This article takes Yi Wen Lei Ju in the early Tang Dynasty and Tai Ping Yu Lan in the early Song Dynasty as the reading texts, and combines the category theory of cognitive linguistics and the "naming-predicate" framework of discourse analysis to investigate the language representation and evolution of the concept of Man Yi in the classification system of encyclopedias in the Tang and Song Dynasties. The study found that Yi Wen Lei Ju does not set up the "Si Yi Division" and disperses the related information of different ethnic groups into the physical category. The naming strategy with "object" as the central word reflects a cognitive approach of "de-categorization"; The Tai Ping Yu Lan added the "Si Yi Division", and 62.5 % of the overlapping sections were reclassified into this division. The name of the section was changed from the physical name system to the ethnic name, and the cognitive transformation from "physical classification" to "ethnic categorization" was realized. This change of language categorization reflects the ideological evolution from the Tianxiaism of "Hua-Yi One Family" to the concept of "Huaxia Standard" with orthodox consciousness as the core in the Tang and Song Dynasties.

In this paper I investigate the broad-scale distribution of ethnic terms in a large corpus of digitized Neo-Babylonian texts. I take up the same guiding questions and methodology that were used in an earlier study of Neo-Assyrian texts. I also present some points of comparison in the distribution of ethnic terms within the Neo-Assyrian versus Neo-Babylonian corpora.

The topic of ethnic diversity in Indonesia, which is abstract and contains abundant factual information, requires media that can present content visually, interactively, and engagingly. Digital technology such as Augmented Reality (AR) in instructional media has the potential to bridge this gap by offering a more immersive and contextual learning experience. This study aimed to develop innovative learning media in the form of AR-based flashcards designed with the assistance of the Canva application to improve student learning outcomes in Social Studies material on ethnic diversity in Indonesia. The research employed the ADDIE development model. Data collection techniques included observation, interviews, validation by material and media experts, as well as pretests and posttests. Expert validation indicated that the AR-based flashcard media assisted by Canva was highly feasible for instructional use, with an average feasibility score of 92. A paired sample t-test on pretest and posttest scores showed a significant difference (Sig. 0.000 < 0.05) with an N-Gain value of 0.71 (high category), indicating a substantial improvement in learning outcomes in both cognitive aspects and active participation. The flashcards contained visual information on ethnic names, traditional clothing, traditional houses, regional languages, and unique facts, presented interactively through QR codes and the AR application. Thus, this medium proved effective in delivering cultural diversity material in an engaging, enjoyable, and easy-to-understand way, while also opening opportunities for applying digital technology to strengthen students’ understanding of diversity values.

Big sister, dog, and ethnic names: Semiotic ideologies of self-naming on Xiaohongshu (RED)

Abstract Long and intensive ancient contacts between Iranians and Finno-Ugrians in Eastern Europe resulted, amongst other things, in the formation of many Finn-Ugric ethnic names. The main ones are reconsidered in the article with special attention to the Iranian source and time of borrowing. These are: the Russian name of Erzyans and Mokshans, Mordva, which has finally its origin in the name of Iranian group *må̄rdi ‘murderer, robber’, was probably brought from Central Asia by the creators of Andreevo-Piseral kurgan cemeteries of the first centuries AD from the right bank of the Middle Volga; the self-name of one of the Mordvinian nations. The Erzyans, eŕźa, which should be considered as a comparatively late Alanic loanword from *arza (Ossetian ærzæ ‘a great amount, a good number (of warriors)’ < Iranian *házahra ‘thousand’); the self-names of Cheremis, mari, Merya, *märə and Muroma, *mürə- < Iranian *marya- ‘young man, warrior, member of youth war community’; the self-name of the Votyaks (Udmurts), ud-murt < Iranian anta-marta ‘man of edge, border; outlander’. All these names had very probably been borrowed into the Finno-Ugric languages during Sarmato-Alanic times (end of the 1st mil. BC–second half of the 1st mil. AD). Important is the fact, that the ethnic names from the right bank of the Volga (mordva, eŕźa, mari ~ merya ~ muro-ma) mark the local Finno-Ugrians as military significant or warlike groups reflecting possibly their unfriendly relations with the Iranians, whereas the names of the inhabitants of the left bank of the Volga, the Permians, (komi) mort and Udmurt, have neutral connotation demonstrating probably more peaceful and close relations. This coincides with greater amount of late Iranian loan words in Permian languages and probable traces of Iranian influence on the phonetics and morphology of the Permian languages and may be illustrated by archaeological materials.

Since ancient times, an epic tradition has been functioning in Kazakh folklore, within the framework of which epic legends are formed and developed. In addition to the classical examples of the heroic and romantic epic, there is a later layer consisting of legends of the Nogai period. The relevance of the material presented is determined by the coverage of some issues in the study of this cycle of epic legends. The novelty of the study is determined by a comprehensive consideration of the genre features of these legends, by the fact that among the Nogais they were preserved in the form of a separate epic, and among the Kazakhs in the form of a whole complex – a cycle of genealogical legends. Kazakh scholars began to study the epic of the Nogai period back in the 1940s. In the performance of the Kazakh storyteller Muryn Sengirbekuly, three genealogical cycles are recorded, containing about thirty epic tales. Unfortunately, in the Soviet period, the study of these samples of the epic was difficult. Nevertheless, individual researchers published their research on the Nogai epic. The main purpose of the article is to emphasize the cognitive nature and degree of knowledge of the Nogai epic. the study of the Nogai epic. I must say that the texts of the Nogai epic began to be published in full only after the collapse of the USSR. During the period of independence, several works were written on this topic, but the cognitive nature of the Nogai epic was not part of the task of study. They are valuable in that they contain numerous information of the onomastic order, shedding light on the past history of the Nogais and Kazakhs. The main provisions of this article were formed in the conditions of the historical, ethnic and ethnographic method of studying the Nogai epic. A comparative method was used, which made it possible to distinguish the main ethnic names in the epic. The conclusion summarizes the conclusions that the genealogical samples of the Nogai epic went through a cyclization process. Despite the abundance of historical information, in contrast to the classical examples of the Kazakh heroic epic, ethnonyms are very sparsely represented in them. Quite often there are anthroponyms, little unknown to the Kazakh epic tradition. Of course, the study of the Nogai epic is not limited to this. All onomastic names of the epic, not fully studied by academic science, need further in-depth study. Suffice it to recall the presence of one ethnonym "Hindu," which is a mystery to epic scholars.

This article examines the relation between ethnic/national identity and religion, i.e. confessional affiliation of the individual or of the group/community at the Balkans, focusing upon the situation In the Republic of Macedonia. The emphasize is put upon the terms “Macedonian Muslim”, “Islamized Macedonian” and “Torbesh”, in cases where they are used either as a ethnic name or an exonym, and upon their transformation during the last two decades in the Macedonian political discourse. The text also speaks about the role of religion in the (re)construction of Macedonian identity, as well as the way in which this relation shaped the change of the discourse. The issue of the Macedonian, examined from the aspect of ‘otherness’ and ‘the self’, as someone “radically Other”, or “insufficiently One’s own”, or “insufficiently Ours”, are issues that lead to emphasizing differences in a negative connotation, making them available for politicization. The role of the global changes related to confessional affiliation and its relevance in the construction of ethnic affiliation are also important factors, examined in this text. If contemporary society finds that the democratic process is insufficiently representative if it does not reflect the versatility of the population, first of all through qualitative representation, as well as implementing its core interests and its subcultures, one can expect that each isolation and neglect opens a possibility for the emergence of constructions/politicization of different kind, especially of ones that are related to religion.

For some time, there has been curiosity surrounding the Northern Wei dynasty’s usage of a peculiar ethnic name, Tuhe (徒河 or 徒何), which was employed to rename the Murong 慕容 branch of the Xianbei 鮮卑 ethnic group. Why did the Northern Wei rename the Murong people? Why was this particular ethnonym chosen, and how was it used in practice? Did its usage extend into later periods? This article argues that the Tuoba 拓跋 ruling class of the Northern Wei strategically used Tuhe to suppress the Murong, thereby asserting dominance over the Xianbei community. The selection of Tuhe was deliberate, aligning with its geographical association with the early Murong and carrying a demeaning connotation. In practical usage, Tuhe was utilized to replace the original surnames, ethnic identities, or ancestral affiliations of individuals connected to the Murong Yan regimes. The use of Tuhe experienced periods of both abandonment and resurgence in later historical eras. This study aims to elucidate the intricate struggle over Xianbei identity during China’s middle period.

Emerging as a response to the opacity of proper names, which do not convey much to the interlocutor, ethnic nicknames are stereotypes that address the need for concreteness and linguistic expressiveness. Similarly to individual nicknames, which often refer to physical or moral traits of the person in question, ethnic nicknames create phrases that allude to cultural and behavioral characteristics of specific ethnic groups. However, while a nickname given to a person is often used to resolve naming homonyms and can even replace the family name, in the case of ethnic nicknames, set phrases or crystallized stereotypes, which function to some extent like nicknames, can never replace the ethnic name because they are imprecise, vague, and indistinct.

Algorithmic hiring systems promise to remove human bias from recruitment decisions through objective, data-driven evaluation. This comparative case study challenges such claims by examining how these technologies reproduce and amplify ethnic name discrimination in employment. Drawing on five documented cases from 2018-2024—including Amazon’s failed recruiting algorithm, HireVue’s video assessment platform, and recent large language model studies—this research reveals consistent patterns of algorithmic bias against candidates with non-white ethnic names. The study employs digital stratification theory to analyze how seemingly neutral technologies encode historical inequalities into automated decision-making systems. Findings demonstrate that algorithmic hiring tools discriminate through multiple mechanisms: biased training data that reflects past hiring patterns, natural language processing that associates ethnic names with negative attributes, and multimodal assessment systems that penalize linguistic and cultural differences. Unlike human discrimination, which varies by individual prejudice, algorithmic bias operates with mechanical consistency and scale, affecting millions of job seekers. The research identifies the emergence of “algorithmic capital”—digitally legible characteristics that confer advantages in automated evaluation—as a new form of employment stratification. These systems do not merely replicate human bias; they transform discrimination into a technical process that appears objective while systematically disadvantaging ethnic minorities. The study contributes to critical algorithm studies by documenting how employment discrimination evolves in digital contexts and offers practical recommendations for bias detection and mitigation. As algorithmic hiring becomes standard practice, understanding these discriminatory mechanisms becomes essential for both employment equity and the broader struggle against digital inequality.

Big Sister, Dog and Ethnic Names: Semiotic Ideologies of Self-Description on Xiaohongshu

This article is devoted to the examination of one of the pages of historical contacts between Turkic and Mongolic communities in South Siberia region, which played a role in the ethnogenesis of the Khakass and Buryat peoples. In the paper they are proposed an etymology and argued the existence of a historical connection of the names of the tribal division (Khakass sȫk) of Kyzyl people, being the part of Khakass, are Ïγïn and the Buryat administrative division (Russian rod) Ikinād. The Ikināds were one of the first historical political associations of the Buryats that entered into direct contact with the Russian Cossacks. The authors of the article examine data of written sources and draw on the results of field research in order to subsequently, using the methods of historical linguistics, determine the relationship between the two ethnonyms. Both ethnic names under consideration were first reliably attested in Russian documents of the 17th century. Subsequently, the sources mainly contain distorted versions of names, which require reconstruction of the original form of the word for each case. In the view of the authors of the article, they originated to the Turkic stem *ïqïn ‘stream, current’, recorded since the Middle Turkic period in both literal and figurative meanings. The name of the Buryat ethnonym is traced back to the form *ïqïnai > *ïqïnas, and not to a hypothetical formation with the plural affix +nAd. Such parallel designatedd reflects the existence of close historical contacts between groups of the Turkic and Mongolic population, which took part in the ethnogenesis of the Khakass and Buryats until the 17th century, and, in particular, shows the participation of historical Turkic-speaking groups in the formation of tribal communities of the Buryats. In addition, they are provided in the article some examples of cases where the original appearance of ethnonyms can be distorted over time under the influence of false “folk” etymologies or the influence of forms rooted in clerical records.

abstract: The Celtiberian word monituukoos has been interpreted as both an ethnic name and a family name, yet its form remains obscure. Although it is attested in a tessera hospitalis from Sasamón (Burgos, Spain), the text features a highly unusual formula that does not clarify the grammatical nature of the word. This brief review of monituukoos is the primary aim of this contribution.

The origin of the Xiongnu is a current problem in the Eurasian archaeology. Since cultural changes in the eastern part of the “Scythian world” were more gradual than in the Sayan-Altai region, the study of the Xiongnu “roots” concerns not only the HunSarmatian period but also the Early Iron Age. In the time of the early nomads in the “eastern province of the Scythian world” there were the Maoqinggou, Yanlang, and Shajing cultures, group of Taohongbala tombs (sometimes known as “culture”) and others (including some syncretic with Chinese rituals, similar to the monuments of the Zhongshan Kingdom). Scholars (N.V. Polosmak, S.A. Komissarov, A.V. Varenov, P.I. Shulga, etc.) have focused on various types of sources, primarily archaeological. Some, like A.A. Kovalev, attempted to link historical ethnic names with archaeological sites and narrative accounts about the Xiongnu homeland. In this article, using the evidence from the scholarly studies, written sources, and excavation data, the author concludes that the Xiongnu were heterogeneous even during the imperial era. Groups with similar material cultures were consolidating in the earlier period (before the 3rd century BC), and identifying those “primordial” Xiongnu appears to be a highly complex task. After defeats by the Han, the Xiongnu lost their unity again, which is clearly visible in the monuments of their “northern” and “southern” branches. Regarding the Xiongnu, one should probably speak not so much about the ethnogenesis or the origin of the people, but more of the emergence of a political community.

The paper deals with the Indian etymology of the name for the Roma (Rroma, Romanies, Gypsies). It is generally known that the Roma are originally from India and migrated to Europe about 1,000 years ago. Although the Roma are constantly undergoing linguistic assimilation and losing their Indian language, it is still spoken by large populations, especially in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. This language is the only old Indo-Aryan language present in Europe and differs from all known languages of the Indian subcontinent.The name Rroma originates from the Indian word ḍom(b)a, which denotes a lowstatus caste (jat?) composed of nomadic or semi-nomadic musicians and dancers. Members of this group also engage in various other low-value occupations, such as scavenging, undertaking, cremation and similar tasks. Women, in particular, are often involved in dancing and singing, divination, and fortune-telling. Similar Gypsi-like groups with closely related names can be found elsewhere in Asia. These include the Ḍumaki in Pakistan (blacksmiths and musicians), the Lomari in Armenia, Turkey and neighbouring countries in the Middle East (Caucasian Roma), and the Domari in Palestine and surrounding countries in the Middle East and Central Asia. Comparable groups also exist in Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Kazakhstan and elsewhere in the region. While these communities are Indian in terms of language and origin, they do not use the Romani name or derivatives of ḍom(b)-. The word ḍom(b)a itself is not Indo-Aryan but originates from a language belonging to the Mundic group. In Munda, the term simply means “drum, tympanum” and refers to the main instrument used by Roma musicians. The paper further discusses the relationship between language, religion and caste in India. A related term, Pārya, originates from the Dravidian word for drum (cf. Tamil paṛai “drum”), and is associated with a similarly low caste status. Pārya also denotes a Gypsi-like group in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan that speaks a Rajasthani idiom. The Roma are, therefore, ḍom(b)a – “drummers”. From this Munda loanword, a whole family of words for various types of drums, tympanums, and tambourines developed in Indo-Aryan languages, including Hungarian and Romanian, as well as Croatian and Serbian dob(oš). The root dob- in Croatian is quite obscure and appears primarily in the word dobovati (which describes the sound of pouring rain, resembling the rhythmic beating on the skin of a taut drum). Its near-synonym rominjati (referring to drizzling – rain that falls slowly yet steadily, with accompanying sound) remains a puzzle, unexplained by etymological dictionaries. It may be a remnant from ancient linguistic times that preserved both the forms dom and rom in their original, drumming-related meaning. The paper thus explains the origin of the ethnic name Roma (drummers of non-Aryan origin) while also shedding light on two obscure Croatian words related to drumming.

Onomastic Picture of the Husiatyn District in the Podolian Voivodeship of the First Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Husiatyn District with the western part of Podolia were joined to Poland in the 14th century, to which it belonged intermittently until the end of World War II. The purpose of the article is a semantic and structural analysis of the area’s place names, on the basis of which emerges a linguistic picture of the Husiatyn District. The most numerous group of physiographic names describes its natural properties – the richness of its rivers and lakes, the animals living there, forested places, numerous undulations and plateaus. Also, ethnic names indirectly refer to the nature of the land itself, whereas cultural names describe the district due to the properties acquired as a result of human activity. The most recent layer are the ideological names created during communism. Older cultural names inform of settlement forms, defensive places, places related to the economy. Renewed and diminutive names depend on the new settlements being built in the area. Among the names of places derived from personal names, the most numerous group are patronymic names, which are based on eastern or neutral names, just as with the possessive.

In this study, we approach the ethnonym Csángó, used to refer to the Hungarians living in Moldavia.We highlight the most important aspects of Hungarian linguists’ approach to the semantics of the name Csángó, and we take a look at the Romanian specialized literature in the field. We aim to offer some innovative semantic and etymological pathways, though we are aware that the etymology and the meaning of the name itself will still stay a disputed and open question of the research. We do not intend to cover the history of the Csángó community, nevertheless we attempt to recover some aspects of the semantics of their name, taking into account its etymology and performing a semantic feature analysis to help bring to the foreground semantic aspects not captured so far.

Name shapes identity. A name, especially an ethnic name, can be seen as the unit of linguistics that contains meaning. From a linguistics perspective, the analysis of a name is not only about the language used on a name. It may reveal much information such as people's migration, history, or genealogy. As one of the oldest settlements in Serang, the name of Kampung Bugis, which is located on the coast side of Banten, proved the old migration path of the people from the past. The name Kampung Bugis draws the identity of the residents or the people who once lived in that area. The name straightforward refers to a certain group of people from Makassar, South Sulawesi. Besides, there are 13 villages in Kampung Bugis which represent the existence of the Bugis people from the ancestor to the descendant. Until now, the location of Kampung Bugis can be found in Kasemen district and the name of it lasts for several decades. However, what makes the name last longer? This research explores factors that made the name of Kampung Bugis exist for a hundred years in Banten. Furthermore, this research also wants to explore the toponymic pattern of every place name that surrounds Kampung Bugis. Data in this research is the name of villages near Kampung Bugis in Kasemen district collected from the Banten Governoor website and sorted into several categories. Data is analyzed by using toponymy theories. The result shows that the names of every village near Kampung Bugis represent the existence of the Buginese of Makassar around Banten since many years ago. It proves that the mobility of an ethnic group can be tracked through a place name. Besides, the traditional activities of an ethnic group can be a distinctive factor that helps a place name last for years.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the origin and spread of the ethnonym Boroγon (in Russian spelling — Borogon), reflected in the names of administrative territorial units of various taxonomic levels in the territory of Yakutia during the 17th–20th centuries (ulus, nasleg, rod). Goals. The study aims at examining the etymology of the term Boroγon, the territorial area where it was spread and the ways of its spread. Materials and methods. The data included in the paper based on the information from Russian-language documents of the 17th–18th centuries, summarized in the works of B.O. Dolgikh, S.A. Tokarev etc. Those sources, however, provide only fragmentary information about the bearers of Borogon identity. It is also proposed the etymology, supported by linguistic data presented in different lexical and etymological dictionaries and recent results of researches on the development of historical phonetics of the Mongolic and Turkic languages. Results. The phases of allocation of bearers of Borogon identity on the territory of Yakutia in the historical foreseeable period were traced in the paper and, consequently, the spread of area of existence of the name Borogon in different levels of identity that reflected in its use in the naming of administrative territorial units of various taxonomic levels (ulus, nasleg, rod). A hypothesis about the interpretation of the name in its original meaning in connection with the Written Mongolian word boruγa(n) ‘rain’, or, mostly, from the form *boroγan, *boraγan id has been argued. Conditions for the appearance of the ethnic name are discussed from a typological perspective, taking into account the lack of direct parallels among the tribal nomenclature of Mongolic and Turkic peoples. Conclusions. A specific historical example presented by a community bearing the name Borogon demonstrates close contacts between the Turkic and Mongolic populations in the territory of Siberia, and specifically within the Lena-Aldan region. It is assumed that the name Borogon among the Yakut population goes back to a word from the Mongolic environment, probably in the original form *boroγan, *boraγan with the literal meaning ‘rain’. Such version does not encounter obstacles from the point of view of the phonetical laws. At the same time, it is impossible to claim whether for some reason this was the accepted name of a historical group with an awareness of such meaning of the word, or whether the name goes back to the personal name of some authority person reflected in folklore as an eponym. According to formal phonetic characteristics, the form reflected in the Yakut pronunciation demonstrates the characteristics of the languages of the Middle Mongolic period. An indirect historical data indicates the time before the beginning of the 17th century as an upper chronological milestone of the appearance of the name. The example considered in the article once again demonstrates the fact of the participation of the Mongol-speaking population in the ethnogenesis of the Sakha (Yakuts).

We test for labor market discrimination based on an understudied characteristic: name fluency. Analysis of recent economics PhD job candidates indicates that name difficulty is negatively related to the probability of landing an academic or tenure-track position and research productivity of initial institutional placement. Discrimination due to name fluency is also found using experimental data from prior audit studies. Within samples of African Americans (Bertrand and Mullainathan 2004) and ethnic immigrants (Oreopoulos 2011), job applicants with less fluent names experience lower callback rates, and name complexity explains roughly between 10 and 50 percent of ethnic name penalties. The results are primarily driven by candidates with weaker résumés, suggesting that cognitive biases may contribute to the penalty of having a difficult-to-pronounce name. (JEL A11, J15, J23, J44, J71)