, I had the honor to welcome His Excellency President XI to UNESCO. Speaking before Member States, President XI said, “Chinese civilization, though born on the soil of China, has come to its present form through constant exchanges and mutual learning with other civilizations.” President XI highlighted such exchanges as a force for peace—“to spread the seeds of peace so that they will take root in the hearts and minds of the world’s people.” These words echo those of the UNESCO Constitution: Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed. This idea has never been so relevant. We meet at a time of rising pressure on the planet, a time when all societies are transforming. We all recognize the deepening interdependence of the world. The question is whether we can make this interdependence a source of strength. This question stands at the heart of efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals by 2015 and shape a new global development agenda to follow. All societies are seeking new sources of dynamism, to eradicate poverty, to build sustainable and lasting peace development. This is why engineering, science and technology are important and this International Conference is so timely. UNESCO was born in 1945 at the Institute of Civil Engineers in London. The world has changed, but the need for engineering, science and technology has only deepened. And so have the aspirations of all societies to benefit from progress. I believe we need today a new vision of human development, where all participate in creating and sharing knowledge and innovation. For this, we need new approaches to engineering and the sciences. We need more integrated sciences—transdisciplinary, drawing on scientific, traditional and indigenous knowledge. We need greater investment in the sciences, in countries across the world. We need more connected sciences-linked to policymaking, responding to actual needs. In 2010, UNESCO published the first global study of engineering, which highlighted its importance. From agriculture to medicine, chemistry to the environment, engineering has the power to respond to the challenges of climate change, to craft solutions that reach the unreached. The Report was equally clear on challenges. Sub-Saharan Africa needs 2.5 million new engineers and technicians to reach the Millennium Development Goal of improved access to clean water and sanitation. Least Developed countries still contribute marginally to global engineering and sciences, and derive marginal benefits from its development. The Report showed a profession under pressure-facing difficulties in attracting and retaining young men and especially women. This is the paradox we face-innovation has never been so essential, yet engineering faces steep challenges. UNESCO launched the Engineering Initiative to address this paradox. This seeks to raise the profile of engineering, notably with renewable and alternative technologies. It focuses on engineering education, especially for women to reverse the enrollment decline. We are working across the world, with Governments, professional societies, the private sector and civil society. UNESCO centers play a leading role— including the International Knowledge Center for Engineering Sciences and Engineering 2015, 1(1): 4–5 DOI 10.15302/J-ENG-2015002

Psychosocial factors and T lymphocyte counts in Brazilian peacekeepers

OBJECTIVE:To investigate the associations between psychosocial factors and peripheral blood CD4 and CD8 T lymphocyte numbers in Brazilian peacekeepers.METHODS:Venous blood was collected from 759 peacekeepers who had just returned from a peace mission in Haiti. Among the 759 soldiers, 642 individuals completed the psychosocial measures. CD4 and CD8 T lymphocyte counts were measured by flow cytometry using a commercially available kit. Psychosocial factors, including military peace force stressors, clinical stress, anxiety and depression, were recorded. As a reference for T lymphocyte numbers, we measured T lymphocyte counts in 75 blood donors from the Instituto de Biologia do Exército, Rio de Janeiro.RESULTS:The median numbers of CD4 and CD8 T lymphocytes in the blood donors were 819 cells/µl and 496 cells/µl, respectively, with a CD4:CD8 ratio of 1.6. Significantly (p<0.05) lower CD4 T cell counts (759 cells/µl) were recorded for peacekeepers, with similar CD8 levels (548 cells/µl) and smaller CD4:CD8 ratios (1.3, p<0.001) compared to blood donors. These differences were due to a group of 14 military personnel with CD4 and CD8 medians of 308 and 266 cells/µl, respectively. Only one (7.1%) of these 14 individuals was diagnosed with clinical stress compared with 13.5% of the individuals with normal levels of CD4 T lymphocytes. One individual out of 628 (0.16%) had a Lipp's Stress Symptom Inventory score of 3, indicating near exhaustion.CONCLUSION:The prevalence of psychological disorders was low and there were no associations with CD4 or CD8 T cell numbers.

The most significant influences on the defense capability of the Republic of Serbia (criteria for determining the size of armed forces in peace and wartime)

Many factors have an influence on the defense capability of every country, including the Republic of Serbia. They can be classified into three main groups: external, internal, and demographic. Each of these groups exerts different influences, in terms of their transparency, number, and importance. In the contemporary international community, many elements in the domain of defense of large and developed countries are joined, and in small and underdeveloped countries they have been transferred to or dependent on collective defense systems. Especially important is the group of demographic factors, according to which the scope/size of armed forces is determined in contemporary circumstances, as the basic postulate of defense of the highest values of a country/society. It is therefore necessary to more closely define the concept of 'defense', in order to approach to further consideration of its function and the forces to perform it. In the international community there are three main criteria by which the scope/size of the armed forces of every country is determined or calculated: the size of the territory, the scope of the mobilization efforts of the population and the number of strategic approaches to be closed by the armed forces at all times. They are directly conditioned by: the position of the country in the international community, and the country's socio­political and economic capability. Based on these criteria and the above-mentioned elements the paper examines all relevant influences on the defense capability of Serbia.

Argentina, Brasil e o conflito de Santo Domingo (1965)

This article aims to summarize the positions assumed by the Brazilian and Argentine governments on the Conflict of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, in 1965. Victorious in the February 1963 elections, which put an end to three decades of Trujillo dictatorship, Dominican President Juan Bosch, accused of pro-communist by the U.S. State Department, was shot down in September 1963. In April 1965, the military constitutionalists stood up in support of the return of the democratic president, obtaining a significant popular support. In response, the U.S. President Lyndon Johnson, with the excuse to avoid another Cuba in the Caribbean, unilaterally ordered the invasion of the Caribbean island to defeat the democratic forces. After this unilateral action, in the OAS, he called an emergency meeting of ministers of foreign affairs of the American countries, to creat an Inter-American Peace Force (FIP), in order to legitimize the invasion, making it an apparently multilateral action. In front of this situation, Brazil and Argentina had divergent positions on the creation of the Inter-American Peace Force. While in Brazil the dictatorial government of Castelo Branco not only supported but also led the military action in Santo Domingo, the Argentine government, led by Arturo Illia, at first supported the creation of the Inter-American Peace Force, but then refused to send troops to Santo Domingo. This episode showed that unlike what happened in the early 1960s, in the second half of that decade, Brazil and Argentina began to distance themselves in the field of the international relations.

Interest Similarity and Cross-Strait Peace

Studies in this article support the peace-building effects of interest similarity, and we have to re-evaluate the current world peace through a new lens of interest. Previous research has informed us that states with similar security and/or economic interests will experience fewer conflict onsets. This study begins with research treating interest similarity as a “facilitating condition for conflict,” and argues that in addition to security interest, capitalist economic policies that lead to the deeper integration of an economy into international markets should be considered one of the ultimate driving forces of peace. By discussing a brief description of bilateral peace in the China–Taiwan dyad, this article concludes that the China–Taiwan dyad has less possibility of encountering military conflict if both governments can maintain similarity in their security interests. Moreover, the author distinguishes different models in capitalist peace theory, which include the free-market and the social-market. Accordingly, this article examines three different prestigious capitalist models: trade, capital openness, and contract-intensive economy as social-market theory. The results suggest that the China–Taiwan case is an appropriate case for the trade (Weede, Economic development, social order, and world politics, 1996) and capital openness models (Gartzke, Am J Polit Sci 51(1):166–191, 2007). Future studies need to be more aware of the model chosen for capitalist peace on cross-Strait relations.

The EU's Conflict Resolution Policies in the Black Sea Area

Since the end of the Cold War, the Black Sea countries have undergone significant changes in their domestic, regional and global contexts. These shifts entailed important consequences for the political and economic re-structuring of the region, with an increasingly important role played by the European Union (EU) and NATO in anchoring these countries to Euro-Atlantic institutions. However, conflict resolution has remained one area where EU countries have been reluctant to play a more visible role, neglecting to systematically address the fact that the permanence of the conflicts undermines all efforts of regional stability and development. Considering this mismatch, this paper addresses the EU's conflict-related policies in its Eastern neighbourhood and argues that although the EU perceives itself as a force for regional peace, its neighbourhood policy has also brought short-term dynamics of destabilization, namely, by unsettling Russia's leading security role, and as a result of the EU's unclear political prospects towards the Black Sea.

Long-term financial sustainability of airspace control and protection operation calculation model

The paper presents the calculation model of an airspace control and protection operation cost price. The airspace control and protection operation is one of the most complex military operations performed by the armed forces both in peace and in wartime. This operation is performed by forces included in the air defense system. Its importance comes from the fact that it is a prerequisite of European integrations, as well as a security obligation of any state to protect people, property, and other material resources and the environment against asymmetric and other potential airborne threats. This task, which is an international obligation, is performed by each state independently, or by hiring armed forces of neighboring states, to which they allocate significant financial assets (dozens millions of Euros). Also, by performing the airspace control and protection operation, significant funds are obtained through international agency 'Eurocontrol'. Therefore, it is especially important to calculate the long-term financial sustainability of performing the airspace control and protection operation by own forces. The paper is focused on conceptual definition of the airspace control and protection operation and the classification of the forces that perform the operation. Also, the paper presents the software KOSTMOD as a tool for calculating the long-term financial sustainability of the operation conducted by available forces, as well as by modeled forces equipped with modern weapons systems and equipment.

“Everywhere there are grim question marks”: Critical remembrance and volume 1 of International Journal

This article revisits volume 1 of International Journal to illustrate the power of “critical remembrance” to deepen the discourse about and sharpen the debate over contemporary global issues and Canada’s potential as a force for peace and progress. Setting the origins of the journal in historical context, the article considers the immediate postwar mood of its contributors and their myriad suggestions for Canada’s appropriate role. The article concludes with a plea for “historical literacy” as an indispensable starting point for reimagining the world in which we live.

A GUIDE-POST FOR THE SECOND DECADE OF THE BULLETIN OF THE SLOVENIAN ARMED FORCES

A GUIDE-POST FOR THE SECOND DECADE OF THE BULLETIN OF THE SLOVENIAN ARMED FORCES

Nuclear Deterrence in Asia and the Pacific

AbstractThe Asia Pacific region includes six of the world's nine nuclear‐armed states, and in all of them relevant policymakers, still caught in a Cold War mindset, continue to believe in nuclear deterrence as a force for peace and stability, perceiving nuclear disarmament to be not only unachievable, but undesirable. But—whether the context is major powers seeking to neutralise threats from each other (United States, Russia, China and India), non‐nuclear allies seeking nuclear protection from various threat contingencies (Japan, South Korea and Australia) or vulnerable states seeking a ‘strategic equaliser’ (Pakistan and North Korea)—the traditional strategic arguments for nuclear deterrence are much weaker than they may first seem. Whatever may have been the case for the Cold War years, in today's world the risks associated with the acquisition or retention of nuclear weapons far outweigh any conceivable utility they may have. The financial arguments against them—that they are indefensibly costly—are strong. And the humanitarian arguments are overwhelming: nuclear weapons remain the most indiscriminately inhumane ever devised, and they should be outlawed as chemical and biological weapons have been. Making disarmament happen will never be easy, but—with the right political leadership—is not impossible. Focusing, realistically, in the first instance on minimization rather than elimination, practical steps can be taken to dramatically reduce nuclear weapon numbers, deployment and alert status, and doctrinal reliance on them. Doing so would dramatically reduce, both regionally and globally, the now ever‐present risk of nuclear catastrophe.

Globalization and Distorted Development: In Search of a System Perspective for Sustainability

The controversial relationship between globalization and social development still dominates the intellectual and socio-political debate of our days. The 21st century has evolved, so far, without an agreement between those who promise prosperity and opportunities in an expanded and international world market and those who claim that globalization, as it has been carried on today, is a negative force for peace, equity, and social development.While the most visible effects of globalization include the internationalization of the world economy, the expansion of markets, and a growing interconnectedness among countries, the process also carries major consequences for social development. In fact, the most serious consequence, especially in Third World countries, is the inability of national governments to invest in programs of social welfare. Policies of national development are being reduced as the role of the state is being diminished. Today, social stratification has become international while inequality remains global.As demonstrated by today’s financial and economic international crisis, current patterns of globalization reaffirm a growing interdependence of the world economy, modern technology, and communications. The same process, however, carries little or no change in old conditions of international stratification, global inequality, and insufficient efforts for social development.This paper examines three main issues pertinent to globalization:(1) First, the notion that globalization is a new phenomenon and a different paradigm is highly questionable. Less developed countries have had long histories of dependent relationships and vulnerability to external political and economic powers. (2) Globalization has produced conditions of “distorted development” characterized by economic growth without social development. (3) More functional and sustainable relationships between globalization and social development are explored and discussed. The paper reviews sociocybernetic principles of the “Viable System” suggested by Stafford Beer.

About the current Issue

The current edition places the discussion of “Sustainable Development” into the center of interest. The first two articles attend the social dimension of the tridimensional approach of Sustainabiliy (ecological, economic and social dimension). Luciano Gallón starts with his article “Poverty and Artificial Sustainability. A research on the Structure and Dynamics of South America” where he shows the process of building a theoretical and practical framework for modelling South America using the approach of Systems Dynamics. Based on this concept he wants to explore questions such as: Is it possible to reduce poverty following a sustainable path? What is the kind of steady state behind the sustainability ideas? In what sense is it possible to talk of artificial sustainability? What relationship can be found between the scales of space and time of the human perspective and of the sustainability and the dynamics of the new social equilibriums? How such exploration enriches the understanding of social systems and human behavior? What contributions can be offered from such analysis and synthesis to contribute to sustainability? How can the structure and dynamics of South America helps to answer those questions?The social dimension of Sustainable Development is also focussed in the following contribution. Darío Menanteau-Horta analyses in his article “Globalization and Distorted Development: In Search of a System Perspective for Sustainability” the topic of Sustainable Development within the controversy between those who promise prosperity and opportunities in an expanded and international world market and those who claim that globalization, as it has been carried on today, is a negative force for peace, equity, and social development.In his Short Communication to this topic Nils O. Larsson suggests a methodology to find the most important decisions within a specific area of discussion. Focussing on the important decisions and in which settings they are taken gives an increased possibility of solving the problems in question. In this actual subject the analysis should cover decisions on all levels i.e. individual, informal and formal groupings of people, nations, group of nations as well as decisions on the global level.In continuation of his “Introduction into Sociocybernetics”, published in the last edition of JoS, Roberto Gustavo Mancilla presents now the second part focussing the relationship between power, culture and institutions. The third part in which the question of rationality and language will be discussed follows in the next issue of the Journal of Sociocybernetics.Michael Paetau (Editor)

More Wars for the Middle East?

More Wars for the Middle East?

Nuclear Deterrence in Asia and the Pacific

The Asia Pacific region includes six of the world’s nine nuclear-armed states, and in all of them relevant policymakers, still caught in a Cold War mindset, continue to believe in nuclear deterrence as a force for peace and stability, perceiving nuclear disarmament to be not only unachievable, but undesirable. But — whether the context is major powers seeking to neutralise threats from each other (United States, Russia, China and India), non-nuclear allies seeking nuclear protection from various threat contingencies (Japan, South Korea and Australia) or vulnerable states seeking a ‘strategic equaliser’ (Pakistan and North Korea) — the traditional strategic arguments for nuclear deterrence are much weaker than they may first seem. Whatever may have been the case for the Cold War years, in today’s world the risks associated with the acquisition or retention of nuclear weapons far outweigh any conceivable utility they may have. The financial arguments against them — that they are indefensibly costly — are strong. And the humanitarian arguments are overwhelming: nuclear weapons remain the most indiscriminately inhumane ever devised, and they should be outlawed as chemical and biological weapons have been. Making disarmament happen will never be easy, but — with the right political leadership — is not impossible. Focusing, realistically, in the first instance on minimization rather than elimination, practical steps can be taken to dramatically reduce nuclear weapon numbers, deployment and alert status, and doctrinal reliance on them. Doing so would dramatically reduce, both regionally and globally, the now ever-present risk of nuclear catastrophe.

The Forces of Homology—Hirohito, Emperor of Japan and the 1928 Rites of Succession

In November 1928, Hirohito became the emperor of Japan through a series of rituals, beginning with the emperor's presentation to the world. Afterwards the emperor soul, transmitted from the sun goddess through the preceding generations of emperors to the current one, is rejuvenated and pacified by attaching different gods (kami) to it. Then, in his full presence as a living-kami, the new emperor enters a finely balanced structure to partake of sacred rice with the kami. Within the Japanese cosmos, the world at large, the domain of humankind, and the realm of the kami are situated along a continuum. In such a world, the forces of homology can, through meticulous ritual, connect between those realms and harness one plane for the improvement and augmentation of another. By means of the rites of succession, the emperor activates the forces of homology, yielding a dynamic yet precarious world, as the kami forces of peace and harmony are harnessed for the well-being of all Japan.