European Security System Research Articles

«Диалектика» европейского разоружения: уроки и перспективы

The purpose of this work is to identify a set of measures for creating a European security system. The authors used such methods as system and comparative analysis, historical, problem and logical research methods, as well as the methodological approach of "structural realism" by the American political scientist K. Waltz. Despite serious difficulties, the European Union remains the main integration system and an important strategic partner of Russia. At the moment, in the development of its General and security policy, it is also trying to become a significant global player, a European pillar of NATO. European countries ' military preparations are also increasing, especially after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014. In this regard, to understand the ongoing processes, it is necessary to consider not only the EU strategy in the field of security and military construction within the European segment of NATO, but also the policy in the field of ensuring security by non-military and political-diplomatic means, including through participation in arms control processes. The article examines in detail all directions of this approach of the EU and the Russian Federation. The paper makes specific proposals on how Russia can build interaction and cooperation with the EU on this issue. According to the authors, despite the ongoing pressure, Russia needs to maintain diplomatic calm and persistently promote initiatives to correct and stabilize the security situation in the region, reverse current negative trends - to greater predictability, transparency, and strengthen mutual respect and trust. In conclusion, the authors conclude that it is important to stop the growing trends in the interpretation of EU relations with Russia in the spirit of the cold war, and suggest concrete steps in this direction. The practical and theoretical significance of the work consists in a systematic vision and analysis of a set of measures in the field of disarmament and security on the European continent.

Diplomacy of A.А. Gromyko in the Context of the Soviet-Italian Relations in 60–80s

Thе article considers some key episodes of Andrej A. Gromyko’s diplomacy, as the Minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, in the sphere of the Soviet-Italian relations in the 60–80s. The main attention is focused on such aspect of his work as cooperation of the USSR and Italy in establishment of the European collective security system. Under examination are the visits of A. A. Gromyko to Rome in 1966 and 1970 which were important links in the preparatory process for the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (СSCE) and in the development of bilateral Soviet-Italian relations. The source corpus of the article contains secret documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union published in Italian language, official documents edited by the Ministries of foreign affairs of USSR and Italy, and the memoirs of the diplomat as well. Analysis of these sources allowed to evaluate personal contribution of A. A. Gromyko to the development of Soviet-Italian relations and to reveal some principles of his work dealt with adjustment of a peace dialogue between the USSR and Italy. Among his achievements there was launching of the Soviet project of the CSCE in the course of the negotiation process with Italy. As the result of his efforts contacts between the USSR and Italy went beyond the channels within the communist parties of both countries, and the Soviet-Italian relations advanced to higher level in different spheres. Besides, agreement between two countries on some important issues of international relations was achieved. The author believes that the principles put in the basis of the Soviet-Italian relations by of A. A. Gromyko retain their relevance in the modern international context.

South caucasus and a ‘New Great Game’: the communication of competition in securitised international relations

ABSTRACT This article seeks to compare and analyse the historical and contemporary arguments concerning the existence of the brand the ‘Great Game’ in Central Asia with that of a ‘new’ Great Game in the South Caucasus, while assessing the validity and problems of using this term. The article analyses the regional state of affairs and possible impacts of the Russian factor in forging close relations between South Caucasus states and NATO. It is argued that Russia’s and NATO’s vested interests in the region rhetorically contribute to European security system in the context of the security environment after the Georgian-Russian War of 2008 and its repercussions. NATO’s presence may be interpreted as counterbalancing the Russian military presence in the region, but there are also clear limits to the alliance’s willingness to actively engage in the region, not least the reluctance to antagonize Moscow. The context of geopolitical competition may be interpreted as a ‘new’ Great Game sharing similarities with nineteenth century competition of great powers, yet a number of clear differences also exist relative to the traditional Great Game.

National security analytical activities organizational models classification

The purpose of the article is to elaborate a national security analytical activities organizational models classification.The relevance of the research stems from the fact that Ukraine’s integration to the Euro-Atlantic and European security systems in the context of dynamic security environment sets for the national security state management system a task of elaborating and urgent implementing into the state managerial practice a fundamentally new national security analytical activities organizational model.Comparative-historical method and method of synthesis were used to meet the tasks of the research. The author suggests understanding under the concept «national security analytical activities organizational model» a formalized reflection of a process of establishing national security system analytical activities organizational structures, developing rational organizational relations between the subjects of the above-mentioned activities. The results of the USA, Germany, Russian Federation and China national security analytical activities conceptual bases comparative-historical analysis, and also the results of the analytical activities institutional matrices comparative study, allow to classify the analytical activities organizational models according to the criterion of analytical structures activities organization form into bureaucratic-nomenclatural and cooperative organizational models. The article characterizes bureaucratic-nomenclatural and cooperative organizational models within the national security system by the following components: analytical structure mission, goals, objectives, the way of structural organization, structural organization elements, the specific of cooperation between an analytical structure and the government, typical conditions for analytical structure activities. Conclusion. It is identified that the USA and Germany tend to have a cooperative organizational model of a national security system analytical activities, the Russian Federation, China, and Ukraine – bureaucratic-nomenclatural organizational model. In order to improve the national security state management system of Ukraine in terms of Euro-Atlantic and European integration objectives it is suggested to identify a cooperative model as a perspective organizational model within the national security system analytical activities.

Bioterrorism Preparedness and Response in Poland: Prevention, Surveillance, and Mitigation Planning.

Biological weapons are one of the oldest weapons of mass destruction used by man. Their use has not only determined the outcome of battles, but also influenced the fate of entire civilizations. Although the use of biological weapons agents in a terrorist attack is currently unlikely, all services responsible for the surveillance and removal of epidemiological threats must have clear guidelines and emergency response plans. In the face of the numerous threats appearing in the world, it has become necessary to put the main emphasis on modernizing, securing, and maintaining structures in the field of medicine which are prepared for unforeseen crises and situations related to the use of biological agents. This article presents Poland's current preparation to take action in the event of a bioterrorist threat. The study presents both the military aspect and procedures for dealing with contamination. In Poland, as in other European Union countries fighting terrorism, preparations should be made to defend against biological attacks, improve the flow of information on the European security system, strengthen research centers, train staff, create observation units and vaccination centers, as well as prepare hospitals for the hospitalization of patients-potential victims of bioterrorist attacks.

UKRAINIAN-RUSSIAN CONFLICT IN THE DONBAS FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF WESTERN HISTORIOGRAPHY: CHARACTER, ORIGINS, REASONS

Object of research: analysis of the works of modern foreign authors, which reflect the process of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in the Donbas, which cast doubt on the European security system, has complicated the lives of millions of citizens. Clarification of the reasons that led to the amorphous national identity of the population of Donbas, rejection of Western values, mythical ideas about fascists-Banderites. Disclosure of the diversity of assessments of Western historiography regarding the origins and causes of the conflict, its nature. From a critical point of view, the work of "geopolitical realists" who are trying to minimize the Kremlin’s actions in relation to Ukraine is considered. Investigated problem: to show and prove that the revival of Russian neo-imperialism, which even after 1991 considered Ukraine a vassal, became the main external factor that led to the escalation of the conflict and its actual “freezing”. The attention is focused on the reasons for the appearance of peculiar stereotypes of thinking and behavior of residents of the Donetsk basin, contrasted with the mentality of citizens of other regions, especially Western Ukraine. The cultural-historical split of Ukraine, which developed historically, could not be the cause of the armed conflict, even with the pole opposition “Lviv-Donetsk”. Therefore, the separatist sentiments that appeared in Donbas at certain times were not a mass phenomenon even in 2014 because of this, it is impossible to explain Russian aggravation of relations between the elites of Kyiv and Donbas without analyzing external interference. The state of affairs was also aggravated by both sabotage of the Donbas elites, they did not recognize the legitimacy of the new government in Kyiv after February 2014, and by the mistakes made by the central government in Kyiv. Hasty and ill-conceived, according to Western experts, was the adoption by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of a law abolishing the regional status of the Russian language. The name of the military operations from the Kyiv side as “anti-terrorist operation” was doubtful. It was changed late. Main scientific results: in fact, for the first time in the historiography of Ukraine, the latest works of Western scholars on the Ukrainian-Russian conflict have been analyzed. Conclusions are made about the inconsistency of the views of Western historians regarding the nature and causes of the conflict, the prospects for its settlement.

THE POST- GREAT WAR SETTLEMENT OF 1919 AND UKRAINE

The aim of the research is to answer the question why the Ukrainian national state did not obtain the international support and assistance after the Great War , though a national self-determination was one of the guiding principles of the new international settlement. The research methodology is based on the global history approach and a study of primary sources, such as the documents of Paris Peace Conference , a diplomatic correspondence , and the works of the participants and contemporaries of the Conference. The scientific novelty of the article consists in developing and upgrading the previous conclusion concerning the Great Power’s position on Ukraine in 1919, based on a set of new available primary sources and the global history approach . The research puts discussions and decisions of Paris Peace Conference on Ukraine into a wider international context and considers the interests of different international actors, not only Ukraine, to avoid a national bias. The Conclusions . The author argues that the Ukrainian nation state did not fit in the Principal Powers’ strategic considerations of the post-war period, namely, addressing the Bolshevik westward expansion, restoring Russia’s legitimate authority and unity, and a shaping of the European security system . Moreover, after the Bolsheviks’ rule was established in the Ukrainian territory of the former Russian Empire, Great Powers did not believe that Ukrainian national institutions were viable . Secondly , t he territorial conflicts between the new states, including Poland and Ukraine, demonstrated that the principle of a national self-determination was hardly implemented, and it did not ensure the primary goals of the post-Great War settlement. Though the Principal Powers sought to find a fair solution to the Eastern Galician issue, finally their strategic considerations prevailed over the principle of a national self-determination.

Ukraine within the European security system: problems and prospects

This article explores the problems of Ukraine's integration into the European security system. Special attention is given to the questions of cooperation with the European Union, NATO and the OSCE that play an important role in promotion of security in the European continent. Emphasis is made on the analysis of the Ukrainian normative legal framework responsible for inclusion of Ukraine into the core structures of European security. Since 1991 to the present, all presidents of post-Soviet Ukraine from L. Kravchuk to V. Zelensky contributed considerably to the country’s integration into the European security system. With the development of relations with NATO, EU and OSCE, Ukraine sought to cooperate with the Eastern European countries within the framework of the key institutions of European security. Ukraine’s relations with certain Balkan states have experienced intense contradictions, for example dispute over the plan to liquidate Bolhradsky district in Odessa Region that was predominantly populated by ethnic Bulgarians. Since 2004, the territorial dispute between Ukraine and Romania pertaining to delimitation of continental shelf around the Snake Island has not been fully settled. The conflict between the two countries also aggravated due to the policy of reducing the Romanian-language educational establishments in Ukraine. Ukraine’s inclusion into the key structures of the European security is also impeded by Donbass armed conflict, the fact that the government of Ukraine does not recognize the Republic of Crimea's claim to sovereignty, as well as regularization of relations with the Russian Federation. The acquired results allow determining the motives underlying the foreign policy course of Ukraine that is aimed at its accession to the European Union and NATO, as well as the attempts to take its place within the European security system.

Reddito di cittadinanza e laboriosità

The essay analyzes the Citizenship income (RdC), a structural and inclusive guaranteed mini-mum income introduced by the Italian decree law no. 4/2019, converted in the Italian law no. 26/2019. The recognition of the essential features of the new measure brings the Author to underline the multi-functional structure of the RdC, given its strongly pro-active nature, as it is clearly focused on the social and labour integration of its beneficiary. In its basic approach the RdC presents, in fact, a dichotomous structure of an instrument of social policy to combat poverty and inclusion and, at the same time, of active policy intervention for labour. Hence the possibility to collocate the new measure as the mainstay of a social model founded on active social inclusion, in accordance with the principles that inspire both European and national so-cial security systems.

Аналіз підходів, механізмів і способів, що використовує НАТО та інші міжнародні організації з безпеки для врегулювання сучасних воєнних конфліктів

The political, economic and military experience that was used by decision-makers for resolving the conflict on the east ofUkraineshowed that the existing mechanisms underlying the functioning of the European security system (cooperative security approach) are not effective enough. Thus, the search for effective mechanisms, ways, and means for preventing and modern military conflicts with a hybrid nature is an urgent task for today.The aim of the article is to analyze the existing approaches, mechanisms, and methods used by NATO and other international organizations whose purpose is to prevent and resolve military conflicts with the "Hybrid" character.Ways to resolve modern military conflicts should be based on principles carrying out of which can lead to a decrease in tension in the conflict region, namely:- the principle of consistent limitation and exclusion of the use of military power during the process of resolving conflict (third parties included);- the principle of priority of non-military means for resolving the conflict (political and diplomatic methods, whose concept determined in forms of state activity that ensure the activation of negotiations methods and non-military actions);- the principle of alternative options for finding ways of exit from confrontation provides for the development of a “road map” for opposing parties to emerge from the conflict;- the principle of abidance respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each party of the conflict, as well as third parties involved in resolving the conflict or its preventing.Analysis of the methods for resolving contemporary military conflicts that NATO and other international organizations use pointing to the ineffectiveness of the “forceful” method as way of resolving the conflict.

Relations between Hungary and countries of the Central and Eastern European region: collapse and reorganisation, 1918–1925

The First World War caused very deep and fundamental changes in Central and Eastern Europe. The biggest loser of the war was the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Kingdom of Hungary as one of its parts was dissolved in the framework of Trianon Peace Treaty. The new Hungary could retain only 28,6% of the former territory and 36,5% of its former population. After 1920 the League of Nations was planned a new collective European security system.

Сучасні процеси трансформації викликів та загроз національній безпеці країн-членів ЄС

It is substantiated that, today, civil and military analysts are interested in acquiring up-to-date knowledge on the transformation of challenges and threats to the national security of EU Member States, with not only military and national security issues but also virtually all spheres of human life. It is determined that the European Union, unlike the North Atlantic Alliance, is not a military and political organization and never intended to become one, but from the very beginning of its existence, the Member States of the European Union were aware of how important a component of socio-economic and political relations is. security for the prosperity and freedom of a democratic society, economic internationalization, the development of science, medicine, industry. There is a particular danger of hybrid wars, which is that the enemy behaves extremely cunningly and cunningly, often making himself a friend. Therefore, in today's world, the devastating effects of hybrid warfare cannot be overstated, which in itself is also a challenge to modern democracy, the preservation of state sovereignty and the development of civil society. It is proved that special attention in the European Union is also paid to the development of rapid response to environmental and energy problems, cybercrime, intensification of interethnic, interfaith and other conflicts by eliminating procedural, financial and political factors that hamper the deployment of fighting, reduce the effectiveness of military operations under a common security and defense policy. Conflict prevention is proposed to be implemented through the development of a mechanism for early detection of threats to the European security system in order to respond to modern realities. As the experience of Russian aggression against Ukraine has shown, the European Union, for a long time, did not receive proper signals from Kiev about the threat to European security coming from the East. The emergence of such a mechanism should be preceded by the formation of a common center for the collection, analysis and coordination of information to ensure national priorities for the development of the security of states. A similar mechanism already exists in the FRONTEX Agency, but only at the level of public order and the state border.

Problems of international legal mechanisms of the European Union member states cooperation in the field of defense

Nowadays the European Union part in the process of formation of international legal mechanism of cooperation in the sphere of security and defence has considerably grown and continues to grown. With the appearance of a series of new challenges and threats the question of counteraction them has increased.The international-legal mechanisms of European Union country-members cooperation in the sphere of defence, investigated in the article are the legal basis for the further development of the European security system. The investigation of the EU country-members cooperation in the sphere of defence gives the opportunity to make clear the EU part in the general architecture of the European and global security and to predict the possibilities of the further strengthening of EU cooperation in the sphere of defence.It is necessary emphasize that the achievement of the high level of European security can be provided only by effort integration of EU bodies and structures, the activity of which is to be directed the constant improvement of international legal mechanisms of cooperation in the sphere of security and defence.It must be stressed that none of such threats can't be liquidated with military means exclusively. It is necessary to use a certain set of instruments to counteract each of such threats which the EU has, they are: common operations on disarmament; humanitarian and rescuing operations, granting of military advice and help, prevention of conflicts and peace support and others. Besides, though the regional conflicts first of all need political decisions, the necessity in military means can appear at any stage of the conflict. It must be mentioned, that the EU has different instruments on its disposal, to react at such many-sided situations. This day a system of bodies has been formed, to support the EU defence policy realization. Besides, the constant structural cooperation within the Union has been settled for the EU member-states whose military potential satisfies the highest criteria, and who have close obligations in this sphere concerning each other (PESKO).At the same time, the systems analysis of the current state of security system legal control in the context of global challenges and threats nowadays, and the real ability to resist them in dependently, gives the opportunity to confirm that the European Union, as an independent player in the European security architecture, is on its phase of formation today.

How the ‘Post-Truth’ Phenomenon Harms Political Dialogue between States

Summary The post-truth phenomenon harms political dialogue between nations. Our collective approach to news and to ‘truth in the news’ has been blown off course by a combination of factors, described by twelve statesmen and diplomats in interviews, which this practitioner attempts to explain here by drawing on his perspective as a communicator at NATO. Post-truth has made political dialogue unattractive and unpleasant for many leaders. It has given wider credence to the notion that the truth is unimportant and that the search for truth is unnecessary and pretentious. This has proven costly to stable international relations, because truth speaks of what is just, accepted and therefore stable. Dialogue is devalued today on account of its association with the search for truth. To have any chance of restoring a functioning European security system, dialogue must be restored. This can be achieved by considering anew George Orwell’s famed concept of ‘common decency’.

PARADIGMS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN THE EU, VISEGRÁD GROUP, AND UKRAINE

The scientific interest of the development of the theory and practice of cooperation of Central European countries of the Visegrád Group in the context of modern European integration processes is important for developing and implementing the strategy of foreign and domestic policy in European countries and Ukraine at the modern stage. At the beginning of the XXI century, under the changes in the geopolitical situation on the European continent, the countries of Central Europe (full members of the European Union) build a new operating system of international relations and accordingly continue to delegate some of their powers to suprastate institutions of the EU. The purpose of this scientific study is to determine paradigmatic aspects of European integration processes, modern threats arising in the EU, prospects for the interaction of EU countries, and to form a new format of cooperation of Ukraine and countries of the Visegrád Group. The aim of the creation of the alliance of the Visegrád Group (1991) was the desire to contribute to the construction of European security architecture and economic cooperation through the effective cooperation within European institutions. The whole activity of the Visegrád Group is aimed at strengthening stability in the Central European region. Risks in the economic sphere and strengthening of Euroscepticism are considered traditional for the EU functioning. In view of signing the Rome Declaration in 2017, the EU threats and challenges for the short-term (2018–2020) include: hybrid consequences of the aggression of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, European migrant crisis, a series of terrorist acts in European cities, unpredictable policy of the newly elected US president D. Trump in relation to the European security system, strengthening the position of far-left and far-right political forces in European states, Brexit and its consequences, in particular, risk of domino effect in other member countries of the Union. Therefore, we consider it appropriate to carry out system analysis of key relevant challenges and threats to the EU for 2018–2020 and to consider interconditionality and interdependence of problems that may affect the EU future. Given the defined trends, development and economic stability of each state are strategically important, however, special attention in this context should be paid to the analysis of the development of large countries of the European Union, such as Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. V4 countries are characterized by sustainable economic growth. If to analyse the Visegrád Four as a single national state, then the Visegrád Group is the fifth largest economy in Europe and the 12th in the world. The authors consider it too simplistic to define the essence of the Visegrád alliance only as a consolidation of the efforts of Central European countries for the sake of “returning to Europe” through Euro-Atlantic integration. In the modern dimension of events, the interaction format V4 + Ukraine is much more complex and more promising than it appears. Since joining NATO and the European Union in 1999 and 2004 by the Visegrád Group (i.e. Central European countries) geopolitically changes the status of the Central European Region, transforms bilateral and multilateral relations of Central European countries – full members of the EU with Ukraine. Moreover, this changes the system of relations within the Visegrád Four, as well as with other member states of the European Union.

Background and formation of cooperation between European Union member states in the field of defense

The historical way of development of integration processes in the defence sphere, starting with the end of World War II up to nowadays, appeared to be rather complicated. The European development shows, that security and defence can be provided only by successful activity of different international blocks and organization.The main preconditions and tendencies, investigated in this article, are the basis for the further development of European security system. The investigation of European Unity members evolution of cooperation in the defence sphere gives the opportunity not only to state the main stages of such cooperation and its features on the contemporary level, but to make a forecast of its future development, taking into consideration the challenges the European Union faced with during the last years.Among the most important preconditions for generating and formation of the European state-members cooperation in the defense sphere, the following must be underlined: the demand of peace and security, the aspiration for economic development and welfare and keeping of economic and political significance on the international arena. Proceeding from these preconditions and tendencies the European Union is widening nowadays and will widen further its own defence system.At the same time the new challenges and threats appear. The European society has to identify them and create its effective law and institutional means to resist them. Because of the great number of threats the achievements in the international security system effect become the main task for all peoples.It is quite clear that none of the states nowadays can independently provide its own security against contemporary challenges and threats, without the international help and collective security structures. It must be stressed (underlined) that the greatest number of contemporary challenges and threats for international security need now, and first of all non-military ways of solution for their decision

HARMONIZATION OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS

The policy of Ukraine for the establishment and development of relations with the European Union began in 1993, was carried out all the years of Ukraine’s existence, and received intensive deepening with the beginning of the formation of an international treaty – the Association Agreement, which includes a list of legal, social, economic, and technical regulations, and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), in 2014 and its final signing in 2017. Political and economic objectives of the Agreement are of fundamental importance to the future of both Ukraine and the whole European region. The political goal is to implement European standards on the territory of Ukraine. This implies the introduction of fundamental European values, namely democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and the standards of the European security system. The Agreement does not foresee membership in the European Union, however, does not exclude such an opportunity in the future. The economic goal is to help to modernize the Ukrainian economy by expanding trade volumes with the EU and other countries, as well as reforming economic regulation mechanisms in line with the best European practices. Subject to the improvement of the business climate, Ukraine will become attractive for foreign and domestic investment for further production for export to the EU and other markets of the world. Harmonization of standards and European regulations has become a much more important process than the fulfilment of strictly technical requirements and underlies the introduction of effective governance without corruption. In the process of harmonization of interaction, an adaptive institutional mechanism was formed (the highest level – annual Summits; the key coordinator is the Association Council, consisting of members of the Council of the European Union and members of the European Commission, and members of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; the level of operational coordination – the Association Parliamentary Committee, which includes members of the European Parliament, representatives of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Civil Society Platform; in order to coordinate processes on the territory of Ukraine, the Ukrainian government has introduced a few supervisory committees and commissions). The harmonization of the economic aspect of the mechanism has been determined in solving issues of openness of markets for duty-free import from Ukraine in April 2014, obtaining a visa-free regime with the EU, abolishing export-import tariffs, implementing European technical standards for food safety, phytosanitary norms, competition policy, service provision, and public procurement policy. The issues of further deepening of relations include a review of the terms for the introduction of regulations and legislative provisions before their actual implementation, stabilization of financial and economic processes in the country, and further development of democratic values and social institutions.

Russian and European Union’s Quest for the formation of a European security system after the cold war

The need for an understanding of the problem of creating a modern system for resolving European security problems and developing new reliable mechanisms for intraregional security with the particip...

Republic of Moldova in the Context of Regional Security Challenges in Eastern Europe

This article analyzes the most current security issues for the Republic of Moldova that are part of the regional security context of Eastern Europe –the region that can be considered the epicenter of international tensions through which the„geopolitical line of fracture”passes. The geographical position of the Republic of Moldova makes this state particularly sensitive to any negative trends in theregion. Growing of international tensions creates security threats and complicates economic development. From a historical point of view, Moldova has repeatedly fallen victim by the confrontation of the great powers. Therefore, the Republic of Moldova has a vital interest in preventing a new conflict in Eastern Europe.
 This article is based on a number of assumptions made by changes in the European security environment, such as the „shift of weight” to the East, strategic uncertainty, increasing the role of non-state actors, the situation in eastern Ukraine, etc.
 Based on these assumptions, this article makes an attempt to outline the potential role of the Republic of Moldova in the Eastern European security system, taking into account the desideratum for integration of the republic into the European Union. Other relevant factors will be taken into account for shaping the role of the Republic of Moldova in the European security system, namely: the security deficit; the impact of NATO and EU security policy; the rebirth of the project to create a regional defense alliance, etc. This article will largely take into account the military aspects of security.
 Keywords: Republic of Moldova, national security, Eastern Europe, NATO, Intermarium, defence, threats, risks, challenges

Russia and the European security order revisited: from the congress of Vienna to the post-cold war

ABSTRACTRussia’s role in the international order is often explained with reference to historical examples, analogies and longue durée trends. This article examines Russia’s role in, and visions of, the international order from the Congress of Vienna to the end of the Cold War. The article also discusses the lessons, and perhaps also the wrong lessons, that the current Russian leadership and elite have drawn on the basis of past grand bargains. It concludes that in the course of history, there has been more variation than continuity in Russia’s policy towards the European security system and, moreover, that the post-Cold War security order in Europe was not imposed on Russia during the years immediately following the end of the Cold War.