Russian Elite Research Articles

BOOK REVIEWS

Literature and Fine ArtsOspovat, Kirill. Terror and Pity: Aleksandr Sumarokov and the Theater of Power in Elizabethan Russia.Bullock, Philip Ross. Pyotr Tchaikovsky.Gould, Rebecca. Writers & Rebels: The Literature of Insurgency in the Caucasus.Titus, Joan. The Early Film Music of Dmitry Shostakovich.Evdokimova, Svetlana, and Vladimir Golstein, eds. Dostoevsky Beyond Dostoevsky: Science, Religion, Philosophy.Medvedkin, Alexander. The Alexander Medvedkin Reader.Paloff, Benjamin. Lost in the Shadow of the Word: Space, Time, and Freedom in Interwar Eastern Europe.Platt, Jonathan Brooks. Greetings, Pushkin! Stalinist Cultural Politics and the Russian National Bard.Kaminskij, Konstantin. Der Elektrifizierungsroman Andrej Platonovs: Versuch einer Rekonstruktion.Balakirsky Katz, Maya. Drawing the Iron Curtain: Jews and the Golden Age of Soviet Animation.Bozovic, Marijeta. Nabokov's Canon: From Onegin to Ada.Morris, Holly, and Anne Bogart. The Babushkas of Chernobyl.HistoryKhiterer, Victoria. Jewish City or Inferno of Russian Israel? A History of Jews in Kiev before February 1917.Magocsi, Paul Robert, and Yohanan Petrovsky‐Shtern. Jews and Ukrainians: A Millennium of Co‐Existence.Romaniello, Matthew P., and Tricia Starks, eds. Russian History through the Senses: From 1700 to the Present.Schönle, Andreas, Andrei Zorin, and Alexei Evstratov, eds. The Europeanized Elite in Russia, 1762–1825: Public Role and Subjective Self.Robarts, Andrew. Migration and Disease in the Black Sea Region: Ottoman‐Russian Relations in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries.Deutschmann, Moritz. Iran and Russian Imperialism: The Ideal Anarchists, 1800–1914.Bakhmetyeva, Tatyana V. Mother of the Church: Sofia Svechina, the Salon, and the Politics of Catholicism in Nineteenth‐Century Russia and France.Pettinaroli, Laura. La politique russe du Saint‐Siège (1905–1939).Windle, Kevin, Elena Govor, and Alexander Massov. From St. Petersburg to Port Jackson: Russian Travellers’ Tales of Australia 1807–1912.Ely, Christopher. Underground Petersburg: Radical Populism, Urban Space, and the Tactics of Subversion in Reform‐Era Russia.González, John. An Intellectual Biography of N. A. Rozhkov: Life in a Bell Jar.Gollerbakh, Evgenii. Khleb da sol': Iz istorii rossiiskogo germanofilm'stva: Peterburgskoe izdatel'stvo “Panteon” v preddverii Pervoi mirovoi voiny.Khiterer, Victoria. Jewish Pogroms in Kiev during the Russian Civil War, 1918–1920.Isserson, G. S. G. S. Isserson and the War of the Future: Key Writings of a Soviet Military Theorist.Chang, Jon K. Burnt by the Sun: The Koreans of the Russian Far East.Graziosi, Andrea, and Frank E. Sysyn, eds. Communism and Hunger: The Ukrainian, Chinese, Kazakh, and Soviet Famines in Comparative Perspective.Vatlin, Alexander. Agents of Terror: Ordinary Men and Extraordinary Violence in Stalin's Secret Police.Blackwell, Martin J. Kyiv as Regime City: The Return of Soviet Power after Nazi Occupation.Shneyer, Aron. Pariahs among Pariahs: Soviet‐Jewish POWs in German Captivity, 1941–1945.David‐Fox, Michael, ed. The Soviet Gulag: Evidence, Interpretation, and Comparison.Plokhy, Serhii. The Man with the Poison Gun: A Cold War Spy Story.Galmarini‐Kabala, Maria Cristina. The Right to Be Helped: Deviance, Entitlement, and the Soviet Moral Order.Scott, Erik R. Familiar Strangers: The Georgian Diaspora and the Evolution of Soviet Empire.Imre, Anikó. TV Socialism.Evans, Christine E. Between Truth and Time: A History of Soviet Central Television.Fainberg, Dina, and Artemy M. Kalinovsky, eds. Reconsidering Stagnation in the Brezhnev Era: Ideology and Exchange.Daniel, Wallace L. Russia's Uncommon Prophet: Father Aleksandr Men and His Times.Sell, Louis. From Washington to Moscow: US‐Soviet Relations and the Collapse of the USSR.Social Sciences, Contemporary Russia, and OtherHemment, Julie. Youth Politics in Putin's Russia: Producing Patriots and Entrepreneurs.Legvold, Robert. Return to Cold War.Orttung, Robert W., ed. Sustaining Russia's Arctic Cities: Resource Politics, Migration, and Climate Change.Brandišauskas, Donatas. Leaving Footprints in the Taiga: Luck, Spirits and Ambivalence among the Siberian Orochen Reindeer Herders and Hunters.Skillen, Daphne. Freedom of Speech in Russia: Politics and Media from Gorbachev to Putin.Suchland, Jennifer. Economies of Violence: Transnational Feminism, Postsocialism, and the Politics of Sex Trafficking.Vakhtin, Nikolai, and Boris Firsov. Public Debate in Russia: Matters of (Dis)order.Hendley, Kathryn. Everyday Law in Russia.

Power Lost and Freedom Relinquished: Russian Journalists Assessing the First Post‐Soviet Decade

This article seeks a nuanced understanding of the troubled state that Russian journalism finds itself in today. As much as the Kremlin may be blamed as the source of these woes, it cannot be responsible for low ethical standards and lack of solidarity among journalists. This article explores what has hindered the journalistic community from developing stronger ethical standards over the past twenty‐five years. Three significant events in the first post‐Soviet decade serve as case studies: first, an early ethical code of conduct, the Moscow Charter of Journalists, produced in 1994; second, the 1996 presidential election campaign, which led to president Yeltsin's victory over the Communist Gennadii Zuiganov; and third, the so called “information wars” between oligarchs, culminating in the 2001 demise of the television channel NTV. In unique interviews, conducted by the authors, thirty‐five Russian elite journalists and media managers assessed the role they played in major political events and how these events impacted the freedom of media in Russia today.

Фактор Трампа в российско-американских отношениях

The article deals with Donald Trump’s ascent to the White House that may open a new phase in the international relations, and foremost in relations between Russia and the USA. This is determined by the very Trump phenomenon, which is neither accidental, nor confined exclusively to the American politics, but reflects deep changes in the life of many nations and world environment as a whole. Donald Trump is a product of the world’s anti-globalist trend – populism. That is why he remains for the time being one of the most unpredictable politicians. Russian leadership obviously gave preference to Trump during the US election campaign. The main reason of such attitude of the Russian elite towards Trump was his political line of rejecting foreign policy of President Barak Obama, under whom Russian-American relations sank to the lowest point since the end of the Cold War. In order to estimate the possibility of substantial improvement under Trump it is worthwhile once again to address the reasons of the crisis of the recent few years in the relations between the two powers with the purpose of understanding how probable the removal of these reasons in the future. In view of the domestic political situation in the USA and spontaneous nature of Trump’s pre-election declarations, it is still not clear which policy course will be implemented by his administration, if and when it elaborates a consistent foreign policy. This is not the whole present uncertainty, however. No less unpredictable are the changes in Russian policy in reaction to what is happening within the United States and if the changes happen – which direction they will take. Moreover, in the situation of domestic political chaos and actual paralysis of state authority in the United States, the future of the relations between the two powers depends presently more on Russia, its ability to quickly adapt to the changing situation and come out with big, concrete initiatives aimed at directing its dynamics to a constructive channel.

Russian Revanche: External Threats & Regime Reactions

Has the development of post-Soviet Russia in an international system dominated by a democracy-promoting United States bred an authoritarian reaction in Russia as a response to perceived threats from the West? Beginning with the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, Russian elites have increasingly seen the United States as a distinctively threatening power, one with a strategy to exploit civic organizations, ethnic groups, and other forms of domestic pluralism as “fifth columns” in an effort to overthrow unfriendly regimes. With each new crisis in U.S.-Russian relations – Ukraine 2004, Georgia 2008, Ukraine 2014 – the Russian leadership has tightened controls over society, the press, and the state. The result is that the United States’ muscular promotion of democracy abroad has produced the opposite of its intended effect on Russia, leading successive Russian governments to balance the perceived threat from the United States by pursuing greater military and intelligence capacity to intervene abroad, and by tightening internal authoritarian controls at home to prevent foreign exploitation of the nascent internal pluralism that emerged in the wake of Communism.

제정러시아의 철도 역사에 관한 소고 : 시베리아 횡단철도와 중앙아시아 철도를 중심으로

This article explores Imperial Russia’ Railways history examining particularly Trans‐Siberian Railways and Central Asia Railways. This paper deals with the importance and essence of establishing Railways in Imperial Russia’ times to understand imperialism and colonialism. The history of the Russian railways is the expansion history of the empire and serves as a barometer of Russiaʹs centrifugal development. The construction of the railways was influenced by the necessity of the economic market which existed in European empires at the time, and railway contributed to economic development. And the construction of the railway was connected with the communication that was developed at that time. This study on the Russian railroad history can be regarded as a barometer to understand the various historical characteristics of Russia by deriving the basic contents and implications of imperialism and railway development.BR In particular, the Trans‐Siberian Railway is a ʺmajor leagueʺ railway line connecting Europe and Asia. Russia went to the Pacific, and Russia connected to the end of the East by railway line. This railway line opened a huge area of the empire through the transportation network. And also, Central Asian railways, like the Trans‐Siberian railways, had strategic and military purposes, but basically had economic value. Russian elites and leaders used abundant raw materials on the Silk Road to meet the need to develop the metropolitan industry of the empire.BR Chapter II examines the general construction process and characteristics of the Russian railways in the time of the Imperial Russia. Chapter III review the construction process and characteristics of the trans‐Siberian railways. Chapter IV analyzes the Asian conquest of 19th century Russia and the characteristics of the Central Asian railroad as a whole.

The Militarization of the Russian Elite under Putin

This article reviews the vast literature on Russia’s transformation into a “militocracy”—a state in which individuals with career experience in Russia’s various force structures occupy important positions throughout the polity and economy—during the reign of former KGB lieutenant colonel Vladimir Putin. We show that (1) elite militarization has been extensively utilized both to describe and explain core features of Russian foreign and domestic policy; and (2) notwithstanding its widespread usage, the militocracy framework rests on a rather thin, and in some cases flawed, body of empirical research. We close by discussing the remaining research agenda on this subject and listing several alternative theoretical frameworks to which journalists and policymakers arguably should pay equal or greater attention.

Imperial Apocalypse: The Great War and the Destruction of the Russian Empire. By Joshua A. Sanborn. The Greater War. Edited by Robert Gerwarth.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. Pp. xii+288. $49.95.

<i>Imperial Apocalypse: The Great War and the Destruction of the Russian Empire</i>. By Joshua A. Sanborn. The Greater War. Edited by Robert Gerwarth.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. Pp. xii+288. $49.95.

The “Franco-Russian Marseillaise”: International Exchange and the Making of Antiliberal Politics in Fin de Siècle France

The “Franco-Russian Marseillaise”: International Exchange and the Making of Antiliberal Politics in Fin de Siècle France

Условия и факторы развития политической элиты России

Условия и факторы развития политической элиты России

Toward an Uncivil Society? Contextualizing the Recent Decline of Extremely Right-Wing Parties in Russia

Since the late 1990s, the relative weight of ultra–nationalist parties in Russian parliamentary and extra–parliamentary politics has, after reaching a certain peak in the mid–1990s, declined. The paper argues that this trend can, for a number of reasons, not be taken as proof for a lasting evaporation of right–wing extremist ideas from high politics in Russia. In particular, parallel developments within the voluntary sector, namely the emergence of a multifaceted uncivil society, suggest that Russian right–wing extremism may currently experience a period of transition rather than decay. The example of the rise of the notorious neo–fascist Alexander Dugin from a lunatic fringe publicist to a highly placed political advisor with close links to both, the legislative and executive branches of the Russian state, in 1998–2001, is used as an illustration that radically anti-Western ideas will continue to have an impact on Russia's elite thinking, and policies.

V. PUTINO VALDŽIOS VEIKIMAS: KELIŲ SLUOKSNIŲ ELITO GRUPIŲ SISTEMA

Straipsnyje teigiama, kad esminį vaidmenį Rusijos politinėje sistemoje vaidina įvairios galios elito grupės, o jų ir Vladimiro Putino, kaip sistemos arbitro, analizė padeda geriausiai suprasti sistemos veikimo bruožus. Pir­miausia darbe apžvelgtos pokomunistinės Rusijos politinio elito susidarymo aplinkybės, nurodyti pagrindiniai jį lėmę veiksniai ir pateiktos Rusijos ga­lios elito, ypač valdant V. Putinui, veikimo prielaidos. Remiantis pasiūlytu Rusijos politinės sistemos aiškinimu ir elito grupių skirstymo modeliu, bus pateikta pagrindinių veikėjų – sisteminių ir nesisteminių, formalių ir ne­formalių – apžvalga. Sisteminiai veikėjai apima tiek artimiausią V. Putino aplinką, tiek opoziciją imituojančius veikėjus. Nesisteminių veikėjų analizę papildo ir jų eliminavimo iš sistemos metodų aprašymas. Teigiama, kad, nors Rusijos politinė sistema yra sunkiai atidaroma „juodoji dėžė“, elito grupių sąveika ir konkurencija leidžia daryti išvadas apie pačioje sistemoje vyks­tančius pokyčius.

Ilarion Zeremski and Irinej Ciric at the Moscow ecclesiastical academy: A contribution to the history of formation of Serbian theological elite in Russia

According to documents from Moscow archives, the religious and scientific context, historical course and theological significance of the studying of two important Serbian bishops and theologians, Ilarion Zeremski and Irinej Ciric, at the Moscow Ecclesiastical Academy in the late 19th and early 20th centuries have been researched. The process of their theological education in Sergiev Posad, so far unknown to Serbian science, was of a decisive importance for their theological and scientific work latter. In this paper, through the educational and scientific activities of their professors, are presented the currents of Russian academic theological thought at the time of their schooling. Their schooling is followed from the admission to the Academy to the acquisition of candidate of theology degree, with an emphasis on the importance of the final results in the form of their candidate dissertations. It is pointed out that Zeremski and Ciric represent the best testimony to the justifiability of theological and academic cooperation between Serbia and Russia in this period. Possitive outcomes, in their case, were the most visible in the field of Serbian biblical studies, church history and liturgical studies.

The Europeanized Elite in Russia, 1762–1825: Public Role and Subjective Self ed. by Andreas Schönle, Andrei Zorin, Alexei Evstratov

The Europeanized Elite in Russia, 1762–1825: Public Role and Subjective Self ed. by Andreas Schönle, Andrei Zorin, Alexei Evstratov

Non-Linear Effects of Turbulent Institutional Modernization

This article looks into new developments and additions to the concept of modernization generated by computer experiments with simulation models. The authors focused on the findings obtained within a number of modeling paradigms, including agent-oriented, system dynamics modeling, fractal geometry and self-organized criticality. The article presents a review of nonlinear effects emerging in the conditions of forced institutional modernization in the BRICS countries, for instance. The authors show that ‘turbulent’ modernization is typical for such countries, and is accompanied by a number of adverse factors, including cause-effect disbalance, phase transitions, sizable role of small-scale interactions, which (in some cases) may have a crucial effect on institutional dynamics. In particular, such effects have mani - fested themselves on the post-Soviet stage of the relations between the federal government and regional political elites in Russia. The article is also centered around issues related to preservation and expansion of traditional institutions and their influence on national modernization projects. The authors analyze the heuristic potential of different models for simulation of rapid disintegration of institutions and for the development of technologies propelling institution collapse. The present models imply the scenarios in which minor external impact may cause catastrophic consequences in a weak system of institutions ridden by archaic and dysfunctional norms and practices. The authors highlight the theoretical feasibility and practical need for non-disastrous scenarios of institutional modernization.

Oligarchs and Corruption in Putin's Russia: Of Sand Castles and Geopolitical Volunteering

The article analyzes Russia's elite corruption from domestic and international perspectives. While corrupt proceeds make Russian elites invested in the political system, corruption also acts as a destabilizing force in Russia. I argue that corruption is a double-edged sword for the oligarchs and the Kremlin alike. As a competitive kleptocracy in which corrupt elites have the option of international exit via offshores, Russia currently lacks any clear top-down path toward the rule of law. Furthermore, the country's elite corruption presents political problems for the West. The article concludes with some policy recommendations.

Early european influences on peter the great: Patrick Gordon and Franz Lefort at the еnd of the 17th century

The author examines issues connected with the expansion of European influence on the Russian elite in the late 17th century with reference to Tsar Peter I. Describing the early stages of the foreign influence on Peter the Great, the author argues that Peter’s Europeanisation became noticeable a lot later than was previously thought (i. e., when he was turning into a young man and after the dynastic crisis of 1689). An analysis of concomitant events contradicts the stereotypes still present in popular books on the history of the period, according to which the young ruler’s outlook was formed under the influence of Franz Lefort and Patrick Gordon. They were favourites of V. V. Golitsyn, a leader of a long-lived group in opposition to Peter I. As a result of this (and also because of their status as foreign officers completely dependent on the state), they did not seek any closer contacts with the young tsar. It was only after the dynastic crisis ended well for Peter I in 1689 that there was a turning point in their relationship with the tsar. Due to these factors, the first signs of the Europeanisation of Peter’s everyday life became noticeable at around this time: this can be seen in changes to his clothing and in his behaviour.

French and Russian in Imperial Russia , i: Language Use among the Russian Elite ; ii: Languages Attitudes and Identity . Edited by Derek Offord, Lara Ryazanova-Clarke, Vladislav Rjéoutski, and Gesine Argent

<i>French and Russian in Imperial Russia</i> , i: <i>Language Use among the Russian Elite</i> ; ii: <i>Languages Attitudes and Identity</i> . Edited by Derek Offord, Lara Ryazanova-Clarke, Vladislav Rjéoutski, and Gesine Argent

(XVIII - XIX ) (The System of Spending of the Russian Elite During the 'Westernization' (XVIII - XIX cc))

(XVIII - XIX ) (The System of Spending of the Russian Elite During the 'Westernization' (XVIII - XIX cc))

Sten’ka Razin als Held, „edler Räuber“ oder Verbrecher? Interpretationen und Analogien in den Ausländerberichten zum Kosakenaufstand von 1667–1671

The article examines the reports of European contemporary authors about the uprising of Stepan Razin in 1667-1671, and their attempts to interpret the rebels’ motives. The main focus lies on the comparisons drawn by the observers between Razin’s rebellion and other European insurrections of the Early Modern period. The sources in question are broadsheets, newspapers, pamphlets and books, i. e. those printed media genres which constituted and influenced the Early Modern public sphere. Three perception tendencies can be traced in the Razin discourse of the 1670s. First, the tendency to describe Razin as an ally of the Turkish Sultan, the Crimean Khan or the Persian Shah, and thus to depict the rebellion of the Don-Cossacks as part of the Oriental threat to the Christian world. The second view on Razin tended to show him as a ‘noble bandit’, i. e. an insurgent who nevertheless strove to protect the oppressed from the evildoings of the Russian elite. Finally, after the execution of Razin in June 1671 and the distribution of the official death-sentence, which was soon even translated into several European languages, Razin began to be perceived primarily as a conspirator against the state and a separatist. His revolt was then put on par with the other contemporary separatist movements in East Central and Eastern Europe (the Ukrainian revolt of hetman Doroshenko in 1667-1674, and the Croatian-Hungarian magnate conspiracy against the Habsburgs in 1670-1671). These rivaling views were reflected not only in textual descriptions, but also in images of Razin, which were circulated in various ways.

Orthodox Church in Tsar Russia

The liberation of the Muscovite lands from the Mongol oppression coincided with the fall of Constantinople. The inhabitants of Muscovy were convinced, in line with the Byzantine tradition, that the state was necessary for salvation just as the Orthodox Church, while the close ties between the state and the Church symbolised God’s covenant with people. After 1453, the Orthodox society of Muscovy were commonly of the opinion that the legitimacy of the Byzantine Empire vested into the new „Third Rome”, i.e. Moscow. That idea began assuming a more tangible shape during the reign of Ivan IV the Terrible. The ruler was officially crowned as Tsar and the abbot of the Volokolamsky monastery Josef declared that the Orthodox Church and the state should unite in making the Kingdom of God come true in the earth. Russian Orthodoxy was torn by a disagreement over the issue of monastic life and attitude to the earthly power. Nil Sorsky (1433–1508) and the Hesychasts from the forest hermitages beyond the Volga river claimed that the Orthodox Church should be independent of the state and it should not resort to state administration in religious matters. According to Nil Sorsky, monasteries should remain poor and denounce the ownership of land. That time witnessed a dynamic development of the monastic centre on the Solovetsky Islands in the White Sea. Solovetsky saints Savvatii, Zosima and Herman launched a magnificent spiritual centre of Russian Orthodoxy. During the reign of Ivan IV the conflict was unavoidable also between the ruler and the clergy. The Metropolitan of Moscow Philip demanded that the Orthodox Church gain autonomy – and fell victim to Tsar’s fury. After Ivan IV’s death, during the rule of Boris Godunov, in 1589 Moscow was granted the status of a patriarchate. Metropolitan of Moscow, Job was appointed the first patriarch of Moscow and All Russia.Muscovy was first named Russia in the late 15th century. The name was popularised during the 16th century and in 1721 it became the official designation of the state. Until 1694 the relations between the state and the Church were exemplarily harmonious. Religious life in Russia was overthrown during the reign of Peter I (1682–1725). The Russian Orthodox Church could not form an effective opposition to the political reforms of Peter I who, after the death of patriarch Adrian (1700), obstructed the election of his successor. Finally, Peter the Great abolished the patriarchate and replaced it with the institution of the Holy Synod, whose members were appointed by himself. The 18th century witnessed another revival of religious life in Russia, accompanied by the growing importance of the Orthodox Church in the public sphere. The Russian theological school was stimulated by the more and more popular teachings of bishop of Voronezh St. Tikhon Zadonsky. Inspired by the Gospel and the works of the Holy Fathers of Orthodoxy, his preaching promoted the idea of the common character of human salvation. Owing to his efforts new monastic centres, specialised in contemplation and prayer, were founded in the 19th century. The Russian monasticism was increasingly moved by the institution of Elderhood (starchestvo), the body of monks of eminent piety and wisdom. The revival of monastic life was instigated by the monk St. Paisius Velichkovsky, who lived in the 18th century. The views of the charismatic elderly who had the gift of prophecy (monks of the Optina hermitage), and especially those of St. Seraphim of Sarov, influenced the Russian elites, including Tsar himself. In the 19th century the Russian Empire Tsar promoted the ideology of an Orthodox state based on a symbiosis of „Orthodoxy, absolutism and nationality”. The circles of the higher clergy recultivated the ideas of the Church’s independence of the state. Metropolitan of Moscow Filaret was an ardent supporter of the Church’s autonomy. Other bishops, faced with the failure of any efforts to free the Orthodox Church from dependence on the state, chose to live monastic life, as for instance St. Ignatius Branchaninov, St. Ambrosius of the Optina hermitage or Theophan the Hermit. Another movement among the clergy was represented by St. Ioann of Kronstadt (1829–1909). The priest hailed the participation in everyday liturgy, support to the poor and the need for educating social masses.In the early 20th century the Orthodox Church raised the demands of independence and reactivation of patriarchate. The outbreak of World War I and the defeats suffered in the first years of the war made the revolutionary tendencies imminent. In the times of both revolutions, in 1917, the Orthodox Church remained faithful to Tsar. After the subversion of monarchy but before the Bolshevik prosecutions of the Orthodox Church began, the Kremlin Synod managed to restore the canonical elect ability of bishops and reactivate the patriarchate. Archbishop of Vilnius Tikhon was appointed patriarch of Moscow in 1918.