Equality remains a popular ideal but its feasibility in a modern and affluent social framework is often doubted. The Israeli kibbutz is a case of particular interest in this coIltext since it underwent, during the last generation, processes of rapid industrialization, occupational diversification and growing affluence. To what extent was an egalitarian distribution of scarce resources preserved under these circumstances? This issue is discussed in the light of findings from a survey of 650 people in 21 Israeli kibbutzim. When levels of equality in the allocation of four resources (consumption, occupational prestige, self fulfilment and influence) were compared, it became evident that prestige and power are more differentiated than self-fulfilment and consumption. The overall extent of equality in a society is determined by the 'clustering' of various resources and rewards at the disposal of designated groups (strata or classes). No such crystalization of strata could be found within the kibbutz community. It was concluded that while some minimal differentiation in the allocation of some resources or rewards may be a functional imperative, structural equality (i.e. with no emergence of a class system) seems to be feasible not just in the framework of self-imposed poverty, but also in a free and affluent community. EQUALITY AND AFFLUENCE: THE PROBLEM Equality among members of the same community remains one of the major foci of ideological polemic as well as sociological reasoning. Many of those who subscribe to equality as an abstract ideal doubt its feasibility in the real world. More specifically it has often been argued that it will be necessary to pay for equality in terms of other human desiderata, such as liberty, efficiency or cultural advancement. Wrong (1959: 775) for instance claimed that Thc British Journal of Sociology Volumc XXXVII Number 3 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.103 on Mon, 25 Apr 2016 05:03:33 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 336 Shimon Shur and Yochanan Peres those who intended the abolition of any unequal reward system altogether (notably sectarian Christian communes and Israeli kibbutzim) have been willing to pay the price set by Davis and Moore: foregoing the advantages of an elaborate division of labor, and permanent commitment to an agrarian way of life. The demographic, occupational and cultural realities of Israeli kibbutz life have changed drastically since Wrong's statement was made. The bulk of these developments can be summarized under three headings: (a) Demographic Transition The typical Israeli kibbutz is no longer composed mainly of individuals who chose to join a commune. Rather, a large proportion of the currently active members are kibbutz-born or persons who joined through marriage to a kibbutz-born member. This population was not self selected for egalitarian idealism and/or relative indifference to material rewards, to the same degree as were the first generation. Moreover, it has been indicated that kibbutzborn members tend to adopt a more pragmatic and flexible value orientation than their founding parents (Cohen and Rosner, 1970). If functional imperatives are expected to bring about a transformation towards a more 'conventional' system of stratification in the long run, then, it should be noted that the kibbutz has already passed the 'short run.' (b) Industrialization The economist Yehuda Don (1983: 372) described the growing importance of industry in the kibbutz This process of industrialization took place in less than twenty years. Industrial labor force increased . . . by 260 per cent . . . virtually the total increment to the kibbutz labor force has been assigned to industry. Output (in constant 1958 prices) . . . increased by 2500 per cent. Naturally industrialization was accompanied by an elaborate and specialized division of labour (which diffused to the agrarian sector as well), a diversification of consumption, and a higher standard of
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