Abstract Basaglia rejects the idea that mental illness is a matter of isolated symptoms which can be treated as discrete objects by an authoritative doctor and understood in terms of a priori theoretical concepts and psychological models. On the contrary, Basaglia stresses that mental illness involves the whole existence of the patient, and principally their way of relating to themselves, others and the world. They have lost the possibility of authentically relating to the world, and hence of actualizing their existential possibilities in it. In this estrangement, the patient fragments internally and develops a false consciousness of themselves, for it is through an active and creative relationship with the world and others that we become whole and learn to recognize ourselves. In his view, any approach to the patient from a place of objectifying authority which prefixes and reifies them in terms of a priori categories merely perpetuates their alienation.

<p>This study investigates how collective consciousness is framed by religious moderation activists and how false consciousness emerges within Indonesia’s religious moderation movement. Using a qualitative comparative approach, data were collected through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and secondary sources in North Sumatra and North Sulawesi. Findings reveal that collective consciousness is framed through political discourse, theological narratives, cultural references, and memories of conflict and injustice. In North Sumatra, theological framing is dominant, producing a fragmented harmony that is institutionally grounded yet exclusive. By contrast, North Sulawesi demonstrates performative harmony, emphasizing universal slogans while denying latent conflicts. Despite these contextual differences, both regions sustain harmony through forms of false consciousness—maintaining peace by avoiding open confrontation rather than fostering genuine negotiation.</p><p> </p>

The gift is, first, an event. Social theories of the gift have often attempted to reduce the gift to a social institution: exchange, reciprocity. But then the gift becomes simply a delayed and misrecognised form of social exchange, to use Pierre Bourdieu's own terminology (1977). How can we think about the gift as a concept before its reduction to reciprocity? For Jacques Derrida, a gift cannot be reciprocated because a return always implies its opposite: interest, benefit, utility, accountancy, commodification. The time elapsed between gift and return (that strange concept: counter-gift) is a time that counts, transforming gift into debt, giver and receiver into subjects of an objectified exchange, and the gift into an object of exchange. The gift must be given without expectation to be returned, without intentionality; in fact, it should be forgotten in the very event of giving, because any memory or trace of the gift could turn it into debt. Jacques Derrida was not saying that pure gifts don't happen, that they are false consciousness, but that they must be forgotten as gifts. That is what he calls the aporia or impasse of the gift. The gift is not the thing given, but the event of giving; an event that gives itself and that must be forgotten as such. “The gift, like the event, as event, must remain unforeseeable … It must let itself be structured by the aleatory; it must appear chancy or in any case lived as such” (Derrida 1992: 122).

ABSTRACT This study investigates the Indonesian Labour Party’s (Partai Buruh) failure in the 2024 legislative elections, where it secured less than 1% of the vote despite Indonesia’s sizeable working-class population. It examines why workers avoid supporting this anti-systemic party by analyzing Indonesia’s socio-economic structure, persistent inequality, and the ideological barriers shaping political behaviour. While poverty has declined since the fall of the Soeharto regime, extreme wealth inequality continues to fragment the working class, preventing class-based political mobilization. Employing a mixed-methods approach, this research integrates qualitative analysis of poverty and leftist movements with survey data from 709 workers in Central Java. The findings reveal that none of the surveyed workers supported Partai Buruh, instead aligning with mainstream parties such as PDI-P and Gerindra despite these parties promoting neoliberal labour policies. Drawing on Marxist and Gramscian theories, the study argues that false consciousness, reinforced through state repression, religious institutions, and ideological control, has prevented the formation of a strong labour identity. By highlighting the structural and ideological obstacles facing anti-systemic parties, this study provides insights into how capitalist hegemony shapes labour’s political choices in post-Soeharto Indonesia.

This article rethinks meritocratic ideology as practical knowledge that transforms through biographies of social and geographical mobility. Drawing on 37 interviews with Black and Muslim Italians living in Britain or returned to Italy, the article shows that meritocracy is rarely invoked as a coherent ideology but works as practical, embodied commonsense about the world order, with Britain leading a hierarchy of European societies. The article explores three dimensions of meritocratic commonsense and racialised minorities' double-consciousness (Du Bois). First, 'meritocratic Britain' is not simply a neoliberal narrative, but draws from postcolonial, intergenerational histories of family migration that include desires for equality and security. Second, participants' encounters with British racism do not necessarily challenge beliefs in meritocratic Britain, as being racialised as 'foreigners' in Italy leaves deeper scars on their sense of identity, belonging and recognition. Third, meritocratic Britain can lose emotional resonance when participants feel desires for connectedness and home that are not satisfied by occupational and educational mobility. By centring racialised minorities' double-consciousness, practical knowledge and struggles for recognition, the article highlights the limitations of false consciousness, misinformation and psychological compensation as explanations for meritocratic belief. Moreover, it unravels how meritocratic narratives transform across life stages.

A barista is one of the coffee shop workers who frequently interacts with customers, making them an essential aspect that attracts customers to visit a coffee shop. This study aims to explore in greater depth the relationships that emerge from the interactions between baristas and coffee shop consumers. The research employs a qualitative approach to help the researcher uncover systematic findings and provide in-depth explanations. Through observation and in-depth interviews, the study illustrates how Tengah Hari Coffee develops strategies to attract customers. The findings reveal that the role of a barista in the growth of a coffee shop is highly dominant. Baristas serve as the first point of contact and often become the central element of the customer experience. Their role extends beyond merely preparing coffee; they also significantly influence the overall customer experience and play a crucial part in the success of a coffee shop. Baristas additionally employ strategies to increase sales, such as offering a complimentary cup of latte art to loyal customers. This practice, as seen at Tengah Hari Coffee, is sometimes misinterpreted by certain customers, leading to the emergence of false consciousness within the customer-barista interaction. This study contributes to a better understanding of the reciprocal relationship between baristas and consumers by offering a new perspective. To further develop this research, future scholars could analyze the phenomenon using different theoretical frameworks, allowing it to be examined from multiple perspectives

Abstract Ideology usually refers to a set of ideas, values, and a world-view which can shape the thoughts and actions of individuals and wider society. It has an influence on social structures, economics, andpolitics. Karl Marx defined ideology as a set of ideas and beliefs that are manipulative and convincing on the surface level, but are not actually true-what he called false consciousness. He created this concept to explain how the ruling class justifies their elite status through the socio cultural beliefs they spread in society. Actually an ideologyis a set of opinion/belief of a group or an individual.Very often ideology refers to a set of optical beliefs or a set of ideas that characterize a particular culture. Monarchism, feudalism, imperialism, capitalism, Nazism, fascism, totalitarianism, utilitarianism, liberalism, communism, socialism, Marxism etc. are some of the ideologies on which socio-political life of mankind have been based. Liberalism and Marxism are two schools of thought which have left deep imprints in sociological, political and economic theory. They are usually perceived as opposite, rival approaches.In the field of democracy there is a seemingly insurmountable rift around the question of political versus economic democracy. Liberals emphasize the former, Marxists the latter. Liberals say that economic democracy is too abstract and fuzzy a concept, therefore one should concentrate on the workings of an objective political democracy. Marxists insist that political democracy without economic democracy is insufficient. The article argues that both propositions are valid and not mutually exclusive. It proposes the creation of an operational, quantifiable index of economic democracy that can be used along side the already existing indexes of political democracy. By using these two indexes jointly, political and economic democracy can be objectively evaluated.Thus, there quirements of both camps are met and may be a more dialogical approach to democracy can be reached in the debate between liberals and Marxists. The joint index is used to evaluate the levels of economic and political democracy in the transition countries of Eastern Europe.

ABSTRACT Although Sarah Hall’s Haweswater (2002) and Jim Crace’s Harvest (2013) differ in their approach to historicity – the first situated into a precise historical and geographical context and the latter lacking any such specification – they bear several thematic as well as stylistic parallels, particularly in their treatment of space. By interlinking the dwellers’ mental states with their physical surroundings and emphasising an ethical stance towards nature without sentiment and false consciousness, these novels meet the defining features of the “post-pastoral”. They also depict communities in a transitional moment of their existence, caught in between the old world and modernity, which makes them adapt to the emerging socio-economic reality. Using various geocritical approaches, this paper argues that, despite their generic and methodological divergence, due to their distinctive landscape sensibility and post-pastoral narrative mode Haweswater and Harvest share similar concerns which they articulate by means of varied spatial representations.

The problem of ideology is timeless, or rather, it is caused by the very fact of the existence of the state as a concrete historical phenomenon. This is not only one of the eternal questions of philosophy, but also an actual modern aspect of any social phenomenon. The surrounding reality is subject to objective changes under the direct influence of ideological practices. In turn, ideology is a product of spiritual production as a result of the activity of public consciousness. Getting acquainted with the events of the past from the history of social groups and peoples, we can observe how the social masses were captured by the ideas of the central elite and acted according to the will of the interests of the minority. Under the influence of ideology, the consciousness of the individual is undergoing a transformation in order to integrate social views into a unified picture of the world. The key thesis of our research is that with the help of the ideology project, social reality can transform the transition from an objective original to the creation of a new reality claiming the place of the original. This is not a simple simulation, as the new product is the result of practical interaction between subjects of ideological relations. To confirm our thesis, it will be necessary to analyze the key aspects of the essence of ideology in order to understand the main reasons for the transformation of the surrounding world. This problem is becoming more relevant due to the widespread spread of the industry of mass culture products under the influence of the development of information and neural network technologies. With the help of digital tools, humanity has the opportunity to generate original virtual realities, which will soon begin to claim the status of objective reality, and subsequently recreate new forms of ideology.

There is a debate on the role of education as a tool to challenge or enforce authoritarian attitudes. Many posit that education, particularly higher education, reduces authoritarianism; whereas vast research indicates that education can be used as an authoritarian tool for regime survival. This suggests that there are other intervening factors, such as the curriculum used, the teaching methodology implemented, and the educational administration employed, to securitise the academic space and impose authoritarian attitudes. Informed by the notion of hegemony and the banking concept of education, this article explores the nexus between education and authoritarianism, determining the role of education as an authoritarian tool for regime survival. We use the case of Eritrea, a country that has been under authoritarian government for more than two decades. The article is based on a literature review because it is risky to conduct an objective empirical study on the “politics of education” in Eritrea, given the country’s political sensitivity. The findings suggest that the Eritrean government politicises the curriculum and militarises secondary and higher education levels to create false consciousness and maintain power. The article contributes to advancing knowledge regarding the nexus of authoritarianism and education, helping people understand the state of the politics of education.

This study observes Green Day’s “American Idiot” (2004) as a critical response to post-9/11 American society and the Iraq War, aiming to analyze how popular music functioned as a spot of resistance to media manipulation and political discourse during the Iraq War era, particularly in relation to what MacAskill & Burkeman (2003) document as the controversial Weapons of Mass Destruction narratives. The research utilizes dual theoretical framework combining Searle’s Speech Act Theory (1969) and Marx's Theory of Alienation (1844/1975) to investigate both linguistic structures and sociological commentary within the song. The methodology involves detailed analysis of locutionary, illocutionary, and perlocutionary acts within the lyrics, while simultaneously examining forms of alienation manifested through media control, false consciousness, and social relations. Findings reveal that the song’s effectiveness as political critique stems from the interaction between its linguistic structures and social commentary, with Speech Acts serving as a tool for challenging dominant narratives and generating political consciousness. This aligns with Herman and Chomsky’s (1988) analysis of media manipulation and Jhaveri’s (2004) examination of petroimperialist interest. Results demonstrate that locutionary acts function as basic statements of rejection while illocutionary acts directly confront what Kellner (2003) identifies as characteristics of post-9/11 discourse, with perlocutionary effects generating awareness of media manipulation. The study concludes that “American Idiot” operates simultaneously as a linguistic act of resistance and a critique on systemic social isolation in post-9/11 America, particularly in its challenge to media-propagated narratives that support the Iraq War. The impact of this study extends beyond historical analysis, contributing to our understanding of how popular culture, particularly music, can function as both a mirror of social alienation and an instrument of resistance through cautiously constructed speech acts, demonstrating continued relevance two decades later as Merchant (2023) papers.

This research aims to deconstruct the theory of Uses and Gratifications in the context of the post-truth era, with an emphasis on a critical analysis of the misperception among social media users in meeting the needs of information. The post-truth era is characterized by the dominance of emotions and personal views that trump objective facts, which in turn affects the way individuals consume and process information. The conventional Uses and Gratifications theory views media users as active and rational individuals in choosing media to meet specific needs, such as entertainment, information, or social interaction. However, in the context of post-truth, this paradigm needs to be revisited. The study shows that social media users are often trapped in false consciousness due to social media algorithms and confirmation bias. The algorithm encourages the consumption of content that is in line with the user's personal beliefs, thus reinforcing the view without providing an opportunity for fact-verification. In addition, the phenomenon of echo chambers and filter bubbles further strengthens the isolation of information, which contributes to the formation of distorted reality. The approach used in this study is qualitative with critical analysis of relevant literature and case studies of social media users. The results of the analysis show that the information satisfaction felt by users is often illusory and does not reflect the fulfillment of real information needs. This false awareness creates the illusion of information fulfillment, even though the information consumed tends to be biased and incomplete. The conclusion of this study is that in the post-truth era, the theory of Uses and Gratifications needs to be reconstructed by considering the factors that affect false consciousness and information distortion. It is important for social media users to improve their media literacy and be critical of the sources of information they consume, in order to avoid the trap of false awareness and achieve more accurate and meaningful information fulfillment.

This study examines Preeti Shenoy’s novel, A Place Called Home, through the prism of Karl Marx's Conflict Theory to explore how economic systems maintain servitude for the interests of the ruling class's domination. The situations of Mrs. Shetty, Seema, and Alka portray the game of power, coercion, and resistance and how the forces of oppression are maintained as well as challenged. Seema's labour is commodified, her silence legitimized by the specter of unemployment and economic uncertainty. This is pure false consciousness, where the proletariat internalises exploitative ideologies and adapts to their own subordination. Alka's education, by contrast, inspires class consciousness in her, such that she learns to identify with and challenge those forces that propel her into niches. Class structure is validated by their very exclusion from privilege centers and the pervasive remembrance of their place at the bottom of all household items. Their labour maintains capitalist exploitation, restricting mobility and ensuring dependence. Mrs. Shetty's authority extends past wages—she controls access to goods and privilege, using benevolence as an instrument of oppression. Mrs. Shetty redefines exploitation as charity, framing Alka's education as a gift and not a right, concealing inequality and suppressing rebellion. The expectation that Alka will follow Seema, institutionalizes class oppression, but her rebellion disrupts the cycle. Seema urges Alka to embrace their fate, internalised servitude, as fleeting pleasures—such as Sunday outings—do not alter their subordination. Her gratitude towards Mrs. Shetty ensures continued subordination, suppressing revolt. Alka's ideological break—her bold insistence on a heater—constitutes an insistence on dignity. Mrs. Shetty's denial and accusations of greed underscore structural power imbalances. Psychological manipulation, emotional blackmail, and economic dependence are tools of oppression, but Alka's resistance shows that even the most oppressive structures can be transcended. Her transformation from an obedient girl to oppositional force is an expression of the proletariat's capacity to reclaim freedom. From a Marxist point of view, her transformation satirises structural inequality while affirming resistance, proving that rebellion is not just possible—but unavoidable.

Abstract Although scholars agree that Fichte’s earliest political writings are Kantian, they contain a theory of individual emancipation through a culture of perfection that is foreign to Kant’s Doctrine of Right. I argue that Fichte based his theory on Kant’s moral duty and therefore derived the conclusion that individual morality should be the constitution’s aim. As a result, principles of right are not limited to securing relations of external freedom among equals but concerned with creating a society of autonomous individuals. Reaching that end goes through emancipation both from the oppression of sensibility over rationality and from the false consciousness that upholds voluntary servitude to unjust regimes. As an alternative Kantian path, Fichte provides philosophical grounding for movements seeking political emancipation through cultural awakening.

On how digital public sphere distort traditional Islamic public sphere, many scholars are convinced that media's work is inextricably linked with producing false consciousness, in which its audiences' opinions are stirred and engineered for Ideological entrenchment. It is a consensus among scholars that media has the effectivity for the propaganda tools, while significant current media theories concern the role of media in favour of the power interest through the mechanism of algorigma; e.g., Echo chambers and filter bubbles. Based on netnographic data on Aswaja discourse, this paper attempts to unearth the dislocation of Islamic scientific tradition through digital public sphere. This paper argues that digital public sphere has played a significant role in disrupted the traditional Islamic scholarly tradition by instrumentalizing religious discourse to maintain hegemony over minority groups. This paper has an important contribution to understanding the mode of piety and religious practices used for cultural hegemony and the ways media plays its role in constructing and remaking the meaning of religious concepts and piety.

The presence of the Enlightenment Era (Aufklarung) in the 18th century which emphasized rationality and reason, has not been able to eliminate the belief in ghosts in modern society. Currently, rationalization of ghosts is often found in books, television, films, and social media. Efforts to rationalize ghosts actually thwart enlightenment and lead modern society into the commodification of ghosts through the culture industry scheme. In Theodor W. Adorno's Critical Theory, the culture industry is always commercially oriented and makes ghosts a commodity to gain profit. The purpose of this study is to reveal why enlightenment has failed again in modern society by dismantling the commodification of ghosts. This study offers a solution to awaken modern society from false consciousness due to the rationalization of ghosts that are bound by the commodification of ghosts. This study is also expected to be able to renew Adorno's Critical Theory in the context of enlightenment in modern society, namely a different society when this theory was first proposed. Methodology of this study is a qualitative study using the netnography method with a critical paradigm. The object is modern society represented in 9,682 comments on the YouTube Channel "Kisah Tanah Jawa" episode "KKN Desa Penari". By using netnography and analysis of modern society conversation themes from the channel, this study shows the existence of sub-themes of standardization, massification, commodification and false consciousness which indicate the presence of the culture industry scheme. This study also shows how ghost symbols in the culture industry scheme have been produced through 4 approaches to ghost symbol production involving the help of science, technology, religion and rationalist narrative construction in forming false consciousness. This study also reveals the active role of modern society in encouraging the formation of ghost commodification. The result of this study show that society plays an important role in efforts to prevent the failure of enlightenment. True enlightenment is only possible if the relationship between text producers, text consumers, and capital owners is no longer dominated by the logic of capitalism. To achieve this, modern society needs to encourage decommodification of every ghost commodification that occurs and always develop critical awareness to reduce the occurrence of domination and exploitation behind the cultural products they consume to prevent the failure of enlightenment.

Abstract This paper develops a critical theory of artificial intelligence, within a historical constellation where computational systems increasingly generate cultural content that destabilises traditional distinctions between human and machine production. Through this analysis, I introduce the concept of the algorithmic condition, a cultural moment when machine-generated work not only becomes indistinguishable from human creation but actively reshapes our understanding of ideas of authenticity. This transformation, I argue, moves beyond false consciousness towards what I call post-consciousness, where the boundaries between individual and synthetic consciousness become porous. Drawing on critical theory and extending recent work on computational ideology, I develop three key theoretical contributions, first, the concept of the Inversion to describe a new computational turn in algorithmic society; second, automimetric production as a framework for understanding emerging practices of automated value creation; and third, constellational analysis as a methodological approach for mapping the complex interplay of technical systems, cultural forms and political economic structures. Through these contributions, I argue that we need new critical methods capable of addressing both the technical specificity of AI systems and their role in restructuring forms of life under computational capitalism. The paper concludes by suggesting that critical reflexivity is needed to engage with the algorithmic condition without being subsumed by it and that it represents a growing challenge for contemporary critical theory.

This study examines the phenomenon of industrial culture reflected in the trend of Javanese koplo dangdut music popularized by Mas Dho among Indonesian millennials. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, data were gathered through interviews with Mas Dho’s listeners and content analysis of social media platforms. Guided by the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School and Islamic ethical perspectives, the findings reveal that the popularity of Mas Dho’s songs exemplifies cultural commodification, where music is transformed into a market-driven product within the capitalist system. This commodification fosters a false consciousness among consumers, subtly aligning their cultural tastes with industrial interests. From an Islamic viewpoint, music consumption is not merely an aesthetic act but a moral engagement that demands adherence to spiritual and ethical values. The research emphasizes critical awareness in consuming popular culture and calls for balancing artistic freedom with Islamic principles of morality, modesty, and social responsibility. In this light, the study invites a rethinking of how cultural products should foster moral consciousness rather than serve solely as instruments of capitalist commodification.

The present article delineates conceptual approaches for studying translation editing and positions the analysis of these practices within the field of editorial studies of translation. To this end, a focused historiographical analysis of key theoretical perspectives on translation editing in Ukrainian and global scholarship is undertaken, identifying key metatrends in the evolution of thought. The rationale for establishing editorial studies of translation as a distinct domain, capable of designing a more expansive editorial lens on translation, is argued. Drawing upon an editological framework, three complementary methodological lenses are developed and proposed for the comprehensive investigation of translated publications: the network-systemic, the conceptual-phenomenological, and the ideological-political. The network-systemic perspective focuses on the intersubjectivity and distributed agency inherent in the process of constructing translation edition, underscoring the multiplicity of stakeholders and their dynamic interplay. The conceptual-phenomenological framework foregrounds the dimensions of temporality, intentionality, and conceptual integration within the work on translated publications, demonstrating their influence on the final textual configuration and its subsequent reception. Within the ideological and political context of analyzing the work of an editor-compiler, we can draw upon a range of relevant perspectives, such as strategic essentialism (G.C. Spivak), the internalization of dominant ideology (the so-called “false consciousness”), subversion, and othering, as well as various others. This enables us to move beyond a purely technical and stylistic understanding of editing, revealing how the editor-compiler's choices actively shape meanings and either reproduce or challenge existing social and power relations within the text. The proposed network-systemic, conceptual-phenomenological, and ideological-political perspectives open up wide possibilities for further in-depth research into specific editorial practices, examining their multidimensional impact on translated editions.

The Silent Weight of Class: Hegemony and False Consciousness in Common Courtesy (Nezaket)