Expansion Policy Research Articles

Social policy expansion and segmentation in the first two decades of the 21st century in Latin America

AbstractLatin American countries saw an important expansion in social policy in the first two decades of the 21st century. Along with this increased inclusion, however, social policy remains segmented. Using recent data from ECLAC, World Bank, and other sources, this paper offers a comprehensive analysis of trends in social policy for the period 2000–2020 for 17 countries in Latin America. Four areas of social policy are assessed in longitudinal and comparative perspectives: transfers, health care, education, and family policies. Conditional cash transfers (CCT) and noncontributory pensions (NCP) are the two main policy innovations that allowed countries in the region to expand social rights to previously excluded populations (outsiders). At the same time, due to their design, these policies have introduced new layers of fragmentation to the welfare mix, without resolving—or even increasing—segmentation in social policy. Segmentation is still the rule for the areas of health care and education, and increasing privatisation went unabated even in the periods of social policy expansion and in the countries governed by left coalitions.

Georgia's Main External Threat and Insurance External Orientations

Since the beginning of mankind, concern for survival and therefore safety has been one of the main components of human life. History remembers states and empires that ceased to exist as a result of wars and conquests. The recent past shows that the main threat to Georgia is the unfriendly neighbor Russian Federation with imperialist intentions. This fact is clearly stated in the conceptual documents of our country. The present paper discusses the important stages of the Russian-Georgian relations since the 15th century and the problems that these relations brought to Georgia. Russia's aggressive policy and aspirations to constantly expand its borders at the expense of conquering natural-geographically protected territories are described. The author reviews the traditional concepts of Russian politics presented in the scientific literature, which originated in different periods. Special attention is paid to the more radical and extremist direction than "Eurasianism" to "Russism", the same "Rachism", which is the unofficial name of the political ideology of the ruling regime of Russia. In the visions of modern ideologues of Russia lies the denial of law and the assertion of the priority of force, disrespect for the sovereignty of neighbors and self-assertion at the expense of disorder and violence. The center of the ideology of Russism is the cult of the national leader, who will have the power to restore glory to Russia. This glory lies in its restoration within the borders of "historical Russia", I.E. the Soviet Union, which is the biggest challenge for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia. The Russian leadership uses the military as one of many tools to shape its "near abroad" and global positions. It has wide interests in the South Caucasus from the military, political, economic and energy point of view. But, the current political leadership of the Russian Federation, objectively, acts from the position of military and economic inferiority towards NATO. It is clear that at this stage, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization appears as one of the main restraining forces of "Russianism" and therefore of Russia's expansionist policy. According to the author, where the powerful states determining the world order want to create an alliance that will guarantee the protection of their civilizational choices, the preservation of their identity and statehood, Georgia's failure to declare a clear foreign orientation will be disastrous. Accordingly, he believes that Georgia is obliged to clearly express its foreign policy. e. year Balanced politics and the desire to put the conflicting interests of large countries to their own service is an illusory approach that may have once worked. Keywords: Security, aggression, Russian Federation, Rashism, NATO.

An Analysis of Exports and Growth in Pakistan

Trade is presumed to act as a catalyst of economic growth and the growth in exports leads to increase in the incomes of factors of production, which in turn increases the demand for input for further expansion in production. The resultant pressure on domestic capacity may stimulate technological change and investment opportunities. Also increase in demand due to raising incomes of the factors of production on account of exports may spill over into other sectors of the economy. A part of such growths could also be diffused abroad through technical assistance and aid. According to Emery (1967) empirically proved that higher rates of exports growth leads to higher economic growth. Traditionally, a developing country had the choice of two alternative trade strategies for supporting industrial development, export promotion or import substitution. A consensus has emerged among many development economists that an export expansion policy by permitting resource exploitation according to comparative advantage and by allowing for utilisation and exploitation of economies of scale leads to higher growth rates of output and employment, greater technological progress and availability of foreign exchange. These in turn enable the countries with export oriented policies to attain higher rates of growth of GNP vis-à-vis countries following import substituting industrialisation [Donges and Muller-Ohlsen (1978)].

Do agricultural subsidies raise the income of rural households effectively? Evidence from rural China

ABSTRACT This paper constructs a difference-in-difference (DID) model and uses the survey data of the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) to examine the impact of agricultural subsidies on the income of rural households. The empirical results although capture a significant increase of the income of rural households after the expansion policy of the agricultural subsidies, this improvement of income only can be confirmed in the low income rural households. In addition, two possible mechanisms can provide interpretations for the influence of agricultural subsidies on the income of rural households: (ⅰ) the support by agricultural subsidies increases the transfer income of rural households (transfer effect); (ⅱ) agricultural subsidies encourage farmers to invest their surplus labour in non-agricultural markets to obtain wage income (productivity effect).

Initial social-policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in the Global North – A scoping review

PurposeThe purpose of this scoping review is to analyse comparative studies on social-policy measures implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic in Global North welfare states. The authors also consider the potential influence of the regimes on the responses.Design/methodology/approachThe authors conducted a scoping review of six databases including peer-reviewed comparative studies. In an iterative process with exact inclusion criteria, the authors screened 699 titles/abstracts/articles and found 16 comparative research articles to be included in the review and analysis. The review summarises the main themes of the comparative articles and the articles' typical features.FindingsThe results show that social-policy measures were directed specifically at working-age people to minimise income loss and to save jobs. The pandemic also increased care-related responsibilities, necessitating the expansion of current policies and the implementation of new instruments. Despite the differences in responses between universalistic and residual welfare states, the influence of welfare regimes on COVID-19 social-policy measures remains unclear. The emergency responses in the different regimes varied widely in terms of coverage.Research limitations/implicationsThe results of this review provide a basis on which to conduct future studies, identify new research topics and knowledge gaps and inspire new research questions and hypotheses. Given the accumulation of scientific knowledge in the area of social-policy measures, the need for systematic reviews will grow in the future.Originality/valueThe authors identified three main themes: changes in employment protection, changes in care-related income protection and the potential influence of welfare-state regimes on COVID-19-related measures.

The Impact Of Fiscal And Monetary Policy On Economic Performance

This study aims to analyze and determine the effect of: (1) government spending on economic growth in Indonesia, (2) taxes on growth in Indonesia, (3) money supply on economic growth in Indonesia and (4) interest rates on economic growth . This study used the Ordinary Least Squared (OLS) analysis tool method. The dependent variable in this study is economic growth. While the independent variables in this study are government spending, taxes, money supply and interest rates. The results of the study conclude that (1) government spending has a significant and positive effect on economic growth in Indonesia. (2) taxes have a significant and positive effect on economic growth in Indonesia. (3) the money supply also has no positive effect on economic growth in Indonesia. (4) interest rates have no effect on economic growth in Indonesia and are negative. Based on these results, the policy that can be suggested by the Government of Indonesia is the need for local government efforts or policy makers to increase government spending (Fiscal Expansion Policy). The government is expected to be able to regulate the appropriate tax allocation so as not to undermine consumers' purchasing power. Central Government and Bank Indonesia in order to maintain liquidity or availability of money in the economy in Indonesia. The government together with the banking sector, especially Bank Indonesia, should maintain a healthy interest rate so that it does not have an impact on reducing investor interest in investing.

Health economic impacts associated with the consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages in Brazil.

The consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) is among the main risk factors for non-communicable diseases (NCDs). This study aimed to estimate the financial costs of hospitalizations and procedures of high and medium complexity for NCDs attributable to the consumption of SSBs in the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS) in 2019. This ecological study used data from the Global Burden of Disease (GBD) 2019 and the Department of Informatics of the Unified Health System (DATASUS). The attributable costs were estimated from the population-attributable fraction (PAF) and the costs in the treatment of chronic diseases [type 2 diabetes mellitus and ischemic heart disease (IHD)], stratified by sex, age group, level of complexity of treatment, and federative units. In 2019, in Brazil, US$ 14,116,240.55 were the costs of hospitalizations and procedures of high and medium complexity in the treatment of NCDs attributable to the consumption of SSBs. These values were higher in males (US$ 8,469,265.14) and the southeast and southern regions, mainly in the state of São Paulo. However, when evaluating these results at a rate per 10,000 inhabitants, it was observed that the states of Paraná, Tocantins, and Roraima had higher costs per 10,000 inhabitants. Regarding the age groups, higher costs were observed in the older age groups. This study revealed the high financial impact of the NCDs treatment attributed to the consumption of SSBs in Brazil and the variability among Brazilian macro-regions. The results demonstrate the urgency and need for the expansion of policies to reduce the consumption of SSBs in Brazil with strategies that consider regional particularities.

Learning Concepts and Principles in Macroeconomics: Analysis and Implications of a Video Lecture

In digital learning, the study of Macroeconomics can be cumbersome even with technological affordance. Learners can be confused with so many disruptions due to numerous audio-visual presentations, animations, and other dynamic illustrations which ultimately reduce knowledge absorption. The purpose of this paper is to ponder upon learning concepts and principles as applied in a Macroeconomics video lecture in order to serve as a guide for quality knowledge assemblage aiding students deeper understanding of the discussion on the effects of a government multiplier to fiscal policy expansion with the use of graphical illustrations. Result indicates that technological affordance for meaningful learning should hone critical thinking skills as students apply various learning concepts and principles in studying complex video tutorials.

Russia’s Evolving Military Strategy in Response to NATO Expansion: Continuity and Changes

This article analyses the changes and continuities in the Russian Military Strategy in response to NATO’s expansionist policies. The methodology used is interdisciplinary in nature as the discourse is based and conceptualized in the historical context with social insights into the contemporary development of events. The paper is divided into two sections: the first concerns NATO’s expansion, both during and after the Cold War period; and the second examines the proposed Russian Military Strategy in response to NATO’s increasing eastward expansion. It is concluded that Russia’s national security concepts and evolving expressions of military doctrine closely follow the process of NATO’s expansion. The nature of forward deployment, defense concept and military strategy that NATO adopts are decisive in formulating and influencing not only Kremlin’s perception but also its reaction, especially in the military field to alliance enlargement.

The Impact of Sustainable Regional Development Policy on Carbon Emissions: Evidence from Yangtze River Delta of China

Urban agglomerations are becoming an increasingly important factor in advancing regional development and reshaping a new pattern of regional competition. However, few studies are focused on the impact of expanding urban agglomerations on reducing carbon emissions and its possible mechanism. Based on 285 city-level panel data from 2006 to 2017, this paper uses a staggered Difference-in-Differences (DID) model to explore the reduction effect and its possible mechanism of sustainable regional development policy, characterized by urban agglomeration expansion policy in the Yangtze River Delta, on carbon emissions with policy shocks in 2010 and 2013. The results are as follows: (1) The urban agglomeration expansion policy shows a significant marginal contribution to the reduction of carbon emissions, especially for the later joined (new) cities, and the reduction effect is particularly significant in the first and third years after the expansion, indicating that there are significant short-term and long-term reduction effects of the expansion policy. (2) The heterogeneities of reduction effect among three provinces are significant. Zhejiang Province enjoys the largest proportion carbon emission reduction effect, followed by Anhui and Jiangsu provinces. To be specific, urban agglomeration expansion in Zhejiang Province reduced carbon emissions and carbon emissions intensity in the overall, incumbent cities and new cities, while it only increased the total carbon emissions of the incumbent cities in Jiangsu province. (3) The heterogeneities of reduction effect brought by 2010 and 2013 are also significant. The urban agglomeration expansion policy in 2010 reduced carbon emissions on the whole cities and the incumbent cities with later joined cities excluded, while it had a significant reduction effect on the total, incumbent cities, and the new cities in 2013. (4) There are two possible mechanisms of this reduction effect. One is the strengthening of economic ties and enhanced environmental synergy between governments, called the market integration mechanism, which only has a significant effect on carbon emission reduction in the incumbent cities. Another is through the upgrade of the structure of regional industries, which has a significant effect in both the incumbent and new cities. These findings suggest that when formulating urban agglomerations polices, governments must take into account the carbon emissions effect, and advance the upgrading of industrial structure in the urban agglomeration.

Research performance, academic promotion, and gender disparities: Analysis of data on agricultural economists in Chinese higher education

AbstractThis paper provides an overall picture of women's representation and gender parity in the field of Agricultural Economics by constructing and analyzing a database of agricultural economists in China. We find that female scholars “occupy half the sky” in number, but not all the way up to the higher‐ranking academic positions. Women lag behind men in terms of research performance and academic promotion; even more so, gender disparity becomes more prominent when moving up the ranking ladder. A closer examination of agricultural economists of different age cohorts indicates that the gender gap, both in numbers engaged in the profession and academic performance measured by Chinese paper publications and nation‐level projects chaired, is narrowing. However, gaps in the number of high‐quality paper publications and the time span before promotion, alongside the phenomenon of a “leaky pipeline” in academia, are growing significantly over time. The representation of “star scientists” shows similar, yet steeper trends. In the absence of detailed studies, the paper explores possible explanations of the converging gender gap in scale but increasing gender disparity that is termed a “leaky pipeline.” It concludes that the Policy of Enrollment Expansion in Higher Education provides vulnerable young females with more opportunities to access higher education, which increases both the number and proportion of women in the profession.

Reforms and education inequality in Ghana

AbstractWe analyze the evolvement of education inequality and the gender gap in Ghana before and after two major education reforms. Using different measures of inequality, our findings suggest that the gender gap at the basic school level has closed following the introduction of the education expansion policies, but inequalities persist at the postbasic school levels and across regions. We further demonstrate that the educational expansion–schooling inequality nexus is best illustrated by an inverted U‐shaped Kuznets curve. We find that after an average of 6 years of schooling has been reached, inequality starts to decline, and gender equality can be achieved when the average years of schooling reach 9.

The Return of History as Travesty

Abstract The ‘war against fascism’ constitutes one of the most eccentric tropes in today’s Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Russia is currently mirroring the battle against fascism and National Socialism during World War II in its own brutal invasion of Ukraine in a most extraordinary way. Yet, the ‘antifascism’ rhetoric provides the crucial link between the old Soviet historical narrative and contemporary Russia’s politics of memory. It serves as a concept ‘frozen in time’ and demonstrates how the current Russian leadership espouses an essentially cyclical world view that caters to its own policies of expansion and aggression.

Proxy Wars and the Dilemma of Global Peace: Interrogating the Roles of the Super Powers (1946-1991)

The end of the Second World War brought about the emergence of two super powers, the United States and the Soviet Union that assumed major key players in global Politics. The two superpowers adopted expansionist policies in their attempt to build alliances so as to implement and protect their diverse ideological interests. In the process, proxy wars ensued in different part of the globe. Adopting secondary source of data and Content Analysis as well as Power Theory, the paper examined the roles of the super powers in proxy wars and the consequences on global peace. The paper discovered that the Super-powers dominated the global political system through proxy wars such as the Vietnam War, Korean War and the Cuba Missile Crisis among others. The paper further noted the consequences of proxy war on global peace to include arms proliferations and the development of nuclear weapons, high human fatalities and destruction of major cities and the rise in global terrorist groups and attacks. The paper made recommendations among others that global ideological rigidity should be softened to accommodate varieties and the United Nations should give more attention to the situation in Korea Peninsula to prevent the repeat of the 1950s.

القدس محور الصراع سيناريوهات التهويد والتصعيد

Zionism stems from the phrase "God's chosen people", where the Jews are considered a preferred people over all peoples, and that they have a historical right to Palestine, the "promised land", hence the slogan of the Zionist entity "the right to settle everywhere", and imposed its expansionist policy by force Since the establishment of its state in 1948, there has been prolonged settlement of other Arab lands after the "1967 war". The Zionist settlement policy in the occupied Palestinian territories is an expression of the Zionist hegemony strategy in which the entity gives itself the freedom to expand the settlements to other countries.
 This is in addition to the international support it enjoys, especially the “American” support, which constitutes the main objection to getting rid of it, which makes the Palestinian issue one of the most complex colonial issues known to history, as it is difficult to solve it in a similar way. to old colonial issues. It remains the focus of attention of the entire international community because of the impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on peace in the region and its repercussions on international peace.
 Hence the importance of the issue, especially since the Palestinian issue is in constant development as a result of the expansionist settlement policy practiced by the occupying state, as the existing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, especially the city of Jerusalem, has escalated and its importance.
 The current situation, with its dangerous dimensions, is one of the reasons for the necessity of discussing the issue with the aim of reaching an approach to the current situation and finding a solution commensurate with the nature of the issue by raising the different circumstances. Although it is a fair issue.
 From this point of view, we chose the topic in the hope that this modest effort will shed more light on the truth that is fundamentally rooted in the inalienable legal rights of the Palestinian people, despite what was violated and what happened in the case in general.
 To study the subject, we adopted the analytical descriptive approach and the historical approach, in observing the historical context of the city of Jerusalem, in conjunction with analyzing the accelerating events on a daily basis in this city.
 The subject of the research was addressed by highlighting the following titles: the symbolism of Jerusalem and the forms of Judaization therein, the course of Trump's decision to make Jerusalem the capital of "Israel".
 Resistance in Jerusalem and a conclusion.

Spatio-temporal variation on land use and land cover and its drivers under watershed management activities in Becho, Central Highlands of Ethiopia

Abstract The study sought to understand the spatio-temporal variation of land use and land cover (LULC) and its drivers under watershed management activities in Becho district, in Ethiopia’s Central Highlands. To gain a better comprehension of the subject, two micro watersheds were chosen to test the effectiveness of watershed management activities (treated-Shankur Tareqo and untreated-Mende Tufessa). LULC changes were detected using aerial photography (1973), and satellite images from Landsat 5 TM (1990), Spot 5 (2005), and Landsat 8 OLI (2021) obtained from the Ethiopian Geospatial Information Institute and the United States Geological Survey. In addition, key informant interviews (KII) and focus group discussions (FGD) were used to elicit LULC drivers. Between 1973 and 2021, the total area of woodland, and cultivated and rural settlement land LULC classes in the treated micro-watershed decreased by 24.65% (171.9 ha) and 7.34% (759 ha), respectively. Though, grassland, forestland, and barrenland increased by 30.83% (179.52 ha), 1% (3 ha), and 183.14% (755.28 ha), respectively. The overall area of LULC class for woodland, grassland, forestland, and cultivated and rural settlement decreased by 50.36% (316.16 ha), 41.23% (196.46 ha), 2.43% (11.85 ha), and 1.35% (138.6 ha), respectively, in the untreated micro-watershed, while barrenland increased by 175.86% (666.55 ha). According to KII and FGD, the drivers of LULC changes were identified as the expansion of cultivated land, population pressure, and government policy. According to the findings, local-scale watershed management activities was not as effective as expected. As a result, in order to achieve the desired outcome, the concerned stakeholders should reconsider how watershed management activities is undertaken.

Чиновный статус русских дипломатов в посольских отношениях Русского государства с кочевниками севера Центральной Азии в XVII в.

Introduction. The paper provides a first historiographic insight into official ranks and social status of Russian diplomats to have been dispatched on diplomatic missions to leaders of nomadic military/political associations across Northern Central Asia in the 17th century. Goals. The study aims to determine essentials of how the Tsardom of Russia tended to perceive its counterparties’ status through the analysis of official positions and social backgrounds of Russian diplomats. Materials and methods. The article analyzes a wide range of published and unpublished documents, systemizes and generalizes qualitative and quantitative data pertaining to official ranks of Russian diplomats discovered in records management papers, such as Tsar’s ukazes, nakazes and reminder nakazes, as well as those referred to as stateyny spisok (list of officers) and otpiska voevody (governor’s report). Results. The work reveals diplomatic missions to Kirghiz and Teleut lands, Dzungaria and Mongolia were usually headed by offsprings of the nobility (deti boyarskie) and regular servicemen (nachalnye lyudi) — Cossack leaders, atamans, squadron (pyatidesyatnik) and section (desyatnik) commanders. However, it was not that rare when such diplomatic endeavors were entrusted to servicemen of lower ranks and, occasionally, representatives of indigenous (non-Russian) populations. Conclusions. In terms of 16th–17th century Russian ambassadorial semiotics, the choice of diplomats from commoners and those characterized by lower social status was definitely purposeful and aimed at demonstrating that Turkic and Mongolian nomadic rulers were to enjoy fewer honors due to a higher standing of the Russian Tsar. Since the Tsardom of Muscovy was seeking to gain control over the nomadic military/political alliances of Northern Central Asia and bring nomadic elites under ‘the higher hand of the monarch’, the appointments of lower-ranked servicemen as heads of diplomatic missions were to meet the goals (and logic) of Russian expansionist policy. Low ranks of dispatched diplomats indicated not only the Russian Tsar’s political superiority over nomadic rulers but also attested to that Russians already tended to perceive nomads as potential subjects of the Tsar.

Чиновный статус русских дипломатов в посольских отношениях Русского государства с кочевниками севера Центральной Азии в XVII в.

Introduction. The paper provides a first historiographic insight into official ranks and social status of Russian diplomats to have been dispatched on diplomatic missions to leaders of nomadic military/political associations across Northern Central Asia in the 17th century. Goals. The study aims to determine essentials of how the Tsardom of Russia tended to perceive its counterparties’ status through the analysis of official positions and social backgrounds of Russian diplomats. Materials and methods. The article analyzes a wide range of published and unpublished documents, systemizes and generalizes qualitative and quantitative data pertaining to official ranks of Russian diplomats discovered in records management papers, such as Tsar’s ukazes, nakazes and reminder nakazes, as well as those referred to as stateyny spisok (list of officers) and otpiska voevody (governor’s report). Results. The work reveals diplomatic missions to Kirghiz and Teleut lands, Dzungaria and Mongolia were usually headed by offsprings of the nobility (deti boyarskie) and regular servicemen (nachalnye lyudi) — Cossack leaders, atamans, squadron (pyatidesyatnik) and section (desyatnik) commanders. However, it was not that rare when such diplomatic endeavors were entrusted to servicemen of lower ranks and, occasionally, representatives of indigenous (non-Russian) populations. Conclusions. In terms of 16th–17th century Russian ambassadorial semiotics, the choice of diplomats from commoners and those characterized by lower social status was definitely purposeful and aimed at demonstrating that Turkic and Mongolian nomadic rulers were to enjoy fewer honors due to a higher standing of the Russian Tsar. Since the Tsardom of Muscovy was seeking to gain control over the nomadic military/political alliances of Northern Central Asia and bring nomadic elites under ‘the higher hand of the monarch’, the appointments of lower-ranked servicemen as heads of diplomatic missions were to meet the goals (and logic) of Russian expansionist policy. Low ranks of dispatched diplomats indicated not only the Russian Tsar’s political superiority over nomadic rulers but also attested to that Russians already tended to perceive nomads as potential subjects of the Tsar.

Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II

The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.

“Мій візит не заспокоїв мене”: з історії відвідин Лестером Пірсоном Радянського Союзу (5–12 жовтня 1955 р.)

The article examines the political background, organization and course of the official visit of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Canada Lester Pearson to the Soviet Union in October 1955. It is established that after ten years of mutual mistrust caused by the “Gouzenko case” (exposing the Soviet spy network in Canada), each side pursued its own goal of establishing contacts. Diplomatic searches for common ground between the two countries were made possible by a change of top leadership in the Soviet Union and a brief reduction in international tensions following the 1955 Geneva Summit, which expressed readiness to discuss acute international conflicts. Significantly, Pearson was destined to become the first high-ranking Western official to visit the Soviet Union since NATO’s founding. Pearson tended to be flexible in relations with the USSR, in particular, sought to take advantage of bilateral relations. Despite criticism of Soviet expansionist policies in the international arena and contempt for human rights within the country, he believed that it was in the West’s interest to maintain contacts with the USSR through trade in non-strategic goods and cooperation within the UN. For this he was sometimes accused of being too lenient with communism. At the same time, in the Soviet Union, Pearson was perceived as a cautious politician, “hostile” to their country. The visit of the Canadian official delegation led by L. Pearson to the Soviet Union was organized by the newly appointed Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Canada John Watkins (1954–1956). Watkins earned the support of the Soviet leadership, but fell victim to the newly formed KGB: they tried to turn him into an “agent of influence” by blackmailing him with leaked spicy information about the diplomat’s homosexual relations. In addition to Moscow, part of the Canadian delegation – only four people – visited Stalingrad, from where in the afternoon of October 11, 1955 arrived in Sevastopol. In addition to two hours of Soviet-Canadian talks with Khrushchev’s expressive behavior, the Crimean part of the Canadian delegation’s visit went down in history with its “drinking session”. The Crimean part of L. Pearson’s visit to the Soviet leadership and Khrushchev personally was an attempt to show that the Soviet Union was a sincere and reliable partner with whom it was profitable to deal. Unaware of common approaches to international issues, the parties focused on economic cooperation, which resulted in a mutually beneficial Canadian-Soviet trade agreement in 1956. The Soviet Union became a regular buyer of Canadian wheat for many years. It was found that conversations during the so-called the “Crimean party” (banquet) became for the Canadian delegation an indicator of the mood and intentions of the new Soviet leadership, which differed little from those that took place in the Stalinist era. Despite slight liberalization, the Soviet regime of the “Khrushchev thaw” period remained expansionist, hostile to human rights and freedoms. Nikita Khrushchev’s anti-Western (primarily anti-American) rhetoric, diluted by reflections on war and peace, allowed Canadian visitors to acknowledge the longevity of Soviet foreign policy and the inevitable continuation of the Cold War.