Abstract: This article discusses the perspectives of three parties: the Korean embassy officials dispatched from the Chosŏn court (1392–1910), the Tokugawa shogunate (1603–1868), and the imperial court in Kyoto. Immediately after establishing the military government in 1603, the Tokugawa shogunate attempted to consolidate its own military foundation and complete the unification of the country. During this process, inviting the Korean embassy to the Tokugawa shogunate was one of the most important events undertaken by the shogunate, demonstrating to other samurai families that the Tokugawa house was the strongest political authority in the country. Under the Tokugawa regime, the imperial court played a nominal role without political influence. Nonetheless, the shogunate may have considered the imperial court as a latent threat. The members of the imperial family were willing to engage with the Korean embassy for further cultural exchange. In the travelogues to Japan, the officials of the Korean embassy recorded their concerns on the relationship between the imperial court and the shogunate. Their analysis of the matter mentioned the ambiguity of the neighborly relations in the future if the emperor were to recapture political power and thus alarmed whether the new ruler would have maintained amicable relations with Chosŏn. This research focuses on how Korean embassy officials viewed the imperial court, and also the shogunate's reaction to communication between the embassy officials and members of the imperial family who were interested in both the embassy officials and Korean culture.

This study seeks to explain why North Korea provided aid to Cuba during the Cuban Missile Crisis. It considers the background to the decision to provide support to Havana, the form that such support took, and its significance. The reason why North Korea fully supported Cuba was that they shared a common enemy and historical and institutional background, such as experiences of colonialism, revolution, war, division, and anti‐American struggle. Cuba was also the first socialist country in the region. North Korea judged the revolutionary potential of Latin America and its value as highly useful for a unification of the Korean Peninsula led by North Korea. North Korea issued the first government statement that politically supported Cuba and ordered North Korean students, embassy officials and their families in Cuba to participate in combat. North Korea provided economic and military supplies through production increase movements as well as technical support in the heavy industry. The North Korea–Cuba Committee for Solidarity was established to oversee projects for friendly cooperation and to strengthen ties between their future generations of revolutionaries. North Korea's aid to Cuba played a critical role in declaring themselves as a de facto country by completely integrating their national interests.

Greek Tragedy or Gestation Period: Future of the Modern Church in Greece

The publication of the document Draft Tactics. For the Overthrow of the Military Dictatorship. For the Establishment of a National Democratic Government is preceded by an introductory article which examines the development path of the Egyptian communist movement. The focus is on a key moment in the history of the movement, namely the communist attempt to oppose the military regime of the Free Officers established in the country in 1952. Having failed to become their ally, the Egyptian supporters of the Marxist idea chose a course of open confrontation with the army officers. A typewritten copy of the Draft Tactics is held at the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI). This document is part of a larger dossier that includes minutes from the August 1955 meetings of the “unity committee” that resulted in the creation of the Unified Egyptian Communist Party. The documents were translated from Arabic by Soviet embassy officials in Cairo and, according to a note accompanying the dossier and signed by Soviet Foreign Minister A.A. Gromyko, were sent by Soviet Ambassador in Egypt D.S. Solod to the Soviet Foreign Ministry, from where they were forwarded to the CPSU Central Committee.

ABSTRACT This article examines British propaganda efforts in post-war Japan, focusing on the scope of activities and limitations of the Foreign Office’s Information Research Department (IRD). Although the IRD built a wide network of recipients for its anti-communist material in Japan, it soon faced difficulties in conducting operations when the British embassy officials started to question its influence in Japanese society – since they believed it was a culture so unique that pro forma IRD materials were unsuitable. Assessing the tensions between London and Tokyo contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the seemingly monolithic propaganda policies of the IRD.

Abstract Through a critical analysis of primary and secondary sources, this paper reconstitutes the PAIGC’s main strategies and processes of diplomatic communication and engagement towards the states of the communist bloc, which were the main backers of the liberation enterprise. The paper argues that the PAIGC’s diplomacy in its first four years rested on two strategies. First, it consisted of “shoe-leather” diplomacy, as its leaders regularly attended public spaces frequented by foreign diplomats and embassy officials. Second, it involved a congratulatory diplomacy, the initiating of diplomatic communication with foreign governments by deliberately using the recipient country’s national days as the key motive for the message.

This article traces the evolution of the American policy from 1947 of persuading the Western nations to embargo the export to the Soviet Union, and after 1949 to the PRC, of all technology or machinery used in the production of military weapons. The recent war demonstrated that technology would win the future wars and the communist countries must be stopped from stealing the West’s technology. The Truman administration drew up long lists of items to be banned, and the President Eisenhower continued the process with US embassy officials policing the operation. The Kennedy administration lessened the intensity of its ban that slightly favoured China although President Johnson reimposed the prohibitions and it was left to President Nixon along with Dr. Kissinger to lessen the East–West trade embargo and soften the relationships.

Reviewed by: The Fixer: Visa Lottery Chronicles by Charles Piot and Kodjo Nicolas Batema Cati Coe Charles Piot with Kodjo Nicolas Batema, The Fixer: Visa Lottery Chronicles. Durham: Duke University Press, 2019. 224 pp. The Fixer tells a dramatic story of creative and innovative forms of trickery generated by US immigration policy. Its overt focus is a single charismatic and thoughtful Togolese broker, Kodjo Nicolas Batema, who carefully studies the US Diversity Visa lottery process in order to coach his clients to successfully receive a green card. The book details the ways through which brokers learn about the lottery interview practices and prepare their clients for the different questions (Chapter 2), the kinship practices and microeconomies generated by the lottery (Chapters 3 and 4), the machinations of embassy staff to catch fraud (Chapter 5), a peaceful protest by visa applicants in front of the US Embassy in Lomé (Chapter 6), an incident which landed Mr. Batema temporarily in prison (Chapter 7), and the lives of successful visa applicants in different regions of the United States (Chapter 8). Piot argues that the Diversity Visa lottery is a source of cultural production, generating new marriage practices and state documentation processes. Piot calls the cultural production of the visa lottery "border games." Building on the Comaroffs' arguments about the signal role of the imposter in runaway capitalism (Comaroff and Comaroff 2016), Piot argues that the distinction between fake and authentic seems to dissolve in these games. "Fake" marriages—that is, marriages arranged for the purpose of papers—can become real, in the sense that they can turn into sexual relationships and long-term partnerships as couples live together in order to pass the scrutiny of consular and immigration officials. Similar to marriages arranged for emigration purposes, marriages considered real often have economic or bureaucratic reasons for their documentation or state [End Page 559] legalization. Furthermore, in Togo, identity and marriage documentation can be secret, manipulated, and multiple, beyond emigration contexts. Piot argues that the visa lottery and its cultural production is a "textbook illustration" of extraversion and the hybridity and improvisation of Atlantic African economies (39). The virtue of this book is in its details and liveliness. It reads incredibly quickly, almost like a novel, with well-written and exciting chapters. Impressive access was given to Piot by both Mr. Batema and consulate officials, which struck me as quite amazing given my own difficulties convincing consular officials to meet with me. In addition to its details based on Piot's high degree of access with key persons, another strength is that it is excellent on the economics of the visa lottery process, arguing convincingly that a major reason for "fake" marriages in Togo is because of the high lottery fees (Chapter 4). Given the exorbitant fees and the large number of applicants every year, millions of dollars have been redistributed from Togolese individuals to the US government. Many remittances from the diaspora are used to fund emigration plans. Piot makes a strong case for the unfairness of Diversity Visa fees being set worldwide, without consideration for local incomes. Let me explain this relationship between "fake" marriages and high fees. Unlike his competitors, Mr. Batema charges no fees to applicants, instead raising the funds for those chosen to be interviewed (at the second stage of the lottery process) from those in the diaspora, who can add their own loved ones to the applicant's request. The relationships formed to raise the funds for the process then require new marriage and birth certificate documents which can easily be back-dated by Togolese state officials willing to enable with these ruses. Extensive coaching by Mr. Batema makes it extremely difficult for consular officials to determine whether marriages were "real" or not. (If a marriage is made real by legal documentation, these marriages are, of course, real, since official documents certified the marriage.) Because of their paranoia about what they called "pop-up marriages," US embassy officials went above and beyond the law in hiring Togolese investigative personnel to track applicants in their homes and workplaces and asking questions that were overly intrusive and unfair, through which long-term marriages sometimes failed to convince consular officials of...

The radical potential of leaks in the shadow accounting project: The case of US oil interests in Nigeria

Abstract The implementation of President George H. W. Bush's 1989 Andean Initiative brought to the fore competing US and Bolivian agendas. While US embassy officials sought to exert control in pursuit of militarised policies, the Bolivian government's ambivalence towards the coca-cocaine economy underpinned opposition to the ‘Colombianisation’ of the country. This article deconstructs prevailing top-down, US-centric analyses of the drug war in Latin America to examine how US power was exercised and resisted in the Bolivian case. Advancing a more historically grounded understanding of the development of the US drug war in Latin America, it reveals the fluidity of US–Bolivian power relations, the contested nature of counter-drug policy at the country level, and the instrumentalisation of the ‘war on drugs’ in distinct US and Bolivian agendas.

Uzbekistan holds a central position in the political, economic, security and demographic structure of the Central Asian region. Without the cooperation of Tashkent, efforts for regional integration have failed during the past. The first president Islam Karimov, who ruled the country for 25 years 1991-2016, was reluctant to integrate Uzbek economy to regional and global markets. Uzbekistan had one or the other issue with all its neighboring states, thus hindering prospects for the regional cooperation and integration. However, the new president Shavkat Mirziyoyev is proactive towards regional integration. He is following a policy of ‘Central Asia First’ which has warmly been welcomed by all the regional states. The process of regional integration has also been facilitated by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) of China as well as Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) in the form of development of physical infrastructural and transportation network. 
 Objectives of this research are; to look into the dynamics of Central Asian region; to understand the central position of Uzbekistan in the region; to explore the areas of convergence for the regional states; and to analyze the prospects for regional economic integration after change in Uzbekistan’s leadership. This research aims to address the questions such as: What is the future economic potential of Central Asia? How the foreign policy of Uzbekistan has influenced the regional dynamics under Islam Karimov? 
 What are the impacts of Belt and Road Initiative and CAREC in Central Asian region? And with the recent change in Uzbekistan, what are the evolving prospects for regional economic integration in Central Asia? This research is primarily descriptive, exploratory, and analytical in nature. It relies on both primary (including interviews with Uzbek embassy officials and official data) and secondary sources.

ABSTRACTThis study aims at investigating the role of the expanding overseas Chinese state in the construction of ‘Chineseness’ among Chinese migrant entrepreneurs in Ghana. It focuses especially on the manifestation of the ideology of Chinese nationalism in the migrants’ living experience. Data analyzed in this study are primarily drawn from extensive interviews with private entrepreneurs, employees of Chinese state-owned enterprises and Chinese Embassy officials in Ghana. Besides, this study is supplemented by a content analysis of archive data collected from media reports, policy documents, online forums and social media. This study reveals that as an unintended consequence, private entrepreneurs enjoy tangible benefits from the expanding presence of overseas Chinese state in Ghana. Strategies and policies implemented by the Chinese government and its overseas representatives aiming at engaging Chinese diasporas also contribute to spreading nationalism and building a deterritorial Chinese identity.

This paper analyses the attitudes expressed by consular and embassy officials to a new type of traveller they encountered in the mid-1960s. Their observations are contextualised within wider debates concerning 'youth' in the late 1950s and 1960s. Officials distinguished sharply between 'overlanders' (who could be tolerated or accommodated) and 'beatniks' whose behaviour was characterized as illegal and/or unacceptable. Smoking cannabis was identified as a key marker of beatnik behaviour. Officials' observations are contrasted with four accounts by new travellers from the period. The paper concludes with a proposal for an 'anti-nominian' approach to the study of youth cultures: researchers should be more sensitive to the constructed nature of the labels used to identify the various strands of youth identity.

Factor Analysis of Organizational Innovativeness Under Studied on Foreign Embassies in Thailand

The United States Government (USG) is deeply interested in political stability and economic prosperity within each of the sovereign states of Africa. Part of the “whole-ofgovernment approach,” the Department of Defense (DoD) is responsible for lines of effort that place uniformed service members and U.S. Embassy officials at risk. Current USG missions on the African continent typically involve small travelling contact teams, special operators, and diplomatic missions without robust medical support. Beyond Self Aid and Buddy Care (SABC) and unit medics, there is no capacity to support U.S. assets during the golden hour of trauma. Civilian and military assets are integrated with variable success on an ad hoc basis (e.g., Theater Patient Movement Requirement Center coordinates with International SOS, as needed, to arrange medical evacuation by the most effective means possible, usually a civilian aircraft). Those unstable for evacuation are transported to the nearest medical facility where service members and diplomats receive the best care available, which may be different from the standard of care available in other countries. Despite historical precedence and known risks, the USG does not have a robust response capability for medical crisis that involves USG representatives on the African continent. Many proposals exist to push specific medical capabilities closer to U.S. personnel in Africa, but few use evidencebased tactics aligned to strategic end-state objectives. The tactical capabilities proven to save lives and reduce the burden of disease are clear: personnel protective equipment (e.g., body armor and tourniquets), SABC, tactical combat casualty care, casualty evacuation, forward access to trauma surgery, reliable blood bank and laboratory support, evidencebased critical care, and robust medical evacuation. We propose a strategy to assist development of African regional training institutions to teach, train, evaluate, and maintain these specific evidence-based tactical medical capabilities. In this strategy, host nation (HN) training institutions selected based on willingness, regional consensus, and funding legitimacy would draw medics from the region to complete standardized training at a center of excellence, staffed and led by HN medics to serve both the health security objectives of the USG, the training requirements of all partners, and the health care objectives of the HN. The end-state objective directly supports U.S. Africa Command Lines of Effort and a whole-of-government approach to Global Health Engagement. Measurable outcomes based upon this strategy must directly support desired end states, and should include: HN medics graduated from mandatory training, HN medic performance during training exercises, time-distance from U.S. Embassy to accessible Role 2 care, reliable access to accredited blood bank, sustainable information technologies to support unimpeded access to medical subspecialist consultation, incorporation of Millennium Development Goals or the future Sustainable Development Goals, access to 5,000-foot runway and helipad, flexible and integrated AE routes, and HN certified as United Nation/African Union interoperable combat medics with civilian health care credentials. In the initial effort of this Global Health Engagement strategy, HN personnel assigned to military or civilian units responsible for disaster response will receive tactical training based on HN and partner requirements. One training source is the Defense Institute for Medical Operations with extant courses categorized as Health Systems Management, Disaster Management and Consequence Management, Public Health and Force Health Protection, and Patient Transport and Evacuation. Unique courses offer by DoD include the following: SABC, Combat Casualty Care Course, and tactical combat casualty care. Department of State, DoD, and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) have the capacity to train Basic Life Support, Advanced Cardiac Life Support, Pre-Hospital Trauma Life Support, Advanced Trauma Life Support, and Advanced Life Support in Obstetrics. Indeed, such training is currently happening in African nations with train-the-trainer follow-up with external instructors. However, African International Health Specialist Team USAFE/AFAFRICA SGXD Unit 3050, Box 170 Ramstein, APO AE 09094-0170. The views expressed are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of the U.S. Africa Command, the U.S. Air Force, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. doi: 10.7205/MILMED-D-15-00413

In the fast changing business scenario, business ethics and value based education form the foundation of a civilized society. This will find a focus in Training Programme under topics Corporate Social Responsibility in the light of The Companies Act 2013. They need to recognize the need to create organizations where ethical decisions are not undermined but are encouraged and promoted. They turned vibrant and actively functional as local governance modules. To realize the Government of Indias mission and Modis mantra of development Make in India, corporate sectors should spend Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) money which is 2% of net profit currently on Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan. State Government should facilitate field visits by Embassy officials of those countries who issued travel advisories to their nationals against visiting states in the northeast region of India. In response to the demands of this new social system, NGOs begin to wonder what a responsible organization is like, as an exercise of assumption of its responsibilities. For the third sector, the starting point of social responsibility is the coherence between the values and the social proposal being done from their action fields: cooperation for development, social, human aid or environment.

Ireland on a Plate: Curating the 2011 State Banquet for Queen Elizabeth II

In the fast changing business scenario, business ethics and value based education form the foundation of a civilized society. This will find a focus in Training Programme under topics Corporate Social Responsibility in the light of The Companies Act 2013. They need to recognize the need to create organizations where ethical decisions are not undermined but are encouraged and promoted. They turned vibrant and actively functional as local governance modules. To realize the Government of Indias mission and Modis mantra of development Make in India, corporate sectors should spend Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) money which is 2% of net profit currently on Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan. State Government should facilitate field visits by Embassy officials of those countries who issued travel advisories to their nationals against visiting states in the northeast region of India. In response to the demands of this new social system, NGOs begin to wonder what a responsible organization is like, as an exercise of assumption of its responsibilities. For the third sector, the starting point of social responsibility is the coherence between the values and the social proposal being done from their action fields: cooperation for development, social, human aid or environment.

“It was a queer, sultry summer, the summer they executed the Rosenbergs”, recalled Sylvia Plath in The Bell Jar. Others recalled this event differently: as legal murder and a flagrant miscarriage of justice. The electrocution of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg in June 1953, on a charge of conspiracy to commit espionage, was unprecedented in the history of the United States and aroused international outrage. Although there are scattered studies of the worldwide protest movement, none has examined the Australian dimension. This paper, therefore, fills a historiographical gap by exploring the genesis, development, and activities of the Australian campaign to pressure the Truman and Eisenhower administrations to grant clemency to the Rosenbergs. That campaign faced several obstacles: one was the liaison and intelligence sharing between the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) and US Consular and Embassy officials in Sydney and Canberra and another was the infiltration of its leadership by an important ASIO operative. Drawing on the extensive papers of the New York-based Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case, the article will illuminate the close transnational connection between the Australian and American campaigns and challenge the customary characterisation of the Rosenberg clemency committees as “fronts” for the Communist Party or products of Moscow's machinations.

The phenomenon of the trafficking of women, especially of young girls and women into exploitative sexual and commercial labor, has recently begun to attract local, national and international attention from world leaders, academics, the mass media, advocacy groups, the clergy and humanity in general. This is against the back drop of the fact that the trafficking of women has a number of far-reaching socio-economic, health and political consequences. Several factors, among them poverty, unemployment, ignorance and family size have been implicated as being reasons why women fall easy preys to the antics of traffickers. From available statistics, we can say that about 500,000 women are brought into the United States of America and Europe yearly for sexual and domestic servitude. Of the over 70,000 African victims of women trafficking, Nigerian women account for 70 percent of those trafficked to Italy alone. Fighting the menace requires a coordinated and concerted push from all stakeholders. This paper presents the causes and consequences of the trafficking of women from Nigeria to America and Europe. Empirical evidence indicates that the activities of traffickers, corrupt embassy officials, the country’s porous borders, poverty, refusal of victims to expose traffickers, delay in prosecuting apprehended culprits and biting youth unemployment have “conspired” to undermine the battle against the illicit trade. The paper makes far-reaching recommendations about how to mitigate the identified obstacles.