European Politics Research Articles

Division and unity: Voter and party perspectives on EU integration under external threat

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has reshaped European politics, prompting the European Union (EU) to take indirect actions such as aiding Ukraine, accepting refugees, and imposing sanctions on Russia. This special section explores the implications of these events on European unity. Will the war highlight divisions among countries and ideological groups, as “post-functionalists” would predict? Or will the external threat, in line with the “bellicist logic,” and EU solidarity, in line with the “polity formation” literature, foster increased EU policy coordination and centralization? The contributions assess the war’s impact on the supply (political parties) and demand (public opinion) sides of the politics of European integration. The articles show moderate support for the “bellicist” mechanisms of threat and consensus. They also find solidarity and unity for refugee and energy policy, with greater ideological and country divisions over economic policy, defence policy, and appeasement strategies toward Russia.

The Historical Transformation of Europe from the 16th to the 20th Century

Since the beginning of the Great Age of Navigation in the 16th century, Europe has greatly promoted the course of history. As Columbus discovered the New World, new agricultural products made Europe more able to expand its empire. For example, potatoes, which were easy to grow, easy to preserve, and easy to carry, allowed European armies to expand more widely. The opening of new shipping routes increased the cultural exchanges in the world and also opened the prelude to vigorous geographical discovery. Since the Industrial Revolution in Britain, the world has been completely changed, and civilizations that have not kept up with The Times have been unfortunately enslaved. While Europe is changing the world, it is also changing itself. A series of revolutions since the 18th century have reshaped European politics and society and become universal values for modern states. This historical evolution also fostered the development of capitalism and modern economic systems, which further influenced global trade patterns. At the same time, the spread of European ideologies played a crucial role in shaping international relations and geopolitical structures.

Humanitarian aid: problem statement

The article analyzes the issues related to the problems arising in the field of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine by the EU, the USA and other foreign partners of Ukraine. The author emphasizes that, given that Ukraine’s foreign policy plans include integration into the European political, economic, and legal space with a view to gaining membership in the European Union, national legislation should certainly take into account generally accepted international principles, including the basic principles of humanitarian assistance. The author defines the role played by the Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine in matters related to humanitarian aid as a specially authorized central executive body for ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women and men and providing humanitarian aid. It is noted that scientific research on the selected issues is currently being actively conducted. However, such research is carried out mainly in the field of criminal law, criminal procedure and criminology. There is no comprehensive study of current issues related to the legal regime of humanitarian aid, especially in view of the introduction of martial law. This, in turn, increases the relevance and timeliness of the study. The dynamics of humanitarian assistance to Ukraine by the EU and its member states, the United States, other partner countries of Ukraine, international organizations, including the United Nations, since 2014 and its strengthening since the full-scale invasion of Russia are revealed. The reasons for the current decline in humanitarian aid and possible ways out of this crisis are outlined. The author emphasizes the need to study the following main problems in this area: the issue of existing mechanisms for the implementation and control of humanitarian assistance in terms of identifying internal and external factors of corruption risks in the performance of relevant functions by authorized state bodies in the field of humanitarian assistance; inconsistency of the regulatory framework of Ukraine in the field of humanitarian aid with the principles of humanitarian aid enshrined in international law; lack of sufficient and complete legal mechanisms for implementing state control and monitoring of the procedure for recognizing cargo as humanitarian, its customs clearance, distribution and reporting; identification of fundamental anti-corruption safeguards that should be reflected in the procedure for importing, providing, processing, distributing and monitoring the intended use of goods recognized as humanitarian aid.

Leon Pinsker’s Proto-Zionist Pamphlet Autoemancipation! in Sh. Y. Abramovitsh’s Skeptical Yiddish Reworking

Leon Pinsker’s pamphlet Autoemancipation! (1882), a seminal text of early Jewish nationalism, arguably established Zionism as a movement functioning in the German language. Soon after its publication, the renowned Yiddish writer Sh. Y. Abramovitch produced a Yiddish language version (1884). Abramovitsh’s rendering is above all an adaptation of German or Western European political and cultural concepts and vocabulary to the Jewish, Eastern European Yiddish-speaking milieu, with changes in vocabulary, rhetorical strategies, and cultural references. Abramovitsh reworked the pamphlet according to his own thinking on the plight of Jews in the Russian Empire and a possible nationalist solution, as exemplified in his contemporary novels. In the article, I compare the language in which several socio-political concepts are expressed in the two texts in order to determine whether Abramovitsh, in his ideological skepticism, also subtly adapts the content of the nationalist thesis.

Reshaping the European Union Landscape: The Rise of Far-Right Movements and Their Potential Impact on Middle East Policy

The rise of far-right parties within the European Union has raised significant concerns about potential shifts in EU foreign policy, particularly with regard to the Middle East. This development challenges the core values of the EU and has the potential to markedly reshape its diplomatic strategies, aid distribution, and regional engagement. This analysis examines key areas of Middle East policy likely to be influenced by the growing presence of far-right parties in EU institutions, including immigration and refugee policies, the EU's stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, relations with Iran, and involvement in peace processes in the region. Additionally, the study emphasizes potential shifts in power dynamics within EU decision-making bodies concerning Middle East policy, underscoring the urgency of the issue. The hypotheses suggest that the increased influence of far-right parties may result in more restrictive immigration policies, stronger pro-Israel positions, a more confrontational approach towards Iran, diminished EU involvement in Middle East peace initiatives, and a reduction in regional financial aid. The research also explores the likelihood of greater bilateral engagement between individual EU member states and Middle Eastern countries, which could weaken the EU's common foreign policy and lead to a more fragmented regional strategy. This study highlights the critical importance of understanding the complexities of this phenomenon, as the mainstreaming of far-right ideologies has profound implications for European politics and the EU’s role in the Middle East. Addressing these challenges is essential for safeguarding the EU’s foundational values and maintaining its ability to navigate intricate geopolitical landscapes.

Carissimo in Christo filio Alfonso illustri Portugalensium regi: re-framing the relationship between the papacy and Portugal in the twelfth century

This article explores the path that ultimately led to the concession of the bull Manifestis probatum in light of recent historiographical developments, with a particular focus on the Roman point of view, as part of an attempt to understand how the Apostolic See saw the new political institution led by Afonso Henriques, the kingdom of Portugal. The relations between the papacy and Portugal are here considered as an interaction between two emerging entities of the Middle Ages, both looking for acknowledgement. This need for legitimisation can only be understood through the changes in the European political and ecclesiastical context, which profoundly influenced the formulas and language adopted by these entities in their documentation, especially by the papal chancery. With each successive pope, the same expressions acquired different nuances and meanings, there was not a linear and organised programme.

S. Longfield Karr, Jus Gentium in humanist jurisprudence, On justice and right. [History of European political and constitutional thought, 9]. Brill, Leiden – Boston [2022]. 400 p.

S. Longfield Karr, Jus Gentium in humanist jurisprudence, On justice and right. [History of European political and constitutional thought, 9]. Brill, Leiden – Boston [2022]. 400 p.

An approach to the first essays of construction of a European student movement: The Student Congress of Liège (1865)

The objective of the article is to analyze the debates that took place at the international student congress held in the Belgian city of Liège in 1865. The article is divided into three parts dedicated to the study of the discussions on European politics, on primary education and about university teaching. It attempts to show how the political differences, especially between members of the Belgian and French delegations, prevented the objective of the Congress, which was to discuss only aspects related to education. These political differences also prevented the formation of a federation of European students, which was another of the central objectives of the meeting. The discussions between the students on positivism and spiritualism, on freedom of education, on the heritage of the French revolution and nationalism and on primary education are analyzed in the text. Discussions about the relationship between primary education and universal suffrage are also studied. Opinions on the German model of university education and on university education in Belgium are analysed. The role of the French delegation in the congress is also analyzed. The main source on which the article is based is the congressional record published in January 1866.

К вопросу об истоках украинского национализма и проблемах создания украинской государственности

The article focuses on aspects related to the origins of Ukrainian nationalism as well as the problems of Ukraine’s birth, which is extremely relevant in modern times. The authors studied a number of archival materials, monographs and articles of the Russian and foreign historians. Since the second half of the XIX century the issue of European political and ethnic history of nation-states has come to the forefront. The idea of an independent Ukraine, born in the heads of the Ruthenian intelligentsia by the Austrian government, was alien to the Russian Empire and, on the contrary, it was interested in annexing the Carpathian Rus’. After the World War I the borders of the new European states were determined not so much by the natural borders of ethnic residence of certain peoples, in particular modern Ukrainians, as by the diplomatic struggle between the great powers. The young Soviet state did not take part in this process at all. As a result, many disputed territories became the subject of political and geopolitical interests of great powers and newly established states. Despite the numerous problems discussed in the article, Ukraine eventually managed to create a separate state. The study results that the Soviet regime on the one hand and the Western powers on the other, by making concessions and encouraging nationalism in the new Ukrainian state, created virtually insoluble internal and external problems for both Ukraine and Russia.

A influência da Reforma Protestante na construção do sistema internacional moderno de Estados Europeus

This study aims to analyze the relationship between the Protestant Reformation and the development of the International System of States, with an emphasis on the political changes and power dynamics that emerged during this period. It will be highlighted, in particular, how the Protestant Reformation achieved remarkable success in the northern region of Europe, and how this contributed to a significant expansion of trade and finance. Additionally, it will examine how a pragmatic and cosmopolitan organization of merchants, such as the Hanseatic League, as well as the bourgeoisie of these cities, played a facilitating role in the propagation and acceptance of Protestantism. In short, we intend to point out how the Hanseatic league is a necessary condition for the success of the Protestant Reformation, and how it impacted the configuration of the European political and economic system, and, by extension, the International System - such a relationship is fundamental for a better understanding of the evolution of relations between States in Modern History.

Genocides in the European politics of History

The concepts of “genocide” and “crimes against humanity”, which crystallised in Western legal and intellectual discourse in the 1960s, have been actively exploited in various domestic political struggles and international relations (the most prominent examples being the Holocaust and the Ukrainian Holodomor), and this has implications for the politics of history. The last 20 years have witnessed significant changes in the European Union’s historical politics, both in the EU’s enlargement to the East and in the EU’s own role in the world. Whereas the narrative that emerged in West Germany in the 1970s and 1980s and was consolidated in the EU in the 1980s and 1990s centred on the Holocaust as an event unique in world history in terms of its scale and consequences, with the wave of EU enlargement in 2004 it was challenged by the new EU members. The latter proposed to treat Nazi and Soviet totalitarianism equally, thus equating the Gulag with the Holocaust. This has made European historical politics more complicated and more susceptible to internal disagreements and misunderstandings between members. The aim of this article is to elaborate on the legal and political exploitation of the concept of ‘genocide’ in the intellectual discourse of the emerging European Community, and to identify the challenges posed to it by the new geopolitical circumstances, ranging from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the military invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022. Finally, the recent challenges posed by post-colonial and human rights discourses are discussed in more detail, disrupting the established politics of European history, even in Germany itself, which has been at the forefront of their formation and global implementation. The conclusion is that, despite attempts to find points of contact and compromise between these different models of memory, a consensus that satisfies everyone is unfortunately not currently possible, and is unlikely to ever be achieved.

Genocides in the European politics of History

The concepts of “genocide” and “crimes against humanity”, which crystallised in Western legal and intellectual discourse in the 1960s, have been actively exploited in various domestic political struggles and international relations (the most prominent examples being the Holocaust and the Ukrainian Holodomor), and this has implications for the politics of history. The last 20 years have witnessed significant changes in the European Union’s historical politics, both in the EU’s enlargement to the East and in the EU’s own role in the world. Whereas the narrative that emerged in West Germany in the 1970s and 1980s and was consolidated in the EU in the 1980s and 1990s centred on the Holocaust as an event unique in world history in terms of its scale and consequences, with the wave of EU enlargement in 2004 it was challenged by the new EU members. The latter proposed to treat Nazi and Soviet totalitarianism equally, thus equating the Gulag with the Holocaust. This has made European historical politics more complicated and more susceptible to internal disagreements and misunderstandings between members. The aim of this article is to elaborate on the legal and political exploitation of the concept of ‘genocide’ in the intellectual discourse of the emerging European Community, and to identify the challenges posed to it by the new geopolitical circumstances, ranging from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the military invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022. Finally, the recent challenges posed by post-colonial and human rights discourses are discussed in more detail, disrupting the established politics of European history, even in Germany itself, which has been at the forefront of their formation and global implementation. The conclusion is that, despite attempts to find points of contact and compromise between these different models of memory, a consensus that satisfies everyone is unfortunately not currently possible, and is unlikely to ever be achieved.

The European Union in Turbulent Times: Brexit, Populism, and Future Challenges

The United Kingdom’s 2016 decision to exit the European Union constituted a pivotal moment in European politics, precipitating a surge of uncertainty and contemplation throughout the continent. Brexit represented not merely a political or economic division; it epitomised the escalating impact of right-wing populism, which has subsequently intensified throughout Europe. Nationalist and populist groups are undermining the conventional principles of integration and collaboration, prompting the European Union to confront unparalleled enquiries regarding its unity, stability, and future trajectory. Right-wing populist discourses are explicitly nationalist and are organised to identify another against whom the nation is delineated: the Brexit referendum campaign and the extended history of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom. The internal and external elements of populist discourses are pertinent in many manners. This article analyses the relationship between Brexit and the ascendance of right-wing populism, investigating the wider ramifications for the EU’s long-term viability, governance, and identity in a swiftly evolving political context. Keywords: Brexit; Rightwing Populism; European Union; Integration; Euroscepticism

VIEWS OF POLISH DEMOCRAT EUGENIE STARCHEWSKI ON THE PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPE

The purpose of the article is to analyze and reveal the essence of the views of the Polish democrat, public and political figure E. Starczewski regarding the new foundations of international politics and unification of the European community in the first decades of the 20th century. The research methodology is based on general scientific principles, historical-systemic and textological methods, socio-political and prosopographic analysis. The scientific novelty consists in the presentation of the progressive views and positions of the Polish democrat E. Starczewski regarding the social and civilizational development of mankind and the construction of new foundations of European politics, which are consonant with modernity. The author's conclusions point to the uniqueness of Ye. Starchevskyi's personality. He distinguished himself as a historian, lawyer, public and political figure, publicist. The views expressed by him regarding the need to change social foundations and international policy, recognize the rights of peoples to political development, define borders within ethnic territories, and ensure the rights of national minorities became the program of activities of Polish democrats. His views on the need to unify European states into one organization based on parity, peaceful coexistence, protection of economic, political, and cultural rights of peoples deserve attention. His statements about the human desire for personal happiness and self-realization, the protection of human rights, and tolerance in the perception of others, which constitute the core values of the modern European Union, remain profoundly relevant.

Populism and ideological convergence: Evidence from a multiparty system

Populism and ideological convergence: Evidence from a multiparty system

The Cognitive Trap of Rousseau's "Organic Metaphor" and the Construction of U.S. Policy in Europe and Eurasia

The ideological dimension of international relations and foreign policy represents a distinct area of interaction, often situated at the intersection of political theory and philosophy. This study explores how metaphors, particularly Rousseau’s Organic Metaphor and its adaptation by Woodrow Wilson in his conceptualization of nationalism, function as powerful cognitive tools within the political sphere. These metaphors can act as "cognitive keys" that shape the perception of socio-political realities, influencing both the understanding and actions of political actors. However, while they provide a framework for understanding the internal logic of events, they also limit cognitive freedom by acting as implicit filters. This article traces the instrumental use of these metaphors in U.S. foreign policy, particularly how Wilson’s conceptualization of nationalism, derived from Rousseau’s metaphor, was utilized to reshape the ideational landscape of European politics in the 20th century and is now being applied in Eurasia. The concept of nationalism allowed for the fragmentation of competing political entities, aligning with the U.S. strategy of divide et impera to oppose integration movements. The article further examines how these strategies, which once targeted European empires, are now being employed against emerging integration unions in Eurasia, thereby highlighting the continuity of ideological tools in American foreign policy across different historical contexts.

Nostalgic deprivation and populism: Evidence from 19 European countries

AbstractPopulist parties have been increasingly successful in European politics over the last decade. Although research suggests that nostalgic deprivation – a perceived loss of economic, political or social status — is linked to support for populist parties, the generalizability of this argument across voters and national contexts remains unclear. In this research note, we leverage original representative surveys across 19 European countries to demonstrate that perceptions of declining status are a consistent predictor of populist support. Decomposing nostalgic deprivation into different dimensions, we find that while social, economic and power deprivation have different antecedents, each predicts populist attitudes and voting behaviour. Moreover, we find that nostalgic deprivation predicts support for populist platforms among both left‐wing and right‐wing respondents, as well as across Eastern and Western Europe. While the antecedents differ across contexts, these findings confirm that perceptions of downward mobility are associated with the rise of populism in Europe.

The rise of populist radical right parties in Europe

After World War II, radical right parties in Europe experienced a decline, but over the last three decades, they have regained strength, becoming significant players in European politics. Since the early twenty-first century, they have secured representation at various levels, from local governments to national parliaments and the European Parliament. Nowadays, populist radical right parties rank among the top three most powerful political forces in one-third of European countries. In Austria, the FPÖ ( Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs) emerged as the leading party in the 2024 elections, winning 28.9% of the vote. In Italy, the Fratelli d’Italia coalition came to power with 25.99% of the vote in 2022. In Hungary, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party won its fourth consecutive election. In France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN – Rassemblement National) achieved major victories in both the European Parliament and national elections, becoming the country’s largest party. Though initially considered marginal, populist radical right parties have become a lasting and serious force in European politics. This special issue features six carefully selected articles, each offering empirical and theoretical insights into different aspects of the rise of radical right and right-wing populist parties in Europe, contributing to a broader understanding of this phenomenon.

The Political Basis of Dandyism in Edward Bulwer-Lytton's novel «Pelham, or The Adventures of a Gentleman»

The subject of this study is the external and internal aspects of dandyism described in the novel «Pelham, or The Adventures of a Gentleman» in 1828 by the English writer E. Bulwer-Lytton. The study examines: the style of a dandy in appearance and costume, the code of conduct of a dandy, the value content of dandyism, dandy personalities of the XIX century (such as D. Brummel, D. Byron, A. d'Orsay and others). Special attention is paid to the cultural background of the period of the late XVII – early XIX century, on the basis of which dandyism appeared and developed in England. The study uses a historical-comparative method, which consists in comparing the image of a dandy in a work and historical examples of a dandy. In addition, the ideology of dandyism is compared with the European political and legal thought of the late XVII – first half of the XIX century. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that through the study of historical sources and cultural background, having conducted a comparative analysis, it is possible to identify the influence of public thought, social struggle and political events in England and Europe at the end of the XVII – beginning of the XIX century on dandyism. After studying the text of the novel, sources and previous studies, it can be noted as a conclusion: the philosophy of Enlightenment influenced dandyism in the main way; Dandyism developed by the beginning of the XIX century and due to the socio-economic process of transition from feudalism to capitalism; From historical events, the origin of the dandy movement was influenced in some way by the European revolutions; Many dandies of the XIX century Sharing the ideas of individual freedom and individualism, they joined the ideology of classical and conservative liberalism.

From Leipzig to Kyiv through Brussels: How the Revolution of 1989 Defined an Era

To mark the 35th anniversary of the revolutionary events of 1989, the twentieth anniversary of the European Union’s 2004 enlargement, and the tenth anniversary of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, East European Politics and Societies has invited six members of the journal’s editorial and advisory boards to contribute reflections on problems associated with the anniversaries. This introduction sets the contributions in context, and it asks how the period as a whole—now nearly as long as the period of Communist rule in most of the region—should be conceptualized. It argues for the explanatory value of defining the era not so much in terms of “post-Communism,” but in terms of the revolutionary experience that in 1989 provided the yardstick against which subsequent developments have been measured.