Nuclear weapon threats are increasing and may be comparable to levels not seen since the worst periods of the Cold War. There could be value in psychologists documenting and explaining people's responses to nuclear weapons. More than 3 decades have passed since the last major reviews of people's responses to nuclear weapons. We thus aimed to understand how psychologists and researchers from related fields have empirically studied responses to nuclear weapons since the end of the Cold War. We systematically mapped articles reporting on people's responses. A search in Web of Science and Scopus identified 18,505 hits. Screening resulted in 256 suitable articles. We assessed (a) publication patterns, including how many articles focused on responses to nuclear weapons, when those articles were published, and in which field; (b) the research community, namely author collaborations and focal journals; (c) research themes, as indicated by cocitation networks and theoretical backgrounds; and (d) the validity, generalizability, and replicability of empirical findings, as indicated by adequate samples and validated measures. We found renewed interest in the field but not yet a coherent research community and only some evidence for its evolution from occasional, scattered, one-off studies toward a coherent and coordinated scholarly field.

School Policy in Vojvodina after the Abolition of the Military Frontier (1872–1918): The Case of Kovačica Abstract: The study examines the development of educational policy in Vojvodina from the abolition of the Military Frontier in 1872 until the end of World War I, using the Slovak community of Kovačica as a case study. This period was marked by significant political, administrative, and cultural transformations within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, which strongly influenced the organization and functioning of local schools. The transition from the centralized military administration to local self-government initially resulted in institutional uncertainty and conflicts between teachers, church authorities, and the population. The introduction of state control, compulsory Hungarian-language instruction, and Aponyi’s school reforms illustrates how education became a tool of nationalizing and assimilationist policies. Despite these pressures, the Slovak community in Kovačica actively sought to preserve its cultural and linguistic identity through church institutions, community engagement, and educational initiatives, including the construction of a new school and the defense of Slovak as the language of instruction. World War I brought severe disruptions to schooling due to the mobilization of teachers and wartime conditions, underscoring the fragility of education in times of crisis. The political changes of 1918 and the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes opened new opportunities for Slovak education, including official support for instruction in the mother tongue and the emergence of Slovak secondary schools and teacher-training institutions. The case of Kovačica demonstrates the complex interaction between state power, church authority, and local communities in shaping educational practices, as well as the central role of schooling in safeguarding cultural identity within a multiethnic environment.

ABSTRACT In the immediate decades following the end of World War II, Northwestern University rapidly and unexpectedly emerged as an important node in American geography. Prior to 1945, Northwestern did not have an independent geography department, but by 1965 Northwestern had become a preeminent center of geographic thought. This paper examines how Northwestern became a substantial producer of academic geographers and of interdisciplinary geographic thought/methods, focusing on the period from 1945–1965. The piece reflects on how this period at Northwestern reshaped geography in the United States more broadly in the second half of the twentieth century. Through an examination of the faculty and graduates of the program, this paper explores how Northwestern provided fertile ground for the continuation of existing, and the innovation of new, geographical traditions.

Abstract The Great Depression in 1929 had a transformative impact on Turkey. The institutions established to minimize the effects of the crisis propagated a set of statist measures. The National Economy and Savings Association and Public Press Directorate utilized photography and painting in the beginning of the 1930s to propagate those measures. In their efforts, these institutions constructed a new conception of landscape with a moral agenda: citizens and artists should travel in Anatolia to learn about the country, love it, and create art accordingly. Key to this conception was the productivity of the land. The most comprehensive cultural program during World War II, Homeland Tours, mimicked this new conception of a landscape. This article analyzes the conception of productive landscapes up until the end of World War II by drawing attention to the overlooked photography collection in the State Archives, which comprises paintings made during the Homeland Tours. One of the many tools that the statist economic institutions devised was agricultural statistics. The comparison between the paintings and actual land use statistics demonstrates that the artists collectively followed the statist economic agenda.

ABSTRACT Border Studies was fashioned after the end of the Cold War, and is now struggling with new challenges – most obviously those provoked by the Russian War in Ukraine from 2022. Though Covid 19 did serious damage to borderlands, resulting in their fortification and segregation from other spaces, their more fluid characteristics appeared to the returning as epidemiological concerns dissipated. However, Russia’s War has destroyed the international order that Russia (or at least the Soviet Union) established and guaranteed in the world. Many borderlands vis-à-vis Russia, particularly those of Europe, have returned to the confrontational dead-ends they represented before 1991. Is the border studies “renaissance” also close to its end? This paper is a personal account of the author’s own journey to discover border studies; from Euro-Asian spaces to North American ones. It reflects the author’s efforts to conduct borderwork initially at the edges of China, Russia, Japan and the Koreas, engage with maritime border issues, and offer some theoretical clues for how to compare different borders. The author also proposes reshaping a “Border Studies 2.0” that centers on the resilience of border peoples against the war and terror, and asserts the necessity for everyday contacts and cooperation with neighbors on the other side of contested borders.

Oswald Menghin and Armin Dadieu had two things in common: both were academics and Austrian National Socialists who served as political functionaries after the Anschluss in 1938. At the end of the Second World War, they fled Allied justice and thus became ‘Nazis on the run’. This article argues that from this point onwards, we must understand Dadieu and Menghin as agents in the history of flight. We must regard their illegal escapes via Italy and their new beginnings in Argentina in 1948 as part of the great (forced) migration movement and thus as part of research on the history of postwar displacement. Even after their transformation from functionaries to fugitives, both remained part of the (former) Nazi elite. Their postwar biographies lie at the intersection of research on the perpetrators of the Holocaust and scientific migration, and they established loyal, multilayered support networks. After the unconditional surrender of the German Wehrmacht, their wives and lovers, friends and former political associates helped them to reestablish their social lives on the run; the Catholic Church enabled their migration; and Juan Perón's modernization project in Argentina helped them to establish their careers. The local and global assistance that they received from these networks ultimately made both Nazi scholars privileged migrants.

The decline of party loyalties and the spread of television have led to the concerning expec-tation of increased leader relevance in voters’ decisions. Using a large collection of national election studies over the last six decades, I find that there is no increase in leader importance over time, but a drop in party relevance in the 1990s followed by a gradual party comeback. I find little support for media affecting this trend. Instead, I find support for the trend aligning with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of communist ideology, which left parties with-out a vital cleavage on which to structure electoral competition, the decline of traditional class cleavages, and the subsequent changes in party strategy. My findings suggest that behavioral personalization is much less pronounced, a cautionary interpretation of the role of media, and a larger role for issue politics in voting decisions.

Abstract American presidents since 1945 have deliberately considered reducing defence spending as part of a plan to shrink deficits, but they have also found there is a level of defence spending they dare not fall beneath. Using qualitative analysis, I examine the rhetoric these leaders have articulated to consider the trade‐offs between the economic costs of deficit spending and the military budgets necessary to defend the nation against military threats. Part One of this study (published in Economic Affairs , vol. 45, no. 3) examined rhetoric through the Lyndon B. Johnson administration. Part Two examines rhetoric from the Nixon through Biden administrations, analyses the total results and, finally, sets out the contribution of this research. These results inform debates over the US national debt, deficit spending, and the mixture of spending cuts and revenue increases needed to achieve a balanced budget.

The steel industry in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) is at the centre of historic trade conflicts and current existential challenges posed by overcapacity and the ‘green transformation’. While both sides have predominantly defended themselves against each other’s imports in the decades since the end of World War II through trade protection measures, some of which have been met with countermeasures or dispute settlement procedures, attempts at closer cooperation can also be identified on several occasions. A more recent proposal geared toward the current challenges of today would have created a sustainable steel club. This could have led to a restructuring of bilateral, and possibly also global, steel markets, similar to the historic European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). So far, all initiatives for multilateral and bilateral solutions have ultimately failed to materialize. However, new unilateral measures by the EU and the underlying change in trade policy approach could perhaps provide new impetus with regard to EU-US partnership.

In the wake of the end of the Second World War, Sweden’s counterespionage went through turbulent times. The secret security service, the Allmänna säkerhetstjänsten, in operation since 1939, was dissolved and replaced by a new organizational structure involving the Swedish State Police, or more precisely, its Third Department, and the local Police organizations of the Communes. Although deprived of one of its most important sources of intelligence – the intelligence retrieved through the interception of mail, telegrams and telephone lines carried out under the aegis of the Allmänna säkerhetstjänsten – the Stockholm Criminal Police, in charge of counterespionage in relation to the Soviet Legation in Stockholm, remained in operation. On the basis of a review of the documents generated by the Police Officers commissioned with the arduous work of following and recording the activities of Soviet officials – newly declassified material that has not been the subject of research before – this study addresses the conditions under which this work was carried out, and its results in terms of intelligence and knowledge, in the years 1945–1955.

A fundamental idea in the environmental peacebuilding literature is that environmental cooperation can serve as a catalyst for broader collaboration and, in turn, reduce the risk of renewed conflict. While this claim has long been asserted, only a few empirical studies have examined it in cross-country and comparative analyses. This article adds to these works by providing a comprehensive quantitative analysis of conflict recurrence data and provisions for environmental cooperation in over 1,000 peace treaties since the end of the Cold War. The central finding is that environmental clauses in such agreements are associated with a significantly lower risk of conflict recurrence. This result not only provides systematic empirical evidence supporting the environmental peacebuilding thesis but also demonstrates that environmental cooperation is not merely a symbolic gesture. Rather, it plays a vital, substantive role in establishing sustainable post-conflict stability and durable resolution.

Jacob Levy Moreno was an important editor for expressionistic literature at the end of World War I in Vienna. The journal Daimon was meant to help overcome the struggles of world war and revolutions and find a way to a new democracy. After 100 years, we look into who contributed to the journal, who were the publishers, and what followed after.

The change of a political regime can occur only as the result of a convergence of multiple factors. The end of World War II found Romania under Soviet military occupation. This situation, combined with the lack of interest shown by the Western powers regarding Romania’s fate, sealed the destiny of our country for nearly 50 years. The most challenging task for the Soviet occupiers, supported by opportunists who quickly emerged, was to establish a climate of public order that would make any mass uprising impossible. To this end, the communists who had seized power devised a comprehensive plan to take control of the most important institution capable of maintaining order within the state – the Romanian Army.

Although it had ended up on the winning side at the end of the Great War, Romania had to find answers to a host of difficult questions. Probably the most pressing of these was the issue of armaments. Thrown by nationalist politicians into the midst of an industrial war, Romania, a medium-sized agricultural country, found few resources to adequately equip its army in wartime. Detached from its German alliances and anchored in a neutrality that actually meant military expectant, Romania could no longer procure supplies from its usual (traditional) suppliers in Germany and Austria-Hungary. Old orders were blocked and no longer sent to Bucharest. The Entente forces remained the only option for supplying weapons, but the needs of France and Russia were so great that it was difficult to help Romania on time. Transport difficulties after the collapse of Serbia added to the problem, so that much of Romania’s ammunition remained in storage or arrived with long delays after transiting Russian ports on the North Sea. The issue of armaments and its political responsibilities is the subject of this research. It also brings back into focus the debate on the responsibility of the Romanians for the war, which has remained open since the interwar years. While government statistics sought (and partially succeeded) to justify the government’s armament policy with all its shortcomings, the testimonies of combatants brought to light dramatic sequences from the sad epic of this war. Two distinct models of discourse emerged, coexisting under a hidden tension in the postwar period: the institutional narrative and the private narrative of the war. By examining the two versions, this study differentiates between two antagonistic dimensions of the narrative of armament, revealing a dichotomy that dismantles the myth of the unity of meaning in perceptions during the war years.

This study examines the evolution of the Romanian Legation’s headquarters in Paris between the end of the First World War and the 1930s, highlighting the political, administrative, and symbolic dimensions of this process. After 1918, Romania, having a much larger territory and population, faced the necessity of consolidating its international status and adapting its diplomatic presence to the new realities of Europe. In this context, securing a suitable building for the Legation in Paris – one of the main centers of European diplomacy – became both a practical requirement and an expression of national prestige. The efforts to acquire, renovate, and expand the property on Avenue de Wagram reveal the persistent challenges encountered by the Romanian state: limited financial resources, shifting political priorities, and recurring administrative obstacles. Despite these difficulties, the project advanced gradually, reflecting the determination of the Romanian authorities to create a representation aligned with France’s central role in the country’s postwar diplomacy. Constantin Diamandi played a key role in this process. Through his diplomatic authority, organizational initiatives, and reputation in Parisian political circles, he significantly contributed to the modernization of the Legation. Although his tenure ended amid political instability in Bucharest, his efforts left a lasting institutional impact. Overall, the history of the Legation’s headquarters illustrates the interplay between diplomatic ambition, state capacity, and the symbolic importance of international representation in interwar Europe.

ABSTRACT War and politics are closely connected in armed struggles for authority and legitimacy. At the end of the Cold War, the National Party (NP) white minority government in South Africa started negotiations with the African National Congress (ANC) and SA Communist Party (SACP) on a new political order. In May 1990, the Conservative Party (CP), the official opposition in Parliament, announced a ‘Third Freedom Struggle’ to prevent what it described as communist-dominated black majority rule over Afrikaners as a people. Its strategy eventually included electoral opposition, delegitimisation of the transition, and alliances with Zulu, Xhosa and Tswana homeland leaders. The CP caucus was divided on goals and means, but one parliamentarian, Schalk Pienaar, helped to build the extraparliamentary Farmers Crisis Action (BKA). Another parliamentarian, Koos Botha, played a leading part in a campaign of bomb attacks to strengthen the negotiation position of those who pursued an Afrikaner state. The paper analyzes and compares the previous experience, leadership roles, aims, methods, political entrepreneurship and shifting opportunity structures of Pienaar and Botha. The paper is based on primary and secondary sources, including interviews with Botha and Pienaar. It argues that both were forerunners in different extraparliamentary trajectories that helped build rebel groups.

Wars and political, sectarian, ethnic, and regional conflicts are among the most significant challenges facing many countries worldwide, with devastating effects on sustainable development. However, some countries have successfully ended these conflicts and wars and achieved sustainable development, which can provide valuable lessons for studying the situation in Yemen. In this context, the researcher is preparing a comparative study of the experiences of Colombia, Rwanda, Germany, and South Africa in ending wars and conflicts, preventing their recurrence, and achieving sustainable development, and examining the potential applicability of these experiences in Yemen. Colombia serves as a significant model for countries that have ended armed conflict after decades of strife between the government and rebel groups and have started implementing reconstruction and socio-economic development programs. Rwanda's experience in national reconciliation following the 1994 genocide and achieving tangible results in education, health, and infrastructure is another valuable example. Additionally, Germany's experience in rebuilding its economy and achieving sustainable growth after World War II and the division into East and West Germany offers important lessons. South Africa's transition from apartheid to building a multi-ethnic society and progress in sustainable development is also instructive. This comparative research examines these various experiences and assesses the potential applicability in the context of Yemen, aiming to contribute to finding suitable solutions to Yemen's crises. Keywords: Comparative study, countries' experiences, Colombia, Rwanda, Germany, South Africa, ending wars and conflicts, preventing wars from recurring, sustainable development, feasibility of benefit, Yemen.

The purpose of this research paper is to analyze British policy in the Balkans at the end of the Second World War, focusing on the diplomatic dispute with Yugoslavia over the Trepça mining complex in Kosovo. It investigates Britain’s efforts to safeguard strategic economic interests in Southeastern Europe, curb Soviet regional influence, and oppose the proposed Yugoslav-Bulgarian federation, which London viewed as a potential extension of Soviet hegemony in the Balkans. The scientific novelty consists in its contribution to the underexplored field of British economic diplomacy in the post-war Balkans. Drawing on British diplomatic sources from 1944 to 1948, it shifts attention from dominant geopolitical narratives to the strategic role of British capital. Particular focus is given to the London-based Selection Trust, which by the late interwar period controlled approximately 80% of British mining investments in Yugoslavia, most notably Trepça. Conclusions. The paper explores how efforts to protect these assets became entangled with broader regional diplomacy. Following the war, British attempts to regain control of Trepça were rejected by Yugoslavia’s new authorities, prompting a shift from ownership claims to compensation demands. Although Tito initially offered assurances regarding the protection of British property, nationalization policies rendered restoration unfeasible. Bilateral negotiations culminated in a 1948 agreement under which Yugoslavia paid £4.5 million in compensation to British investors. Simultaneously, British policymakers regarded the Balkan federation project as a Soviet-aligned threat to Western influence, particularly in Greece, and sought to delay its implementation within the broader context of early Cold War rivalry. British policy in the Balkans at the end of the Second World War and during the immediate post-war period reflected a calculated effort to balance geopolitical containment with the protection of key economic interests. The Balkan federation was perceived as a challenge to Western influence, particularly in the eastern Mediterranean. British diplomacy prioritized securing major investments in Yugoslavia’s industrial sector, with Trepça emerging as a site of both economic and strategic significance. Although efforts to reassert control were blocked, sustained diplomacy secured compensation. The 1948 settlement marked a pragmatic resolution of Britain’s claims. The Trepça case illustrates how resource sovereignty, foreign capital, and geopolitical rivalry shaped British-Yugoslav relations during a pivotal moment in postwar European realignment.

ABSTRACT Some educational practices, such as shadow education, have historically been under-documented and have left few traces in conventional archives. As a result, historians of education have struggled to explore these non-formal or supplementary forms of teaching and learning. Our research focuses on tutoring practices in Soviet Latvia between the end of the Second World War and the country’s regaining of independence in 1991. Our study is guided by the following research questions: (i) what forms did tutoring assume in Latvia under Soviet occupation, (ii) who were the main actors involved in tutoring in post-war Soviet Latvia, and (iii) what were the reasons behind their engagement in tutoring practices? Using content analysis, we examined 39 autobiographies published in Latvia after 1991. Our study revealed that, apart from some professional teachers who provided tutoring services, in Soviet Latvia there existed a wide array of non-professional tutors and even students who offered assistance without receiving any financial remuneration. By engaging with individual memory and narrative construction, the article contributes to the broader historiography of education and highlights the potential of autobiographical writing to illuminate marginal or neglected domains in the history of education.

ABSTRACT This article examines the evolving dynamics of minilateralism and trilateral cooperation in Northeast Asia, and assesses their implications for regional security and order-building. It traces the development of minilateral frameworks in the region since the end of the Cold War, focusing in particular on two key trilateral cases: security cooperation between the United States, Japan, and South Korea, and functional cooperation between China, Japan, and South Korea through the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS). It is argued that US–Japan–South Korea trilateralism, which was initially shaped by the need to address the North Korean nuclear challenge, has become a core element of the US-led security architecture aimed at balancing China’s growing influence in the Indo–Pacific. By contrast, the TCS reflects a pragmatic form of minilateralism centred on economic and technical cooperation. Yet its effectiveness has been constrained by deep-seated geopolitical tensions and institutional limitations, particularly amid intensifying US–China rivalry. The article concludes that while trilateral minilateralism offers new avenues for coordination, it also risks exacerbating security dilemmas. Strengthening institutional mechanisms for strategic communication, confidence-building, and risk reduction will be essential to supporting regional stability and order-building.