EU-China Cooperation Research Articles

The Complexity of Funding International Research Collaboration. An Analysis of Partnership and Rivalry Between the EU and China

In recent years, increased rivalry between China and the EU has been seen as a threat to cooperation, including in the field of higher education and scientific research. We explore how cooperation in research between China and the EU has developed over time via a bibliometric analysis of international co-authorships within four different funding agencies (CAS, MOST, JRC, and ESA). Our findings suggest that EU-China cooperation has continued to strengthen, despite a new options for “rivalry to increase between these two parties”. We suggest that this is explained by the benefits that both the EU and China receive from collaboration, albeit such benefits differ in type. Possibly, our findings are also a byproduct of adjustments triggered initially by the US “China Initiative”. The dilemma of whether to collaborate or not is likely to become more pressing, as the policies of some funding agencies have implications for national defense and security.

Формирование китайского направления политики ЕС: роль стран Центральной и Восточной Европы

The Chinese direction of the EU policy-making process is often explained by the return of great power competition and the balance of power strategy in the contemporary word politics. The EU is thus considered as a quasi-state actor with geopolitical aspirations either to balance Chinese growth in cooperation with the US or to strive for an independent role in a polycentric structure. The presented research aims to assess domestic driving forces influencing the EU common position vis-a-vis China through the prism of accommodating national interests of the CEE member-states. The authors hypothesize that cooperation between the CEE countries and China is not a reason for hardening the position of the EU, but a mobilization pretext contributing to the organizational resource of Brussels against the backdrop of global changes. The study provides the analysis of interests behind the policy of CEE countries towards China, and the degree of its possible influence on the Chinese direction of the EU policy making. The research aimes to fill the gap in academic literature in understanding mechanisms of dependency of the EU policy on economic interests of its member states as well as on political aspirations to leverage the EU institutions. The authors explain the main reasons for special relations of the CEE countries with China, and then analyze the ratio of national and pan-European policy tracks towards Beijing in order to illustrate their mutual influence. The EU and its member-states are prone to economic cooperation with China seen as a critical resource for their development. At the same time Brussels is concerned about the destabilizing potential of such a cooperation for the EU normative consensus which exacerbates the problem of intraunion consolidation. This paradox contributes to the exaggeration of restrictive conditions for further EU–China cooperation and to the partial redistribution of resources within the European Union.

International Aspects of Investment Liberalization in the PRC: A Case of EU-China Cooperation

The paper examines the role of investment cooperation and national foreign investment regime as a means to promote China’s economic and political interests and to respond to new global challenges that the country faces nowadays. To this end, the author examines the main stages of China’s liberalization of the legal regime for foreign investment from the end of the 1970s with a special focus on a new foreign investment law. In doing so the author attempts to link the evolution of investment regulation in the PRC with the dynamics of international relations development and the changing role of China as a regional and global actor. The author emphasizes that a trend towards the emergence of a polycentric world order not only provokes the rise of international tensions but also provides new incentives to promote dialogue and enhance cooperation between states and non-governmental actors, particularly by encouraging foreign investments. At the same time, there is a growing need to improve regulatory mechanisms for direct foreign investments. All these contradictory trends have directly affected China’s foreign investment regime reform. In this context the investment cooperation between the PRC and the European Union is of particular importance. The EU possesses a set of innovative technological solutions and competencies that are of particular interest to the Chinese leaders in the context of their efforts to modernize the country’s economy. The paper examines the volume, dynamics and key directions of investment flows between China and the EU member-states. The fact that after seven years of difficult negotiations, the EU and China managed to develop a special bilateral regulatory mechanism — EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment — underscores again the importance of this cooperation for both parties. Even though the EU has suspended the ratification of this deal on the pretext of human right violations in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, the author concludes, that in the future this agreement will come into force, since the very logic of the emerging polycentric world order urges for deeper cooperation between the EU and China. In this context, the investment regulation appears not only as a means to protect the Chinese economic interests, but also as an instrument to strengthen China’s international positions in the changing global context.

Cooperation between the EU and China: A post-liberal governmentality approach

AbstractThe European Union's partnership with China has received significant academic attention. Experts have focused on both parties’ economic and political objectives and have made efforts to grasp the dynamics of the institutionalisation of EU-China cooperation. However, little has been said about how this collaboration affects the lives of citizens, especially in China. Adopting a Foucauldian epistemology, this article's key contention is that EU-China cooperation imposes a joint form of post-liberal governmental power on the Chinese population, which socially constructs empowered but not liberal political subjectivities for Chinese citizens. The article first reviews Foucault's approach to governmentality. It then explores Sino-EUropean collaboration after 2013, when the two partners established the ‘EU-China 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation’. We illustrate how the institutionalisation of the partnership has been consistent with a governmentalised political rationality, and how policy implementation has allowed a post-liberal form of governmental power to flow from both EU and Chinese policymakers towards the Chinese population, triggering processes of political subjectivisation.

The ‘16+1’ Framework and China-EU Cooperation in the Western Balkans: A Region Building Perspective

This paper adopts a region-building perspective to shed light on the nature of the 16+1 framework and elucidates what it means for EU-China cooperation in the Western Balkans. By comparing the 16+1 framework with the European approach to region-building in the Western Balkans, the paper argues that the Chinese and European approaches towards the Western Balkans are largely complementary rather than competitive as China’s engagement works to facilitate the EU’s agenda in the region. The ‘outside-in’ perspective brought about by China via the 16+1 framework could contribute to region- building in the Western Balkans and the EU and China could jointly move forward the next stage of European integration.

The challenges of China-European Union security cooperation in Africa

The EU-China cooperation on security in Africa has remained on the level of aspirations and policy formulation with insignificant tangible results. Traditionally, the EU has played a strong role in Africa’s security architecture, and China’s participation within this policy area will open up areas of possible cooperation and conflict. Both China and the EU share the same goals in Africa—a stable and secure Africa. To achieve that objective, Africa, China and the EU agree, in principle, that a comprehensive approach that incorporates both traditional and non-traditional security methods, as well as a greater level of development support for African nations, must be taken. However, several challenges impede such cooperation. An EU arms embargo on China, conceptual gaps between the EU and China in human rights and sovereignty, and increasing levels of competition for natural resources are all barriers to trilateral security. This paper outlines those challenges, focusing particularly on barriers to cooperation in the areas of traditional and non-traditional security and development aid projects.

Perspective Directions of Multilateral Cooperation between the EU and the PRC in the Context of Stabilizing the Global Financial System

The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the European Union and China are two powerful trading partners with the largest economies in the world. China is now the second EU trade partner after the United States. The authors show that the EU intends to further extend trade and economic relations with China, but at the same time strives for more reliable guarantees of trade with China to comply with fair and transparent trade rules, and to fulfill bilateral obligations under the WTO. The novelty of the study is determined by the fact that negotiations on a well-rounded investment agreement between the European Union and China were analyzed in the framework of EU-China cooperation. The authors determine the need for a gradual liberalization of investment and the elimination of restrictions for investors in each other’s markets. This will provide a simpler and safer legal basis for investors from both sides, providing them with reliable protection and their investments. The authors found out that China planned reforms in the economic and financial sectors to strengthen trade and economic cooperation with the EU.

What are the factors behind the successful EU-China cooperation on the subnational level? Case study of the Lodzkie region in Poland

Analysing the relations between the EU and China one can notice a growing network of links on all levels, including subnational. Within the framework of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative Chinese regions are eager to develop contacts with European counterparts. The case of the Lodzkie region’s (Poland) cooperation with Sichuan Province is often presented in media as a flagship example of taking the advantage of the possibilities posed by the OBOR. The direct cargo train connection with China has been accompanied by close political relations on the regional level as well as academic cooperation. Neither distance nor great asymmetries between the partners impede smooth collaboration in the Lodzkie case. The main aim of this paper is to answer the question what are the factors behind the success of the Lodzkie region in order to recognise the conditions that may play an important role in the process of building strong bilateral links between European and Chinese subnational units. The Lodzkie case clearly shows the key role of the personal factor. Politicians and officials have identified a great potential in a small-scale business initiative and have helped it to enhance in cooperation with local stakeholders (the city authorities, academia, local companies). Moreover, they have been able to create an attractive story which appeals to international media and attracts business.

The EU-China relationship in a new era of global climate governance

Global climate governance still faces serious challenges despite the epochal Paris Agreement of 2015. Whether and how the world will reach the targeted 1.5-degree limit remains difficult to foresee, although undoubtedly one of the necessary conditions is greater cooperation among the major greenhouse gas (GHG) emitting nations. In this light, the decision by the USA, the second largest GHG emitter in the world, to withdraw from the Paris Agreement has significant global ramifications. Another source of uncertainty is the European Union’s climate policy, which has long been a role model for the world; it will likely have to undergo major changes as a result of the UK’s exit from the EU, which is projected to take place in 2019. Against this backdrop of profound geopolitical changes, this article argues that strengthened cooperation between the EU and China—the world’s largest GHG emitter, but also its largest investor in renewable energy and an increasingly vocal voice for climate action—is indispensable for meaningful climate change mitigation and adaptation in the decades ahead, even if the end results still fall short of the ambitions outlined in the Paris Agreement. Diverging economic and political interests still exist, but there is also much common interest and ample room for collaboration. We review the progress and challenges in EU-China cooperation on climate change and put forward practical suggestions for plausible future directions.

Time to up the game? Middle Eastern security and Chinese strategic involvement

In view of the resources invested by China in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the geopolitical-security dynamics at play, it is helpful to examine the notable security risks and uncertainties of the project. Embedded in this broad context, the paper at hand zooms in on one of the world’s most volatile regions—the Middle East, situated strategically at the juncture of the overland and seaborne routes. Substantively, it focuses on the security dynamics in the region and China’s current engagement therein, with a view to assessing whether and the extent to which China will boost its strategic presence in the BRI context. Some conclusions can be drawn from the research. First, the Middle East faces a multiplicity of security risks and challenges, compounded by a problematic existing security architecture based on inadequate cooperation among regional actors and questionable ad hoc interventions by major outside powers. Second, China’s current relations in Middle Eastern countries have been overwhelmingly economic and driven by energy. Its political-security presence, albeit growing, remains marginal. Third, given the imperatives for China to play a more substantial role in Middle Eastern security (not least the need to ensure the BRI’s security) and the risks/costs of doing so, it would make sense that China seeks to step up its game in areas that are conductive to stabilising the region and yet do not entail intensively investing strategic resources and publicly taking sides (e.g. infrastructure and conflict mediation). This offers reasonable prospect of further EU-China cooperation.

How to Strengthen EU-China Cooperation Based on "the Belt and Road"?

La iniciativa Belt and Road presentada por el Presidente Chino Xi Jinping en 2013 consiste en un plan de desarrollo que objetiva la promoción, la cooperación y el reforzamiento de las conexiones persona-a-persona entre Asia, África y Europa. China ya ha firmado acuerdos de cooperación con más de 40 países pertenecientes a la región de la Belt and Road y realizo la capacitación de la cooperación internacional con más de 30 países. La implementación de la iniciativa tiene un profundo impacto en las relaciones Sino-europeas, tratándose de un tópico que necesita de un mayor análisis. La iniciativa Belt and Road puede representar una gran oportunidad para promover las relaciones China-UE basadas en la cooperación win-win y direccionadas al favorecimiento del respeto mutuo, la compresión y el intercambio humano. El objetivo principal del presente artículo es el estudio de la influencia del plan Belt and Road en la cooperación China-UE, a través de la investigación de algunas medidas ya tomadas y los desafíos colocados a la China y a la UE para fortalecer sus relaciones.

Reforms and collaborations in Europe–China doctoral education

ABSTRACTThis special issue focuses on the reforms and collaborations in Europe–China doctoral education. The articles in this special issue provide an insightful picture of the recent reforms in doctoral education in China and EU countries. Next to the structural reforms in Europe and China, the special issue papers have also specifically focused on EU–China cooperation in doctoral education, such as the current cooperation models, quality assurance in joint programmes and student experiences. In additions to an introduction of seven papers included in the special issue, the introduction provides necessary background information concerning Europe–China doctoral education as well as a reflection on the general issues, challenges and their implications.

How do EU norms diffuse? Rule of law promotion in EU-China cooperation on environmental governance

The rule of law (RoL), as a highly valued international principle and one of the founding principles of the European Union (EU), plays a significant role in its environmental governance. Overlapping interests between China’s search for effective solutions to environmental problems and the EU’s environmental governance experience provide a solid ground for bilateral cooperation in environmental area, and the RoL which is embodied in these bilateral programmes has also been diffused to China. Through looking at the top-down approach of capacity building in law enforcement and the bottom-up approach of the raising of public awareness of environmental rights and public participation promotion, China’s lesson-drawing and the EU’s RoL promotion in EU-China Environmental Governance Programme can be understood. Moreover, although studying the long-term effect of RoL promotion requires more empirical data, this paper does explain how EU norms diffuse in practice.

EU-China cooperation on regional policy

Summary Although the European Union and China are different in terms of area, population, economic, social, political and cultural development, both of them have to face similar challenge – the significant regional disparities and unbalanced regional development. Based on this the EU-China cooperation on regional policy has been launched and there is huge potential to develop mutual learning initiatives to allow their regions developed. The main aim of this paper is to outline the trends in evolution and perspectives of EU-China cooperation on regional policy.

China’s Interests in the Arctic and the EU’S Arctic Policy: Towards a Proactive EU Foreign Policy?

Initiated in 2008, the EU’S Arctic policy acknowledges the evolving geo-strategy of the Arctic region and intends to secure the EU’S trade and resource interests as new actors like China enter the Arctic arena. This paper shows that China’s growing assertiveness in the Arctic has impacted upon both EU Arctic policy and EU foreign policy. The new China’s trade interests in the Arctic, in particular the sensitive issue of rare earth elements, have triggered various moves in the EU in terms of trade and cooperation policies. The use of international law gives the EU some leeway to manage legal tensions with China which may still remain in some sectors, and which may also arise in connection with China’s legitimate aspirations in terms of becoming a rule maker as well. On an institutional level, engaging in an ambitious agenda with China also proves that the European External Action Service has gained in efficiency and internal coherence. Finally, this article also shows that the increasing connection of the EU’S Arctic policy with major bilateral relations calls for strengthened EU diplomatic attention in order to respect the principles guiding the EU’S action on the international scene as stated in the Treaty of the European Union, and to avoid a Eurocentric attitude that could undermine the ability of the EU to be a global actor. EU-China cooperation on Arctic issues certainly relies on a strong potential for cooperation, but it also represents additional challenges for the integrated EU Arctic policy that is expected by the end of 2015.

Making the Transition: EU-China Cooperation on Renewable Energy and Carbon Capture and Storage

Traditionally, Europe is considered to rank among the top performers in renewable energy. However, its lead in this area is increasingly challenged, notably by newcomer China. Keen to sustain its economic growth and ensure the availability of sufficient energy sources to that effect, China’s progress in the field of renewable energy is as much about security of supply, as it is about counteracting the effects of environmental degradation and climate change.1 In its efforts to safeguard its economic growth, China is increasingly competing with the EU over scarce fossil fuel sources, such as natural gas from Central Asia.2 The focus of EU-China energy cooperation is therefore as much structured in terms of managing the latter’s energy demand to limit its impact on climate change and the environment, as it is about relieving pressure on the Union’s own security of supply. Particularly since the second half of the 2000s, much has changed in China after the adoption of the Renewable Energy Law (REL or ‘the Law’) and the establishment of the EU-China Partnership on Climate Change at the 2005 EU-China summit. The Chinese renewable energy market has grown tremendously since and significant efforts have been put into cooperation on Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) technologies. Despite of the renewable sector’s growth, several obstacles remain in the way of its further development, including problems feeding renewable energy into the grid; restrictive regulations concerning foreign ownership; a lack of enforcement of regulations and follow-up on bilateral cooperation; and the absence of a regulatory system that favours carbon captured electricity.

Making the Transition: EU-China Cooperation on Renewable Energy and Carbon Capture and Storage

Making the Transition: EU-China Cooperation on Renewable Energy and Carbon Capture and Storage

Study on Criteria for Chinese Researchers of Environmental Area

Abstract In order to achieve the purpose of EU-China long-term exchanges and cooperation, Chinese excellent researchers in environmental area must be identified. According to the existing assessment systems of researchers in EU and China, and considering the characteristics of environmental area, the principles of index system were proposed, and the index system was established. The index system consisted of five first-level indexes, which were publications and patents, number of PhD students, research projects, titles and awards, and experience. The index system was used to assessment researchers from twenty-five 211 universities and national research institutes. The results showed all researchers were divided into four categories, which were world leading, internationally excellent, nationally excellent and nationally general. The assessment results accorded with the reality, therefore the assessment method was applicable and feasible.

Cost analysis of CO2 transportation: Case study in China

Abstract CO2 capture and storage (CCS) will have a significant impact on the cost of electricity production and costs in other potential applications. Hence, there is a need to identify and structure transportation alternatives in order to fill the gaps in knowledge of the cost of integrated capture, transport, and storage processes. As part of the EU China Cooperation project (COACH), a case of transporting 4,000 tonnes of CO2 per day from GreenGen IGCC Project in Tianjin to Shengli Oilfield at a distance of 300 km in China has been outlined and subjected to parametric studies. The paper reveals the details of these cost analyses and results pertaining to three alternatives: a) pipeline transport, 43.13 RMB/tonne CO2 (4.3 € /tonne CO2), b) shipment, 45.79 RMB/tonne CO2 (4.6 € /tonne CO2), and c) railway tank wagon transport, 77.35 RMB/tonne CO2 (7.7 € /tonne CO2).

EU-China Cooperation In the Field of Energy, Environment and Climate Change

The evolution of the energy market and the intrinsic worldwide scope of environmental threats, such as climate change, are two elements that have pushed the world towards shared approaches to global governance via bilateral institutions and international regimes. This article, with the aid of an institutionalist approach, presents the current status of the EU-China relationship, which is characterised by high institutionalisation, and it underlines how their bilateral cooperation has progressively focused on energy and climate change-related issues. In particular, the article sheds some light on the linkages between energy, environment and climate change and how these have created the basis for the upgrade of the EU-China bilateral relationship to its current level. To do so, it underlines some of the tools, the main frameworks and some of the key outcomes of their bilateral cooperation in these fields.