Female Governor Research Articles

Aisha Binani, the First Elected Female Governor in Nigeria that Never Was-UN Affirmative Action, Gender and the Leadership Question in Nigeria

Aisha Binani, the First Elected Female Governor in Nigeria that Never Was-UN Affirmative Action, Gender and the Leadership Question in Nigeria

An Intertextual Approach to the Political Poetry of Griselda Alvarez

The political poetry of Griselda Álvarez has played a fundamental role in the history of Mexico by highlighting silenced voices and social struggles through her verses. As the first female governor in Mexico, Álvarez paved the way for women in politics, and her poetry reflects her commitment to social justice and women's rights. Her poems, including Canto a las barbas, address pressing issues such as gender inequality, political oppression, and the fight for freedom, offering a critical and poetic perspective on the political reality of her time. Griselda Álvarez's work reveals the complex nature of art, which allows for connections between the ineffable essence of being and historical social issues. In this study, we use an intertextual analysis to approach her literary creation from a critical perspective, through which we observe that poetry constructs feelings, sensations, and beauty, while also serving as a tool for resistance and denunciation.

Immodest flirt or competent governor: translating gender in colonial and post-colonial South Asian historiography

AbstractThis article examines how an eighteenth-century woman, Mughlani Begum, is depicted in the most informative contemporary Persian auto/biography and how the descriptions, anecdotes, and analysis of her life contained therein, including the brief period she was Punjab's governor, changed as the primary source was translated into or summarised in English. The original Persian and colonial English translations and histories are read alongside an Urdu history of the Punjab, which begs the question: why was the life of a female governor reduced to that of an ‘immodest flirt’ in English sources, while her identity is incredibly nuanced in Persian and Urdu sources? Indeed, post-colonial historians writing in English rarely reference Persian originals: hence, they reproduce what colonial-period English writers before them said, and they completely ignore Urdu histories. While it is nearly impossible to understand the reasons why historians writing in English choose to depict Mughlani Begum in such a flattened way, we can be more critical of our readings of histories written in English, especially when original accounts are available. This article argues for consideration of how transmission of knowledge, language politics, and gender biases inflect historiography and misrepresent historical events and people of the Punjab—especially women.

On Women Governor Discourse In Yogyakarta Special Regions: A Muhammadiyah View Toward The Constitutional Court No. 88 / PUU-XIV / 2016

This study aims to answer the discourse of an Islamic organization, namely Muhammadiyah, in response to a female governor in an Islamic society in Yogyakarta who the Indonesian Constitutional Court overthrew. The study used a qualitative descriptive method. The theory used in this research is perception, discourse, leadership, gender, and power. The data in this study are in the form of documents, information based on interviews with Muhammadiyah residents and women activists who are the Governor's discourse. The researcher also uses the Nvivo 12 Plus Application to support this analysis. This study describes that Muhammadiyah as the most influential Islamic group in the Special Region of Yogyakarta does not issue a policy regarding the Governor's discourse and women's resistance, which is relatively closed. This research will be helpful for researchers in the fields of sociology, anthropology, and political science. Also, it will help policymakers to understand their justification for the policy.

Gender and Development (GAD): Keterpilihan Perempuan dalam Pilkada Serentak 2015, 2017 dan 2018 di Provinsi Jawa Timur

The changes of the local government management system after the New Order regime from centralistic to decentralized provide significant changes to the region in Indonesia. Since that time, the region can determine its own affairs and needs, including the regional head. Direct regional head election (local election) is a product of decentralization. Through direct elections, the people have the right to determine their regional heads. In addition, direct elections also opened up opportunities for female candidates to compete in the elections, not a few of them won the contest. In the aftermath of the 2018 Local election, East Java Province has ten female regional heads spread in 38 regency/city, and is the only Province in Indonesia which is currently headed by a female governor. This paper analyzes the electability of women in the localelections in 2015, 2017 and 2018 in East Java as an implementation of the Gender and Development (GAD) concept. In addition, the analysis used in assessing women’s electability in the local election in East Java Province uses four indicators, namely the basis of electability, the pattern of recruitment, regeneration of political party and also bonding with the community (grassroots).

Guam

Guam Elizabeth (Isa) Ua Ceallaigh Bowman (bio), Michael Lujan Bevacqua (bio), and Tiara Na'Puti (bio) The year 2018–2019 in Guam began on a high note with a series of landmark elections and ended more forebodingly with a federal court case threatening the rights of the island's Indigenous people. November 2018 saw the victory of Democrat Lourdes "Lou" Leon Guerrero as the island's first female governor. For centuries, chief executives on island have been referred to as "maga'låhi," a colonial appropriation of the CHamoru term for a male leader. With Leon Guerrero's election, she assumed for the first time in modern history the title of "maga'håga," or female leader (pdn, 7 Nov 2018). Leon Guerrero led a local "blue wave" of Democrats who seized a super majority (ten out of fifteen) seats in I Liheslaturan Guåhan (Guam Legislature). Among those elected was former journalist Clynt Ridgell, the first Guam-elected leader of Chuukese descent (pdn, 7 Jan 2019). Leon Guerrero's lieutenant governor, Joshua Tenorio, became the first openly gay man in US history to hold that position. In I Liheslaturan Guåhan, ten of the officials elected were women, including seven Democrats and three [End Page 195] Republicans. With 67 percent of its legislature made up of women, Guam held one of the highest percentages of female elected leadership in world history. This milestone reflected the wave of women winning public office in the continental United States, but it could also be tied to a resurgence of CHamoru values long suppressed by patriarchal colonialism (pdn, 8 Nov, 2018). As a way of combining these two narratives, a company called Maga'håga Rising began to sell "The Future is Famalao'an" t-shirts shortly after Leon Guerrero's inauguration. "Famalao'an" is the CHamoru term for women, playing on the popular American hashtag #thefutureisfemale (pdn, 13 Jan 2019). At the same time, the maga'håga appointed Tony Babauta as her chief of staff and Jack Hattig as director of the Chamorro Land Trust Commission. This was despite past scandals involving sexual misconduct toward women—Babauta at the federal level and Hattig at a high school (pdn, 10 Dec 2019; gdp, 19 Jan 2019). Leon Guerrero survived a divisive four-way primary to become the Democratic Party's nominee. Leon Guerrero and Tenorio beat their closest primary opponents, former Senator Frank Aguon and former Attorney General of Guam Alicia Limtiaco, by under 300 votes (8,218 to 7,958). Aguon and Limtiaco, despite signing a party unity pledge during the campaign, mounted a write-in campaign during the general election. Their effort was boosted through significant self-inflicted wounds by the Republican nominee for governor Ray Tenorio, then lieutenant governor. In the midst of the campaign, Tenorio was charged and tried for official misconduct for taking a police officer's gun. While Tenorio was found not guilty after the election, the scandal tarnished his campaign (pdn, 22 March 2019). With Leon Guerrero the heavy favorite, much attention was focused on whether or not her camp would be able to garner enough votes to avoid a runoff election. According to Guam law, a candidate must receive a majority of the votes in order to be elected, or else a runoff is held. Aguon and Limtiaco's write-in campaign won an unprecedented 22.9 percent of the general election votes, just 1,258 fewer than Ray Tenorio and his running mate, former Senator Tony Ada (26.4 percent). Leon Guerrero narrowly avoided a runoff by winning 50.7 percent of the votes. Maga'håga Leon Guerrero, a former nurse, was a pro-choice community activist in Guam in the early 1990s. Guam remains a heavily Catholic island, although recent child sexual abuse scandals have weakened the influence of the church. Though not damaging her campaign, her support for reproductive rights as maga'håga created a minicontroversy. After the election, Leon Guerrero's Bureau of Women's Affairs began actively seeking an abortion provider for Guam, as there had been no official provider for nearly a year. The bureau director stated that a recent case in which a twelve-year...

Evaluación de la presencia de mujeres en gabinetes subnacionales de Argentina (1992-2016)

?Cuales son los factores que explican la inclusion de las mujeres en puestos politicos subnacionales? La literatura convencional ha examinado las designaciones de mujeres en gabinetes nacionales, pero escasa atencion se ha prestado a los gobiernos provinciales. Para abordar este vacio, adoptamos el enfoque de oferta y demanda. De este modo, utilizando una base de datos sobre las 24 jurisdicciones subnacionales argentinas desde 1992 a 2016, encontramos que los factores del lado de la demanda son mas relevantes. Esto se explica, en primer termino, ya que la probabilidad de que sean nombradas ministras aumenta junto al tamano del gabinete, cuando hay una gobernadora mujer y, finalmente, si el gobernador pertenece a la coalicion peronista. Por otro lado, se ven perjudicadas a medida que aumenta el contingente legislativo del partido del gobernador.

Sexual harassment of women politicians in Japan

In 2016 in Japan, three women were appointed to politically powerful and historically significant positions. Koike Yuriko became the first female governor of Tokyo, Renho Murata became the leader of the opposition party, the Democratic Party, and Inada Tomomi became only the second woman to lead the Ministry of Defence. Despite these gains, the Japanese political world can be a hostile place for women. Japan’s national legislative assembly has the lowest representation of women among OECD countries, and harassment of women in politics is common. Situating Japan’s experience within the emergent violence against women in politics (VAWP) literature, I draw on a 2014 survey of women politicians about their experiences of sexual harassment and from interviews with individual women politicians to examine the extent and nature of sexual harassment in Japanese politics. This is a ‘hidden’ problem due to ineffective legislation and a lack of awareness of what constitutes sexual harassment, even among politicians. I argue that the first step in combating sexual harassment of women in politics in Japan is to make it visible.

Citizen responses to female executives: is it sex, novelty or both?

ABSTRACTWomen increasingly have been elected to executive office – both at the national and subnational level – in countries throughout the world. Yet, we know little about the effects that the election of a woman to executive office has on citizen attitudes, political engagement, or political participation. In this paper, we argue that the election of a woman to an executive could have effects through the presence of a woman in the executive, the novelty of a woman assuming executive office, or both. We test these hypotheses with a survey experiment conducted in Brazil that focuses on the election of a hypothetical female governor. This project sheds light on how citizens respond to female executives with a causal analysis in an important region for gender and executive politics.

Good manners and high heels: newspaper coverage of South Carolina’s first female governor

ABSTRACTThis study analyses newspaper articles from South Carolina’s largest newspaper – The State – in order to determine its portrayal of the state’s first female governor, Nikki Haley. Analysis of 138 articles, which were drawn from the first 100 days of the two terms that Haley has served as governor, reflected themes from the cult of true womanhood. Haley was first celebrated as the harbinger of moral change in the political landscape of South Carolina only to be positioned in a contentious space between manhood and femininity by her second term. Her husband’s new role as first gentleman of South Carolina was portrayed on a smaller scale but in a similar vein, one that demonstrated a publication’s attempts to negotiate changing gender roles.

The Value of Outside Support for Male and Female Politicians Involved in a Political Sex Scandal

ABSTRACT This research examined how third party statements impact the evaluation of male and female politicians caught in a scandal (i.e., extramarital affair). Governor's sex was crossed with three types of support statements: third party supportive (TPS), third party non-supportive (TPNS), and governor self-supportive (GSS). In Experiment 1, a female politician was evaluated more positively than a male politician. The TPS and the GSS conditions were both evaluated more positively than the TPNS condition. Experiment 2's design was similar to Experiment 1's, except it involved multiple affairs. In Experiment 2, participants used the third party's statements as an information source and thus reduced their use of gender stereotypes in the TPS and TPNS conditions compared to the GSS condition. We also found that male respondents gave more negative evaluations of the female governor than female respondents. Implications for the gender stereotype and social influence literatures are discussed.

The new feminist agenda: defining the next revolution for women, work, and family

As the first female governor of Vermont, and a lifelong feminist, Madeleine M. Kunin brings a wealth of knowledge and authority to her latest book, The New Feminist Agenda. Convinced that feminism has not lived up to its potential, Kunin seeks to infuse the movement with new vigor by redirecting its focus. And so she asks: “Can we mobilize under the banner of Feminists for Families?” And by “we,” she pretty much means everyone. “We need a revolution,” writes Kunin. “But women cannot lead it alone. We have to broaden the feminist conversation to include men, unions, the elderly, the disabled, religious groups, and the unaffiliated.” What she suggests is that feminists broaden their ranks so that they may “snatch back the words ‘family values’ and redefine them as the work/family policies necessary to sustain strong families.” In particular, Kunin calls for the institution of work flexibility across the board, for all men and women, wealthy and poor. Kunin looks to other countries for case studies where the institution of maternal/paternal leave and work flexibility has been successful. She investigates the more radical policies of the Nordic and European countries, as well as the policies of countries similar to the United States, including the United Kingdom and Canada. Her line of inquiry not only details the policies of these other countries but also asks, “Would this work in the US?” In studying the states that have successfully passed family leave policies (California, Washington, and New Jersey), Kunin details the lessons learned from those situations so that similar laws might be implemented elsewhere. The conclusions might seem simplistic or obvious—for example, “form a broad coalition,” “frame the question,” “do not accept the inevitable”—and yet, the work Kunin is doing here is important. She’s not only framing the conversation but also bringing a new generation of feminists into a discussion in which they may have never before played a part. Though at its heart this is a feminist manifesto, it’s not a polemic. Rather, The New Feminist Agenda reads like a practical guide, loaded with case studies and examples, all of which invite even the casual reader to consider that the “next revolution” may be not only definable but also attainable. OLINE EATON (May 31, 2012)

Rainbow Blindness: Same-Sex Partnerships in Post-Coalitional Australia

Rainbow Blindness: Same-Sex Partnerships in Post-Coalitional Australia

After Elizabeth: representations of female rule in Massinger's tragicomedies

The perception, memories and representations of Elizabeth in the early seventeenth century can hardly be separated by political concerns. As Jacobean and Caroline governments were progressively distancing themselves from the values Elizabeth had been known to support, the idealized memory of good Queen Bess could also be effectively reframed and used as a form of opposition to the rule of James and Charles. The representation of women rulers in Philip Massinger's tragicomedies may be read as a crucial example of the way a nostalgic vision of Elizabeth blends in with more contemporary considerations about female authority as well as representations of ideal relationships between the sexes and between the monarch and his/her people. The purpose of this article is to investigate some of the implications of the so‐called myth of Elizabeth, and the way some dramatic representations of the female governor complicate and integrate the example of Elizabeth as idealized monarch and become part of a wider investigation on hierarchy and the private/public conduct of rulers in Jacobean and Caroline times.

An Inquiry into the Contemporary Differential between Female and Male Voter Turnouts

This study seeks to identify contemporary factors that systematically explain the difference in the ratio of the female-to-male voter participation rates, FVPR/MVPR, and the difference between the female and male voter participation rate levels, FVPR−MVPR, in the U.S. Using state-level data form the 2004 Presidential election, it is found that both FVPR/MVPR and FVPR−MVPR are an increasing function of the gender-specific unemployment rates, median earnings, educational attainment levels, population age 65 and over, and the presence of a female governor in the state and a decreasing function of the gender-specific divorce rates.

Women in the Grenada Revolution, 1979-1983

IThe year 1951 was synonymous in Grenada with the words strike, riot and revolution. It saw the rise of a trade unionist, a people's messiah, in the person of Eric Matthew Gairy, who led the first massive strike action by agricultural workers and later ruled the country as premier and then prime minister from 1951 to 1979. This period saw an increase in wages and an improvement in working conditions for agricultural workers, most of whom were women. It also saw the establishment of a number of women's groups, including the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), the Soroptomists, Lioness Club, Home Industries Association, Home Makers' Association, and Grenada Women's League. These groups were mainly charitable organizations that catered to the needs of poor women, especially in the rural areas. For example, the YWCA and the Home Makers' Association provided advice on domestic science and home management. With the exception of the Grenada Women's League, they had no political affiliation. The Grenada Women's League was the women's arm of Gairy's Grenada United Labour Party (GULP). Like the other women's groups, its vision was limited to charitable work.The Gairy regime encouraged the movement of women into positions of power by his appointment of Dame Hilda Bynoe as first female governor of Grenada and in the British Commonwealth. He also appointed two female ambassadors. Three women won their parliamentary seats on a GULP ticket. One became a minister of government and the other two were parliamentary secretaries. The Gairy government also encouraged the establishment of a Commission on the status of women and Grenada hosted the regional seminar for women in 1970. While female support for Gairy was apparent in the period, there were pockets of discontent and some women joined and took an active role in the main opposition parties, the Grenada National Party (GNP), and the New Jewel Movement (NJM). These women felt that, despite Gairy's projection of an image of promoting and encouraging women, many of their demands were not being met. For example, few day-care centres were built, there were hardly any scholarships for women, equal pay for equal work was not implemented, and women in positions of power within the regime (like men) were not expected to oppose the decisions of his government. The women's groups had raised these issues yet they were not adequately addressed, if addressed at all.IIOn 13 March 1979, the New Jewel Movement staged a military coup that marked the beginning of a new political era for the English-speaking Caribbean with the formation of the socialist People's Revolutionary Government under Maurice Bishop (PRG). Some Gairyite women continued their support for their ousted leader; others transferred their support to the PRG, while still others remained neutral. Another group, the St George's Progressive Women's Association (PWA), opposed the Gairy regime but did not follow the socialist line. Nevertheless, in the early years of the revolution it received some support from the PRG. The PWA was formed in early 1977. Its aims and objectives were:To raise the progressive consciousness of women. . . .To struggle to achieve material and other benefits for our women. . . . Better wages and working conditions, equal pay for working women, day nurseries, training and employment opportunities, proper housing, medical sanitation, recreational and cultural facilities. To struggle against any further encroachments on democratic rights . . . and to extend rights and civil liberties.1Membership was open to any woman residing in Grenada who accepted the goals of the organization. Membership fees were EC$0.50 per month. For unemployed women membership was free. According to Dessima Williams, Grenada's Representative to the United Nations, 1979-1983, the PWA served as a small but effective urban forum for politicizing and organizing middle class women, housewives, teachers, professionals, students and a core of the urban working class. …

Women in the Grenada Revolution, 1979-1983

IThe year 1951 was synonymous in Grenada with the words strike, riot and revolution. It saw the rise of a trade unionist, a people's messiah, in the person of Eric Matthew Gairy, who led the first massive strike action by agricultural workers and later ruled the country as premier and then prime minister from 1951 to 1979. This period saw an increase in wages and an improvement in working conditions for agricultural workers, most of whom were women. It also saw the establishment of a number of women's groups, including the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), the Soroptomists, Lioness Club, Home Industries Association, Home Makers' Association, and Grenada Women's League. These groups were mainly charitable organizations that catered to the needs of poor women, especially in the rural areas. For example, the YWCA and the Home Makers' Association provided advice on domestic science and home management. With the exception of the Grenada Women's League, they had no political affiliation. The Grenada Women's League was the women's arm of Gairy's Grenada United Labour Party (GULP). Like the other women's groups, its vision was limited to charitable work.The Gairy regime encouraged the movement of women into positions of power by his appointment of Dame Hilda Bynoe as first female governor of Grenada and in the British Commonwealth. He also appointed two female ambassadors. Three women won their parliamentary seats on a GULP ticket. One became a minister of government and the other two were parliamentary secretaries. The Gairy government also encouraged the establishment of a Commission on the status of women and Grenada hosted the regional seminar for women in 1970. While female support for Gairy was apparent in the period, there were pockets of discontent and some women joined and took an active role in the main opposition parties, the Grenada National Party (GNP), and the New Jewel Movement (NJM). These women felt that, despite Gairy's projection of an image of promoting and encouraging women, many of their demands were not being met. For example, few day-care centres were built, there were hardly any scholarships for women, equal pay for equal work was not implemented, and women in positions of power within the regime (like men) were not expected to oppose the decisions of his government. The women's groups had raised these issues yet they were not adequately addressed, if addressed at all.IIOn 13 March 1979, the New Jewel Movement staged a military coup that marked the beginning of a new political era for the English-speaking Caribbean with the formation of the socialist People's Revolutionary Government under Maurice Bishop (PRG). Some Gairyite women continued their support for their ousted leader; others transferred their support to the PRG, while still others remained neutral. Another group, the St George's Progressive Women's Association (PWA), opposed the Gairy regime but did not follow the socialist line. Nevertheless, in the early years of the revolution it received some support from the PRG. The PWA was formed in early 1977. Its aims and objectives were:To raise the progressive consciousness of women. . . .To struggle to achieve material and other benefits for our women. . . . Better wages and working conditions, equal pay for working women, day nurseries, training and employment opportunities, proper housing, medical sanitation, recreational and cultural facilities. To struggle against any further encroachments on democratic rights . . . and to extend rights and civil liberties.1Membership was open to any woman residing in Grenada who accepted the goals of the organization. Membership fees were EC$0.50 per month. For unemployed women membership was free. According to Dessima Williams, Grenada's Representative to the United Nations, 1979-1983, the PWA served as a small but effective urban forum for politicizing and organizing middle class women, housewives, teachers, professionals, students and a core of the urban working class. …

The Governor's Race in Hokkaido: The Election of a Female Governor and its Impact

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The Republics and Regions of the Russian Federation: A Guide to Politics, Policies, and Leaders by Robert W. Orttung, Danielle N. Lussier, and Anna Paretskaya; and The Fiscal Structure of the Russian Federation: Financial Flows between the Center and the Regions by A. M. Lavrov and Alexei G. Makushkin (review)

592 SEER, 79, 3, 200I the analysissuffersfromthe fact that the processof publishingmaterialis slow and recent developmentshave thereforebeen omitted. The last chapter, by Claudia Lohnig, discusses the evolution of output structuresin transition countries and make some comparisons with Greece, Portugal and Spain (again, Ireland is excluded, without clear explanation). The author argues that convergence in the structures of manufacturing towardsthe EU patternsmay be linked to an increasein intra-industrytrade. Despite the fact that the argumentis compelling, insufficientevidence is given to supportthisthesis. On the whole, thisbook may be usefulfor those interestedin readingabout macroeconomic aspectsof capitalinflows,tradeand exchange ratepolicies. It offerssome new insights as well as a very good overview of the main issues. However anybody interested in up-to-date research results should consult more focusedpapers. School ofSlavonic andEastEuropean Studies T. M. MICKIEWICZ University College London Orttung, Robert W., Lussier, Danielle N., Paretskaya, Anna (eds). The Republics andRegions oftheRussian Federation. A Guide toPolitics,Policies, and Leaders. EastWestInstituteand M. E. Sharpe,Armonk,NY, and London, 2000. xxvii + 679 pp. Maps. Tables.Appendices. Index. $225.00. Lavrov,A. M., and Makushkin,Alexei G. (eds),with a forewordbyAlexander G. Granberg. TheFiscalStructure of theRussianFederation. FinancialFlows Between theCenter andtheRegions. M. E. Sharpe, NY, and London, 2000. xxxvii + 233 pp. Tables. Figures. Maps. Glossary. Bibliography.Index. $125.00. BOTH of these works are essential for anyone trying to make sense of the dynamics of Russian regionalism. The book edited by Orttung and his colleaguesat the EastWestInstitutein New Yorkis an encyclopaedicreference guide to Russia's 89 regions, offering an overview of each region, some demographic, economic and electoral statistics,a description of the region's political institutions, some discussion of the main policy orientations of the regional leadership, an analysisof relations with Moscow and other regions, and, where relevant, foreign policy issues. In addition, the book provides usefulthumbnailsketchesof majorregional actors, including the biographies of major political and economic elites, and some evaluation of the overall business climate in the region. Entries are alphabetical, beginning with Adygeya and ending with Yaroslavl, with each concluding with contact information for the regional leadership and important regional world-wideweb sites. In his Introduction Orttung generalizes some of the data contained in individualregional entries. Followinga general discussionof Russia'sfederal structure, Orttung provides a brief prosopographic analysis of Russia's governors.Thus we learn that in 2000 the averageage of a governorwas 53.5 yearsold, and that at thattime therewas only one female governor(Valentina Bronevichof the KoryakAutonomous Okrug,who lost her seat in late 2000). REVIEWS 593 Just over half the governors had a background in economic management, with twenty-one (24 per cent) beginning their professional lives in the agricultural sector, while sixteen (i8 per cent) were industrialists,and six workedin the constructionindustry.Not surprisingly,the dominant ideology of the guvernatorial corps is that of supra-partytechnocratic governance. Such an approach is reinforced by the fact that the single largest cohort (twenty-two, or 25 per cent) emerged out of the top officialdom of the Communist Partyof the Soviet Union (CPSU), with two of them having been members of the party's Politiburo (Orel's Egor Stroev and North Ossetia's Aleksandr Dzasokhov). Overall, some 44 governors (49 per cent) had significant experience serving in the CPSU's ranks. Only one governor, Evgenii Mikhailov of Pskov, used another party (Vladimir Zhirinovskii's LiberalDemocratic Partyof Russia, LDPR) as his trampolineto power. The limitedutilityof partyaffiliationin Russia'sregionalpoliticswasdemonstrated by Mikhailov's subsequent repudiation of the LDPR, and more broadly by the chronic tensions between governors who are formally affiliatedwith the CPSU's successor party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), and the CPRF'sleadershipand rank-and-file. The key relationship stressed by Orttung is between the governor and Moscow. He suggests seven ways in which the Kremlin can influence regional politics, ranging from intervention in regional election campaigns to the signing of the 46 power-sharing treaties. In turn, governors exercise considerable authority in their own regions, often dominating the local economy, influencing regional and national elections, capturing federal agencies working in their region, and blocking the implementation of federal programmes. As time passed they became more adept at ensuring their own re-election, although in most cases this did not involve the direct...

Sex Role Characteristics of Female Governor's School Students

Sex Role Characteristics of Female Governor's School Students