European Union Membership Process Research Articles

AB-Türkiye İlişkileri Bağlamında Ermenilerin Kimlik İnşasına Yeniden Bakış

This article critically analyses the reconstruction of the Armenian identity in the context of reforms in Turkey's European Union (EU) accession process. Within the scope of the research, in order to understand the cultural, ethnic and religious identity construction processes of the Armenian community in Istanbul, the existing academic literature on Armenians in Turkey has been analysed in detail, and field research based on observation and in-depth interviews has been conducted. In line with the historical background ranging from the Ottoman millet system to the Republic's policies of creating a homogenous nation, from the democratisation movement to the EU accession process, the construction process of Armenian identity has been analysed in three stages in the light of the relevant theoretical debates. Firstly, the historical development of different legal statuses evolving from non-Muslims to minorities is analysed; secondly, the reform process brought about by the EU membership process is examined. While analysing this process, the basic dynamics that contributed to the formation of Armenian identity were first identified. Secondly the prominent changes in the legal, political, social and cultural fields that accelerated the reconstruction of the Armenian community's identity by the EU reform process were tried to be identified. Finally, the social dilemmas experienced in the aftermath of the reforms are analysed and the ongoing identity struggle of the Armenian community is outlined. While the EU membership process allows the Armenian community in Turkey to express their identities more openly and freely, social insecurity and dilemmas prevent this process from being fully realised. The study analyses the theoretical approaches to identity construction and the political, economic, social and cultural transformations experienced by the Armenian community in Turkey and offers suggestions on the processes of identity struggle. In particular, it is emphasised that overcoming social insecurities and dilemmas is critical for the sustainable survival of Armenian identity. In this context, it is concluded that more inclusive and supportive policies should be developed in order to preserve the Armenian identity and increase its social acceptance. Key Words: Identity, European Union, Türkiye, Armenian identity, minority

An Analysis of Bülent Ecevit’s Policies, Decisions, and Attitudes Towards the European Union Membership Process of Türkiye

This study focuses on the analysis of the EU membership policy of Bülent Ecevit and scrutinized his attitudes through the lens of continuity and change, seeking to trace the imprints of influential factors and dynamics in the decision-making process. In this way, this study contributes to the scholarly literature by not only revealing the limited influence of leaders on Türkiye's EU accession process but also explaining the effects of Ecevit's ideological orientations on the course of Türkiye-EU relations. As a result, it is understood that Ecevit's stance on the EU was shaped by various internal and external factors, such as economic crises in the country, the attitudes of EU leaders, and individual factors such as ideological inclinations. Nevertheless, it is claimed that Ecevit's decisions regarding the EU generally followed the fundamental principles of Turkish foreign policy.

Türkiye’s European Union Accession Process Evaluation in The Context of Kemalism

Republic of Türkiye's involvement with European integration dates back to Democrat Party period. It is clear how difficult and questionable this period of many years is. Türkiye 's European Union accession process, which started to accelerate especially since the first half of the 2000s, was resolutely criticized by many nationalist intellectuals in the same period. The central point of these criticisms was that the European Union process would wear out the nation state and was absolutely incompatible with Kemalist principles. In terms of the ideology of Kemalism, which was shaped as the mortar of the nation-building project in the early Republic period, it was undoubtedly an acceptable fact that the European Union membership, which would mean the transfer of the sovereignty of the nation-state, was viewed negatively. Based on the fact in question, the aim of this article is to give a brief summary of the European Union process, which accelerated in the first half of the 2000s and gradually faded in the second half, and then to evaluate the European Union membership process from the Kemalism ideology perspective. Thus, it will be put forward whether the EU membership process and the Kemalism ideology constitute two separate poles, as asserted by nationalist intellectuals.

Discussing Türkiye's European Union Membership Process in the Nineties By Political Parties

Since the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye, the aspiration to reach the level of contemporary civilizations has been a guiding principle, shaping its relations with the West and Western states. While discussing Türkiye's overall relations with communities established in Europe, particularly during the prosperous 1990s when relations reached their zenith, Turkish politics' handling of the matter and the significance of these relations in domestic and foreign policy have been emphasized. This study aims to demonstrate the factors that have contributed to the current state of European Union-Türkiye relations, which still maintain their relevance today, and the direction they have imparted to Turkish domestic and foreign policy. Simultaneously, this study has allowed for political and societal observations relevant to that era. By offering a general perspective on Türkiye's relations with the West, the study aims to highlight the fluctuating political factors of the 1990s and the variable attitudes of the populace driven by them towards the European Union. In this research, primary sources from the parliamentary records of the relevant period have been utilized. Additionally, surveys, written and visual media, and memoirs of individuals likely to provide insight into the period have been examined. Through this study, the fundamental policies Türkiye aimed to pursue in its relations with the West have been identified, and the 'Europeanization' policies of subsequent governments over the years and their perspectives on the matter have been determined. Moreover, the impacts of the altered political landscape following the 1990s, characterized by the end of the Cold War, on both Europe and Türkiye have been pinpointed. It has been determined that following this period, Türkiye was distanced from the concept of 'full membership' and coerced to manage these relations through economic collaborations. Alongside these insights, the European Union-related programs of the era's political parties and these individuals' positive and negative opinions have been presented.

How ready is the Turkish Legislation for the green deal?

Several quests for solutions have emerged around the world concerning the climate change the severe effects of which have been observed especially since 2000. To that end, European Union (EU) signed the European Green Deal in 2019. The documentation brings together the targeted sustainable economy and sustainable environment. This study mainly focuses on such issue. The principles put forward by the European Green Deal have been examined. The extent to which the Turkish legislation covers the said principles has been investigated. Because, a strong legal basis is needed for the principles stipulated by the Deal to be implemented. The extent of compliance to the principles and legislation has been presented as well as the areas of weakness which must be improved. European Green Deal is important for Turkey in terms of both the significant commercial agreements it has with the European Union, and its European Union membership process. Moreover, European Green Deal stands out as a document that will shape the sustainable environment and sustainable economy not only in Europe but also around the world, with its principles.

DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL-LOCAL RELATIONS 2000s IN TURKEY

Türkiye’de kamu yönetimi, merkezden yönetim ve yerinden yönetim ilkesine göre yapılanmıştır. Bu iki ilke birbirini tamamlayarak kamu yönetiminin bütünlüğünü sağlamaktadır. Diğer taraftan merkezi idarenin yerel yönetimler üzerinde; yerel hizmetlerin idarenin bütünlüğü ilkesine uygun şekilde yürütülmesi, kamu görevlerinde birliğin sağlanması, toplum yararının korunması ve mahalli ihtiyaçların gereği gibi karşılanması amacını gözetmek bakımından idari vesayet yetkisine sahip olduğu bilinmektedir. 2000’li yıllardan itibaren kamu yönetiminde yoğun bir değişim ve dönüşümün yaşandığı Türkiye’de, merkezi yönetim- yerel yönetim ilişkileri reform gündeminde önemli bir yer tutmuştur. Bu süreç demokrasi ve insan hakları reformlarının etkisiyle önemli bir desantralizasyon sürecini yaşayarak, yerelin yükselişine tanık olunan bir mecrada şekillenirken son yıllarda, bazı belediyelere mülki idare amirlerinin kayyum olarak atanması gibi uygulamalarda görüldüğü üzere merkezi yönetimin yerel yönetimlerle ilişkilerinde yeniden ağırlığını arttırdığı bir döneme girilmiştir. Diğer taraftan 2018 yılında Türkiye’nin yönetim sisteminin başkanlık sistemi referanslı Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi olarak değişmesi merkezi yönetim- yerel yönetim ilişkilerinde de değişimi kaçınılmaz kılacaktır. Çalışmanın önemi, bu değişim sürecinin; mülki idare sisteminin yereldeki en önemli temsilcisi olan vali ile yerel yönetimlerin en önemli aktörü olan belediye başkanının pozisyonlarına ve birbirleriyle ilişkilerine nasıl yansıdığını ortaya koymak ve gelinen noktayı değerlendirmek olacaktır. Deskriptif ve yorumlayıcı bir yöntemin izlendiği çalışmada sürecin mülki idarenin güç kazanacağı bir tarzda gelişeceğini gösteren bulgulara ulaşılmaktadır.

Recogntion in International Law: Recognition of States and European Integration - Legal and Political Considerations

Recognition of States in international law is a political act based on interests and assessments made by states individually. However, in granting recognition, it is the legal arguments that must prevail. The recognizing State should base its decision on a legal framework which makes the act of recognition valid and credible. At the same time, such political decision supported by legal arguments may in no way threaten international peace and security, and may not be in collision with the peremptory norms of international law. Following is a paper on recognition of States in international law as seen from the aspect of international peace and stability. The primary objective of the international community, particularly since the establishment of the United Nations Organization, has been the maintenance of peace and security in the world. Therefore, the international recognition of entities that have demonstrated wide and strong capacity to be states, and whose attitude has been to serve the greater interests of peace, security, harmony and prosperity among people, must be a principled decision, not conditioned by mere political interests. International recognition of states is a precondition for the prosperity of new states. As such, it must obtain the status of a stabilizing instrument of new entities as well. When it comes to small states, this act is even more significant, for it secures and protects them from potential threats, hence strengthening the commitment for peace and stability. In the context of European Union membership process, it must be underlined that recognition may not become an obstacle to the aspiring States, though it seems to be the case at present. Macedonia and Kosovo are case in point. Recognition must become a catalyst and incentive for a quicker, more efficient and full-fledged euro-integrating process, which is crucial for preserving long-term stability, functioning democracy and peace and understanding among people.

Recogntion in International Law: Recognition of States and European Integration - Legal and Political Considerations

Recognition of States in international law is a political act based on interests and assessments made by states individually. However, in granting recognition, it is the legal arguments that must prevail. The recognizing State should base its decision on a legal framework which makes the act of recognition valid and credible. At the same time, such political decision supported by legal arguments may in no way threaten international peace and security, and may not be in collision with the peremptory norms of international law. Following is a paper on recognition of States in international law as seen from the aspect of international peace and stability. The primary objective of the international community, particularly since the establishment of the United Nations Organization, has been the maintenance of peace and security in the world. Therefore, the international recognition of entities that have demonstrated wide and strong capacity to be states, and whose attitude has been to serve the greater interests of peace, security, harmony and prosperity among people, must be a principled decision, not conditioned by mere political interests. International recognition of states is a precondition for the prosperity of new states. As such, it must obtain the status of a stabilizing instrument of new entities as well. When it comes to small states, this act is even more significant, for it secures and protects them from potential threats, hence strengthening the commitment for peace and stability. In the context of European Union membership process, it must be underlined that recognition may not become an obstacle to the aspiring States, though it seems to be the case at present. Macedonia and Kosovo are case in point. Recognition must become a catalyst and incentive for a quicker, more efficient and full-fledged euro-integrating process, which is crucial for preserving long-term stability, functioning democracy and peace and understanding among people.

ENERGY SUPPLY SECURITY IN TURKEY IN THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

Because energy sources are both one of the main inputs for every kind of production activity and facilitating elements of life for consumers, intensive studies are carried out on energy markets. Energy supply security meant cheap, continuous and sufficient energy supply in any condition is one of the privileged goals of energy policies of countries. The purpose of this paper is to make an assessment of Turkey, which is in the European Union membership process, with respect to energy supply security. In this context, when energy supply security is measured with regards to diversity of suppliers and resources, in papers written previously in world Shannon-Wiener Index which emphasizes effects of lower shares and Herfindahl-Hirschman Index which emphasizes effects of greater shares have been used. In this paper results of both indexes for fossil fuels that constitute so large parts of primary energy supplies in both European Union and Turkey are revealed and a comparison is made between points have been reached by them -that are facing with similar problems about energy supply security- in this respect. In conclusion part some policy recommendations are suggested for Turkey which is still behind the European Union with regards to energy supply security.

DOES EU-INTEGRATION CHANGE AGGLOMERATION PROCESS? THE IMPACT OF EU MEMBERSHIP PROCESS ON THE CITY-SIZE DISTRIBUTION OF TURKEY

This paper aims to reveal the eventual impacts of European Union (EU) membership process and other conventional factors on the city-size distribution of a candidate country (Turkey). I can state main results as follows: Analyzing from different estimation methods the direct effect of the EU reforms on agglomerating forces rather than congesting forces are revealed to be dominant for Turkey. However, the main impact of the EU membership process has positive but modest coefficient that indicate the weak willingness of the country for EU reforms.Keywords: Economic itegration, agglomeration, city-size distribution, EU, Turkey.JEL Classification: F15, F22, R12, R23

A Transformed Turkey: What is the Role for Ankara as a Regional Power?

Over the course of a decade, Turkey has transformed itself from a status quo-oriented, peripheral member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to an emerging power with an ambition to shape regional power dynamics. This transformation was accomplished in two phases. In the first phase, backed by its impressive economic performance, Turkey emerged as an influential regional actor, prioritizing its soft power. The second, ongoing phase was prompted by the Arab Spring and Turkey’s need to respond to these changes. This paper examines the drivers of both transformation phases and evaluates the consequences for Turkey’s relations with its neighbors. The First Big Change: A Quest for Strategic Autonomy 1 Since the founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923, Ankara’s foreign policy has had one overriding objective: to assist with the country’s transformation into a modern nation state. The founding fathers of modern Turkey wanted to make a clear break with the country’s Ottoman past. Therefore, imperialist policies were replaced by policies that contributed to the modernization of Turkey, and the Westernization of Turkish society. A consequence of this national objective, however, was the loss of Turkey’s strategic autonomy. The Cold War dictated Turkey’s strategic dependence on the United States, which acted as a global security provider. With its eastern frontier bordering the Soviet Union, Turkey sought to ensure its security by joining NATO. Membership in the alliance affected Turkey’s foreign policies and limited its policy space. As a NATO member, Turkey found it difficult to diversify its relations with many of its neighbors that were part of the Warsaw Pact or members of the Non-Aligned Movement. After 1960, the drive for Turkey’s membership in the European Union (EU) generated a similar dynamic. While the EU membership process helped Turkey to vastly improve its democratic deficit, it also enhanced Brussels’ leverage over Turkish policy. As a result, Turkey was constrained by the need to align itself with the Western consensus. Turkey’s ruling elites accepted the trade-off between security and autonomy as the cost of Turkey’s Westernization.

Interacting Actors: The EU and Civil Society in Turkey

Civil society organisations in Turkey have remained highly visible in the country's relations with the European Union (EU). Given the particular incentives that the EU offered for the empowerment of civil society actors during the pre-accession process, it has often been assumed that the EU context played an important role in this vibrant situation. However, this article argues that the EU's impact was highly ambivalent, and the contribution of civil society organisations to the EU membership process was frequently indecisive. It concludes that this ambivalent climate is mostly due to various aspects of the ill-functioning mechanisms of the EU's enlargement regime, on one hand, and particular problems inherited from the state–society relations and socio-political culture in Turkey that are associated with the civil society arena in the country.

Democratization and Foreign Policy Reforms in Turkey: Europeanization of Turkish Politics?

AbstractThe European Union membership process has had an impact on Turkish domestic politics and foreign policy. However, when compared with previous candidate countries to the EU, the Europeanization of politics in Turkey has not been an even process. The reformation of politics in Turkey has had three main characteristics. First, instead of the pace of the reforms being linear, there has been a periodic rise and fall of interest in introducing amendments. Second, the reforms have not necessarily replaced past practices, rather they have only introduced new ones in addition to the old ways of doing politics. Finally, there has been considerable opposition to the reforms in Turkey, partially because the government does not seem to follow the liberal-democratic trajectory set out by the EU membership process. The delays in enacting the constitutional and legal changes and the biased selection of laws and practices that are being amended do not give the impression that the government is sincere. Whether the amendments are in fact Europeanizing Turkey or pulling it away from its Western and secular political framework is a significant question leading to conflict among different factions in society. This divergence of opinion, in turn, results in further stalling the reforms.

Clearing the Way for Civil Society in South-eastern Anatolia: The Importance of Trust and Discourse

This article discusses one of the problems that must be resolved urgently in order to enable the development of civil society in the South-eastern Anatolian Region. This is a region that will likely become the future eastern border area of the European Union (EU) and is currently Turkey's most troubled region due to its political, economic and social conditions. Despite the fact that a suitable legal-institutional environment was established during the EU membership process especially after 2001, one of the most significant obstacles that prevents civil society in the Region from showing the effort to benefit from this environment is the fact that due to from long-standing conflicts and oppressive policies, it has not been possible to establish an environment of trust between the state and civil society. First and foremost among the most crucial tools that must be reviewed and considered to establish such an environment of trust is the discourse employed by the politicobureaucratic elite.

The impact of EU accession on Turkish industrial relations and social dialogue

ABSTRACTThis article examines whether the European Union membership process is transforming the ‘deep structure’ of Turkish industrial relations. We make an attempt to illustrate this through the prism of Turkish experience in social dialogue regarded as an indispensable tool of the European social model. Turkish industrial relations is characterised by restrictive labour laws, employer hostility to unionisation, a large informal economy and labour market, and strong state intervention, which have historically constituted the main elements of ‘the deep structure’ of Turkish industrial relations. In procedural terms, the institutions for social dialogue have been established but the influence of the social partners is limited because of the dominance of the state and the weakness of labour. The existing attempts at developing social dialogue rest on shaky foundations emanating mostly from the state's and employers' disrespect of basic labour rights.

Restructuring the Turkish Vocational Technical Secondary Education System towards EU membership

The world is going through a rapid transformation process in all fields. Those countries, which cannot keep up with this process, face numerous problems in terms of maintaining the living standards of their citizens. With the priority of enhancing the lives of individuals, the field of education is greatly affected by this process. Therefore in line with Turkey’s ambition to become a full member of the European Union (EU), it has been determined that vocational technical secondary education needs “restructuring”. Key indicators of the need for this is a mismatch between what the education sector can deliver and demands for a suitably qualified workforce. This is coupled with an increasing demand for higher education and close cooperation between the sector and industry. The EU membership process already specifies certain elements which will shape the future organization of vocational and technical education in Turkey. These concern progression from primary education to vocational-technical education, the general structure, content and evaluation of programs, adoption of a more flexible and modular vocational education structure, and establishing curricula with basic vocational standards. These elements have therefore become key determinants of the “restructuring” process. In this article, the current structure of the vocational-technical secondary education system in Turkey is discussed, and the general specifications of the system are compared with that of EU countries. Moreover, certain recent studies, which can be evaluated within the scope of the restructuring, are analyzed and suggestions are made