Ethnic Sentiments Research Articles

The Malaysian market for audit services: ethnicity, multinational companies and auditor choice

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the extent to which ethnic association (i.e. Chinese and Bumiputra ownerships) and national issues (i.e. the presence of foreign corporations) influence the audit services market in Malaysia. Specifically, the paper aims to examine the effects of ethnicity and foreign ownership on choice of auditor.Design/methodology/approachTwo logit models are used; the first is to test on ethnic auditor (Chinese/non‐Chinese) choice while the second is related to the choice of quality‐differentiated auditor. The data is obtained from annual reports of the population of the Bursa Malaysia listed companies for both the Main Board and the Second Board for the periods 1993‐1995.FindingsThe logit regressions confirm our prediction of ethnic networking and preferential treatment on the auditor selection process.Research limitations/implicationsThe first limitation lies on the auditor choice model where the model is developed from a demand perspective, assuming that the auditors are willing to supply services to any client even though it is very unlikely in the real world. The model also assumes that the audit engagement process for foreign‐controlled companies is purely transacted in the Malaysian market. However, foreign multinational corporations might determine the selection of the auditor at the headquarter offices and the Malaysian subsidiaries might simply be directed to engage a given auditor. Another limitation relates to the results of the logit regressions as the study has documented an ethnic association between auditor and auditee rather than establishing a causal relationship.Practical implicationsAn important implication of these findings relates to auditor independence. The Malaysian Institute of Accountants (MIA) has made rules prescribing the code of professional conduct and ethics of public accountants known as the MIA By‐Laws (on Professional Conduct and Ethics) but it seems to neglect the diversity of local culture in addressing independence. Whilst the auditor is divorced from financial and familial interests, the ethnic sentiments might impair auditor independence especially in an audit conflict situation.Originality/valueThe paper provides important insights into the existence of Chinese business practices in Malaysia and auditor selection process in this country.

Juan Goytisolo's Cuaderno de Sarajevo: The Dilemmas of a Committed War Journalist

Juan Goytisolo's Cuaderno de Sarajevo: The Dilemmas of a Committed War Journalist

Beyond Ethnicity: The Global Comparative Analysis of Ethnic Conflict

Conflicts that are reported as being between ethnic groups are often described as “ethnic conflicts.” The implication is that such conflicts belong to a general type of ethnic conflict with certain repeated and predictable features. This type of conflict is seen as being motivated by ethnic sentiments, as being grounded in deeply set hatreds, and as being virtually inescapable. By applying the epithet “ethnic,” it is as if the conflict were already explained. However, there are many reasons to be suspicious of these implications. Ethnic groups presently embroiled in fierce conflict may have been, at a previous point in time, peacefully co-existent. Frequently, the very lines of ethnic difference become blurred through intermarriage and cultural change. Therefore, in order to understand conflict described as “ethnic” we need to uncover the reasons why (in a given conflict situation) there is heightened awareness of ethnic difference. Then we need to explain what I have termed “the conditions of ethnicity,” that is, the external conditions which lead to severe conflict; and those external circumstances that make it likely that the conflict will follow lines of ethnic differentiation. Two of these conditions are the strength of the state system and the ability of the state to manage ethnic conflict.

Xinjiang and China's Relations with Central Asia, 1991-2001: Across the 'Domestic-Foreign Frontier'?

The Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region is China's largest administrative unit and is populated by predominantly non-Han Chinese peoples. Throughout the 1991-2001 period, Xinjiang has witnessed regular and sometimes violent incidents of Uighur opposition to Chinese control of the region. The re-emergence of ethnic nationalist sentiment in Xinjiang has serious implications not only for China's internal economic and political development but also for its foreign relations with the states of Central Asia. This paper will argue that this process does not follow an internal-external trajectory exclusively, in that both its foreign policy objectives and the international environment in which those objectives are pursued can also influence China's policies in Xinjiang. Conversely, reformulation of Chinese foreign policy objectives toward certain states can also have an impact upon the formulation and implementation of minority policy within Xinjiang. An example of these processes is China's relations with the post-Soviet Central Asian Republics. This paper argues that China's relations with these states over the 1991-2001 period have been influenced by both fragmenting and integrating dynamics, whereby renewed ethno-religious conflicts have developed in parallel with increasing economic and political integration across Central Asia and Xinjiang.

Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew Bible. By Kenton L. Sparks. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1998. Pp. xiv + 344. $37.50.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewEthnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew Bible. By Kenton L. Sparks. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1998. Pp. xiv + 344. $37.50.Alexander H. JoffeAlexander H. JoffeBoston University Search for more articles by this author Boston UniversityPDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Near Eastern Studies Volume 62, Number 2April 2003 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/376381 Views: 9Total views on this site Permission to reprint a book review in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Economic Reforms and Ethnic Nationalism in the Context of Transition to Democracy: The Case of Four Eastern European Nations

The end of communism stimulated an increase of nationalism in east central European countries. It is argued that this resurgence of ethnic sentiments is a consequence of prior severe suppression during the communist rule. An important research question that arises is whether nationalism is compatible with the goals of democratization and economic reform that east central European countries set out to accomplish. This article explores the relationship between the choice of economic reforms and the use of nationalistic rhetoric as a mobilization tool. It proposes that the commitment made by any one government to liberal economic reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with the nationalism expressed in social policies. It analyzes the issue by constructing specific indicators reflecting levels for both economic reforms and nationalism embedded in social policies. The research includes four countries: Bulgaria, Slovakia, Romania and Ukraine, over a period of six years. Results lend support to the hypothesis that the commitment of a government to liberal economic reforms is associated with low levels of official nationalism.

Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expressions in the Hebrew Bible

Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expressions in the Hebrew Bible

The New Malaysian Nationalism: Infirm Beginnings, Crashing Finale

Malaysia waged no heroic war of liberation against its colonial overlord. On the contrary, its indigenous Malay aristocrats, having been favoured as intermediaries under indirect rule, mobilised mass followings against independence, until finally their statuses were renewed. Nor did Malaysia afterward break boldly with the formal democracy and liberal economy in which it had been 'tutored', espousing new socialist defiance and autarkic development. Indeed, even the notion of 'Asian democracy' that Malaysia would one day endorse retained the legitimation of the democratic idiom, while fluctuating policies of import substitution, affirmative action, and evident cronyism were softened by pledges of economic orthodoxy and 'openness'. In cultural terms, Malaysia's ideologues had little access to complex local heritage, inscribed in high literatures, agrarian empires, and the tracelines of grand ruins. Nationalist myth-making had instead to depend on some dispersed royal lineages emanating from dank stockades and river mouths, an aphoristic lore recorded in the Malay Annals, the faint commercial din of the Melaka Sultanate, and an Islam conveyed by merchants and wayfarers from the Indian subcontinent, then palely refracted through local animism, Hinduism, sorcery, and curing. What is more, even to the limited extent that nationalism was generated in Malaysia, it was asserted less on the world stage than between rival ethnic communities. In brief, through the free labour migration policies of British colonial rule, the 'indigenous' Malays came to share their territory with the 'Overseas' Chinese, thereby producing a prototypical 'divided' or 'plural' society. The country was articulated also by smaller collectivities - partly authentic, always constructed - that were variously labelled 'Indian', 'Iban', 'Eurasian', 'Kadazan-Dusun', 'orang asli', and the like. During the process of decolonisation and the first decade of independence, these ethnic communities were managed along consociational lines. Toward the end of the 1960s, however, they erupted in sectarian violence. But either way, whether ethnic sentiments were modulated or uncorked, they diminished Malaysia's prospects for nationalism, at least of a kind that could bind the country together in addressing the rest of the world. Hence, in surveying the record in Southeast Asia, Nicholas Tarling adjudges that while nationalism helped shape the emergence of most of the region's new countries, its impact in Malaysia remained quite 'equivocal'. In short, uniquely in the region, Malaysia possessed little congenial soil in which nationalism might take root. Instead, nationalism was weakened by important continuities between indigenous élites and the colonial power, as well as sharp divisions between indigenous and migrant communities. And yet, atop this infirmity, Malaysia would suddenly bristle during the 1980s to 1990s with great nationalist vigour. At first, this took the form of aspirations to industrialise, made manifest in arousing slogans like 'Look East'. Later, as economic growth gathered pace, Malaysia gained new pride, encouraging still higher aspirations of full socio-economic development, enshrined in a declaration of 'Vision 2020'. And finally, though growth rates slowed toward the end of the decade, the new nationalism altered in tone, but did not fade. Instead, it reverberated in deep nationalist resentments, the prime minister railing against the architecture of international finance while invoking new refrains of Malaysia boleh ('Malaysia will overcome'). One notes also that globalisation posed no impediment to these latest nationalist expressions, its putative homogenising processes instead enabling Malaysia to highlight the distinctiveness of its policy responses. The paper begins with a discussion on nationalism, enumerating briefly some debates over its origins and character. Next, it sketches the ethnic forms of nationalism that emerged in Malaysia, enervating any wider loyalty to state institutions and symbols that could be asserted internationally. This paper's main task, however, is to analyse the rise of a broader nationalism over the past decade or so, made possible by the partial moderation of prior ethnic rivalries.

Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew Bible. Kenton L. Sparks.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsEthnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew Bible. Kenton L. Sparks.Bryan Jack StoneBryan Jack Stone Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Bulletin of the American Society of Overseas Research Volume 317February 2000 A journal of the American Schools of Oriental Research Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/1357494 Views: 7Total views on this site Journal History This article was published in the Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research (1921-2021), which is continued by the Bulletin of the American Schools of Overseas Research (2022-present). Copyright 2000 The American Schools of Oriental ResearchPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Factors underlying the phenomenon of consumer ethnocentricity: evidence from four central European countries

It has been suggested that ethnic sentiment is becoming one of the strongest motivations in consumer purchasing behavior in the contemporary marketplace, particularly in economies undergoing major reforms such as those in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). While the consequences of consumer ethnocentric tendencies have been well acknowledged in empirical research, the sources of this phenomenon have yet to be established. The present study inquired into cultural openness and demographic variables as antecedents to consumer ethnocentricity. Theory based propositions were investigated on samples of consumers in four CEE countries. The results revealed relatively low ethnocentric tendencies, which differed significantly across the countries. Furthermore, brand awareness as an indicator of cultural openness, age and gender were all found to be significant determinants of this phenomenon. The paper concludes by providing a platform for further discussion on the role of ethnocentrism research.

The terms of the debate: Untangling language about ethnicity and ethnic movements

Theoretical debates on ethnicity suffer from a general confusion about the divergent meanings which academics ascribe to key terms. ‘Primordialist’ approaches include biological, psychological and cultural explanations, whose conflation tends to confuse proponents and critics alike. ‘Instrumentalist’ approaches conflate all ethnic movements within a profile of political opportunism, failing to recognize the varying degrees to which underlying social‐institutional incompatibilities may contribute to ethnic conflict. ‘Constructivist’ approaches vacillate between a focus on the influence of intellectual ethnic discourse and an understanding of ethnic identity as developing out of wider bodies of social experience. Greater attention to the varying contribution of ‘deep’ culture to ethnic conflict can clarify why these subschools find such differences among ethnic movements, which can indeed be understood to vary along a spectrum of political functions: at one pole, ethnic movements seek to inflate ethnic sentiment for political purposes; at the other, they seek rather to reconstruct the existing political position of a distinct cultural formation. This distinction can permit more appropriate policy‐making towards the resolution of ethnic conflict, yet raises new challenges to the biases of the researcher.

Political economy in Nigeria: The military, ethnic politics and development

Ethnicity as a concept is not necessarily deleterious to the process of political and economic development of a country. However, applied to a multiethnic state such as Nigeria, the notions of cultural separatism and internal colonialism tend to become apparent in the government's decisions on when and where to locate industries, schools and other socio-economic infrastructures in society. Very often, scholars find it useful to locate the origin of ethnic politics in the colonialists' divide-and-conquer policies in the process of imperial expansion. To be sure, in the case of Nigeria, Britain in its indirect rule strategy encouraged ethnic sentiments among Nigerians by nurturing our differences rather than our similarities. But, the central question that scholars of Nigerian political economy need to systematically explore is: to what extent is ethnic sentiment as a legacy from the colonial state a compelling variable for explaining Nigeria's underdevelopment at the end of the 20th century? What are the dimensions of ethnic politics in Nigerian political economy? Given what seems to be the leaders' general lack of regard for legacies, to what extent is ethnicity a central explanation for the hanging of the Ogoni Nine by the Abacha regime in November, 1995? This work will systematically explore the foregoing questions and make suggestions for further research on ethnicity in Nigeria.

Justice and peace - a survey of issues

AbstractThis article offers a condensed survey of justice and peace issues in Christian ethics. It was originally written for an evangelical encyclopedia but was not accepted by the editors, possibly because of its historical critical and social critical stance. It begins with the historical origins of the concepts of law in the Old Testament, namely covenant law and cosmic order, their profound transformations in biblical history and their final form in the New Testament. Then we mention a few important developments in the history of the church from the Constantinian reversal, over the Reformation and the Enlightenment to the modern revolutionary spirit. Then we highlight a few aspects of the modern discussion, such as the accelerating development of science and technology, the emergence of a global, highly imbalanced economy, the rise and fall of Marxist socialism, a renewed upsurge of ethnic sentiments, and so on. Finally we offer a few directives for the contemporary debate, focusing on the relation between justice and peace.

Ethnic Notions about Alien Nations: American Ethnic Groups' Changing Sentiments toward Foreign Nations

Abstract This paper examines changes in American ethnic groups' sentiments toward various European, Asian, African, and American countries. While the bivariate results suggest high levels of agreement among Americans about which foreign nations they like and dislike, the multivariate results indicate little consensus among ethnic groups concerning which alien nations are viewed favorably and unfavorably. American ethnic groups hold varied opinions toward foreign countries depending on historical period and cultural similarities between the homelands of the groups in question. Results are most consistent with a “group conflict” perspective, as there are also variatiotis in affect and animus toward nations which occurs along racial lines, with non-European ancestry groups being more favorably disposed toward “non-Western” nations than are their European ancestry group counterparts. Finally, the data show that correlates of tolerance such as education, income, age, region, political ideology, gender, urbanic...

Political Identity among Chinese in Thailand

WHETHER because of the relative ethnic homogeneity of Thailand or, perhaps, of its lack of a colonial past, Thais seem to have a clearer understanding of their identity than do other ethnic groups in Southeast Asia. This interpretation has long been cultivated and maintained in popular culture, religious activities, and politics. The intrusion of an alien group into society was thus not necessarily considered a threat, and the group was increasingly incorporated into the social, political, and economic life of the country. To improve understanding of how this integration occurred in Thailand, it is important to examine the role of the government in shaping a new identity. The most noticeable plural aspect of society in Thailand is the presence of ethnic Chinese, a circumstance with crucial economic overtones. For the past one hundred fifty years, the Chinese have played a dominant economic role in most Southeast Asian countries. The economic success of Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand in the past two decades has been based in large part on the skills of the Chinese, the most talented group of entrepreneurs in each country. To utilize this group effectively and to maximize political stability and economic growth, it is necessary for these countries to generate some degree of common identity with or loyalty to the state among the Chinese. The creation of a common national identity among a citizenry entails some degree of broad populace participation. In many countries of the world this problem is compounded by political divisions that closely follow lines of social differentiation, often of religious, linguistic, regional, racial, or ethnic character. In Southeast Asia, the presence of reinforcing cleavages along ethnic lines frequently serves to exacerbate the already delicate economic and political relationships within the populace. The government of Thailand applied many methods to achieve a common identity among various ethnic groups, but all were essentially designed to eliminate or neutralize forces that could effectively countervail the political elite. The most numerous and possibly most influential of them were the ethnic Chinese. Making them more Thai not only eliminated a political threat but also allowed the ruling class to continue to utilize the vast entrepreneurial talents and power of the Chinese to further economic growth. This integration is now becoming an increasingly significant political factor, as an expanding middle class that strongly emphasizes broadening of the political system and a democratic, possibly pluralist, form of government becomes vocal and powerful. One ramification of this situation lies in the success of the government in integrating ethnic Chinese into society. If integration has been successful, continued progress toward democratic government should result in overlapping support from various ethnic political interest groups. On the other hand, if governmental policy merely forces the Chinese to mask deep ethnic sentiments, an impetus for a changed system may expand. The purpose of this article is to analyze relationships among ethnicity, economic activity, and political identity and to detail the factors that are important to successful and continued integration of the Chinese into society. These factors were derived from an inquiry into the attitudes of businesspersons from main trade associations. Because of the rapid economic growth of Thailand during the past twenty years and the significance of exports to the economy, businesspersons engaged in these activities are influential economic and community leaders. Analysis of their attitudes and opinions helped identify features and trends that members of the business community deem important to economic growth and success in achieving a common political identity which supersedes loyalties to any ethnic or political group (Andrain 1975, 62-64). The officials included in the survey came from several trade associations for specific economic activities and from the Chamber of Commerce and the Thai-Chinese Chamber of Commerce. …

Class Segmentation and Divided Labor: Asian Workers in the Gulf of Mexico Seafood Industry

The growth of refugee and immigrant enclaves in the United States despite pressures for assimilation highlights the persistence of ethnic identity over other loyalties. Because ethnically distinct immigrants are often concentrated (whether by choice or discrimination) in particular labor markets, researchh among refugee populations provides an opportunity to evaluate theories of class and ethnicity in the work place. This article examines the class segmentation mode of ethnicity with respect to the seafood processing industry in Bayou La Batre, Alabama, a small coastal community located on the northern Gulf of Mexico. Since the mid-1970s, Bayou La Batre has witnessed an influx of Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Laotian immigrants, most of whom have been incorporated, albeit unevenly, in the work force of the seafood processing industry. The article assesses the extent to which the changing ethnic composition of the work force has affected processors' hiring practices, and whether employment patterns conform to the predictions of class segmentation theory. Examination of hiring practices in the seafood industry will suggest some important modifications of the model; notably, that employers' decisions are not governed soley by the imperative of controlling the work force, but are also constrained by preexisting cultural perceptions of ethnically distinct workers. CLASS SEGMENTATION THEORY A good deal of research affirms that ethnic identity is usually far stronger than class ideology in most industrial capitalist societies (Smith 1981; Horowitz 1985; Williams 1989). This fact defies the assumptions of both classical economists and early Marxists, who postulated an increasingly homogenous industrial labor force. Asserting that business utilizes labor most efficiently when hired on the basis of cost, skill, and demand rather than noneconomic factors, neoclassical economists argue that work force segregation raises the costs of production. For this reason, Friedman (1962:108) and others contend that discrimination in the work place would be eliminated under conditions of market competition. For their part, Marx and Engels (1977a:228) initially concurred that ethnic or national ideologies would disappear as workers of different backgrounds experienced similar conditions in the work place.(1) Yet in most advanced capitalist societies, ethnicity continues to take precedence over class identification. It is within the putatively homogenous working class that such loyalties are at their strongest, and occasionally most virulent. The comparative weakness of class identity in the United States, and the fact taht the working class is often divided by exclusivist ethnic sentiments, are frequently cited for the failure of coherent working class politics in the U.S. (Flacks 1988:111). To account for the persistence of ethnic divisions within the labor force, neo-Marxists have advanced a class segmentation theory of industrial relations (Reich et a. 1981). Contrary to the assumptions of early political economy and neoclassical economics, the class segmentation model does not hold that hiring practices are governed merely by the supply and demand for labor. Far from being color blind, firms utilize racial and ethnic distinctions within the work force to accentuate their control over the labor process. To prevent unionization, strikes, or other political challenges to class relations, employers promote divisions within the work place thaht impede workers' identification of common interests. While alternative loyalties may assume different forms (employer paternalism being one such variant [see Burawoy 1979; Gartman 1986]), divisive ethnic loyalties within a work force often preclude common action against employers. When employers maintain a dual wage structure for similar kinds of work, utilize ethnically distinct workers as strikebreakers, or accentuate communication barriers between workers, collective resistance is significantly lessened within the work force. …

Linguistic Hegemony and Minority Resistance

On the one hand, cultural differences in the contemporary world seem to vanish rapidly. This is effected through homogenizing processes of economic and political integration into nation-states and into the global system, as well as the globalization of culture brought about through modern means of mass communication. On the other hand, recent decades have seen the widespread resurgence of ethnic sentiments and the revitalization of local cultural identities. This apparent paradox is here seen as an inherent aspect of modernity. The processes of integration into nation-states puts strong pressures on minorities to assimilate. For this reason, many minority languages are threatened. The article compares the situation of several linguistic minorities, focusing on their relationship with the nation-states to which they are subjected, their strategies of resistance, and problems in challenging linguistic hegemony. Perhaps paradoxically, cultural minorities may have to assimilate culturally in important respects in order to present their case effectively and thereby retain their minority identity. A main conclusion emerging from the comparisons is that states need not be nation-states relying on nationalist ideologies proclaiming the virtues of absolute cultural homogeneity. Although they may be unspectacular, forms of linguistic oppression are forms of oppression no less, and they demand the attention of peace and conflict researchers.

Singapore 1991: Towards New Horizons

The year 1991 started on a new note with the premiership having changed hands smoothly. With a more open style of government, the country looked forward to more years of progress and prosperity. Economic growth looked promising although the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries appeared to have gone into a recession amidst the Gulf crisis. As the effects of a lagged recession became apparent, measures were afoot to curb excessive wage increases and curtail the rising costs of doing business in Singapore. Singapore continued its drive to have a wider manufacturing base by working closely with Malaysia and Indonesia to develop the Johore-Singapore-Riau Growth Triangle. In line with the new thinking which has pervaded government circles, previous plans to privatize some of the Statutory Boards were maintained and Singapore Telecom and the Public Utilities Board were on stream for privatization in early 1992. There was much debate, however, on the merits and demerits of restructuring the health service and letting hospitals run as self-governing entities. During the course of the year, the Census of Population 1990 Data was released with some interesting findings on ageing and the changing racial composition of the Singapore population. It was also a year in which major plans for the future of Singapore were released: a National Technology Plan was made public in September while the initial framework for a national strategic plan was unveiled at the National Business Forum. These plans flesh out the ambitions set out in a publication called The Next Lap which was released by the government earlier in the year. Ethnic sentiments were aroused in some deliberate fashion during the elections which were held at the end of August. The ruling People's Action Party (PAP) lost three more seats in previously safe constituencies, reflecting stronger voter senti ments about having more opposition representatives in Parliament. The elections in August also brought forth the issue of language within the Chinese community. As some of the constituencies which went to the opposition were mainly dialect speaking, the government will have to work closely at grassroots level to ensure that clan and dialect loyalties do not shake the foundations of multi-racial society in Singapore. Ethnic issues were once again at the forefront as the government put forth proposals for community development along ethnic lines. With the setting up of Mendaki for the Malays in the early 1980s, the focus in 1991 fell on the Indian community and the poorer sections of the Chinese community.

Multinational Society

In the last year and a half, and especially in the last months, the nationality question has become the third most important element in our social life, along with the economic reform and democratization of the political and legal system. This fact has made itself known, firmly and beyond doubt, to the entire system of administration, humanitarian science, the mass media, and society at large. Before our eyes, masses of the population have been seized with an awakening of ethnic sentiment.

Ethnic myths and ethnic revivals

In this paper I want to explore the role of myths of descent and renewal in nourishing a sense of ethnic identity and mobilising ethnic communities for political action. Much of the recent literature on the upsurge in ethnic sentiment, by focussing on the postwar West and concentrating on immediate economic, social and political factors, fails to grasp the deep historical and sociological roots of modern nations and the persistence of ethnic ties and symbols around which nationalists could create their nations. There is a long history of formation and dissolution ofethnie, reaching back to the first recorded cases in ancient Summer, Egypt and Crete, which forms the backdrop to the modern drama of nationalism and the specifically modern revival of ethnicity. Not only are the postwar ethnic autonomy movements simply a recent variation of a wider ethnic and national revival going back to the late eighteenth century in Europe; this latter revival is but the latest of a series of such resurgences, some of them purely local and others widely diffused. In pre-Roman antiquity, just as in the early European Middle Ages, and in the Far East and Africa more recently, that ancient and widespread social formation, theethnie, has occupied a variable but important position in the hierarchy of human allegiance and has, on occasion, served as a focus for political movements and organisations. Whether we think of the kingdoms of Hittites, Hurrians and Elamites in the second millennium B.C., or the early medievalregnaof Franks, Normans and Visigoths, we cannot escape from the fact that these states rested, to a large degree, on a sense of identity and solidarity deriving from elements of their shared culture and their social and political interactions with significant outsiders.