Egyptian Muslim Research Articles

The Cultural Transformation of the Trope of the Renegade in Late Seventeenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century English Drama

This article examines the transformation of the trope of the renegade character in late seventeenth-and early nineteenth-century English drama, as represented by John Dryden’s Don Sebastian (1689) and its adaptation by Frederick Reynolds as The Renegade (1812). Reynolds adopts the trope of Restoration ‘cultural renegade’, or what I call ‘Restoration gone cultural revolutionary protagonist’, to reflect on the military alliance between England of George III and the Oriental Muslims in Egypt in 1801 against their common enemy, Napoleon Bonaparte. The renegade character in the plays of Dryden and Reynolds transcends religious limitations of the negative connotations of betrayal and fosters cross-cultural interactions.

REKONSTRUKSI PEMIKIRAN TEOLOGI PROGRESIF HASSAN HANAFI SEBAGAI SOLUSI ATAS PERMASALAHAN UMAT ISLAM

This paper examines the transformation of classical Islamic theology so that it has relevance to the situation and condition of mankind, especially Muslims today. The research method used in this research is descriptive exploratory method, descriptive research is research that aims to describe or describe clearly the problems studied. While exploratory is a method that serves to deepen intellectual treasures or to get new ideas in a research. One of the transformations in theology was carried out by Hassan Hanafi. Hassan Hanafi is an Egyptian Muslim leader. In the view initiated by Hassan Hanafi, he said it was time for theology to have a new direction that was more appropriate and in line with the times. The new direction is to change a more metaphysical (theocentric) theology to a more anthropocentric theology. According to Hassan Hanafi, anthropocentric theology can have an influence or contribution to the progress of Muslims, because Muslims are forced to be able to see and analyze human problems from a theological persepective

Not Anymore in Politics: Theorising the Young Egyptian Muslim Brothers’ Political Disengagement in the aftermath of the 2013 Military Coup

Abstract This study relies on the life story narratives of 48 young members of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers in identifying the different reasons behind their political disengagement in the aftermath of the 2013 military coup. Unlike the smt scholarly writings addressing Islamists’ political disengagement within a limited scope of analysis that focuses on members leaving their groups rather than politics, this study presents a multi-layered approach that examines the interplay between youth’s personal experiences, the repressive macro political conditions, and the organizational decay in shaping young Muslim Brothers’ positions towards political activism.

The Egyptian State as a Muǧtahid: Law and Religion in the Jurisprudence of the Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court

Abstract This article explores two recent decisions issued by the Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) to demonstrate how the Court resolves conflicts involving Islamic and Christian law: (1) a decision to maintain the constitutionality of the wife’s obedience (ṭāʿat al-zawǧa) articles in the Personal Status Law for Christians, and (2) a decision to extend Muslim mothers’ exclusive custodial claims over children until they reach the age of 15. The article argues that the SCC takes upon itself to decide — based on its own internal logic — the normative legal positions for Christians and Muslims. The SCC rulings reinforce a vision of the Egyptian State as the exclusive holder of legal authority (walī al-amr) with the power to determine the meaning of Islamic/Christian legal norms in a court of law. In these judgments, the Egyptian State is personified as an independent jurist (muǧtahid) that can legislate on behalf of Egyptian Muslims and Christians.

Normatif Güç olarak Türkiye: Arap Baharı'nda Müslüman Kardeşlerle Bağlantılar

The debate on normative power has mainly been focused on the European Union. This is partly owing to the fact that its conception is very Euro/Western centric. Yet, it is assumed that the concept is applicable to other actors. The aim of this paper therefore is to examine Turkey and whether its actions embody normative power in Syria and Egypt during the Arab Spring. It applies de Zutter’s four-step methodology of identifying normative power. The result is mixed. In the case of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey tried to be a normative power but failed, due to a lack of recognition. In the case of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey was perceived as a normative power due to the combination of its Islamic identity, adherence to democracy, and the role of religion in its society. The implications of this are significant, since this paper demonstrates that normative power can travel outside of its Euro/Western centric context. At the same time, it also demonstrates that the norms are different and context specific.

Egyptian Muslims’ Information-Seeking Behaviour during Ramadan Fasting: A Survey

This study examines the information needs and fasting habits of Egyptian Muslims during Ramadan. This study, conducted April 13 to May 12, 2021, used a self-administered questionnaire which served as the survey instrument. Almost all respondents ranked topics related to health, fasting (such as Da’wah, E’tikaaf, and Taraweeh Prayer), as well as religious lectures and Islamic sermons, as the most important information. During Ramadan, respondents relied on a variety of fasting-related information sources, including print and non-print, as well as face to face and virtual conversations, and social media.. The most significant barriers affecting respondents’ search for information during Ramadan were fatigue and physical exhaustion, invasion of privacy, time constraints, and lack of trust in some sources. Despite its significance, respondents’ information-seeking behavior has received insufficient serious research on a local, regional, and even international scale. Gaps in the knowledge of the study of fasting and its effects can greatly assist healthcare professionals in developing a good understanding of religious fasting and its practitioners.

Christians and Muslims in Egypt

This essay surveys the long history of Christian-Muslim relations in Egypt. Interfaith relations in this context have ranged from cordial to tense, depending on a variety of internal and external factors.

Islamic Propaganda by the French During the Occupation of Egypt (1798-1801)

This article examines the propaganda put forth by the French during their invasion of Egypt between 1798 and 1801. The French occupation and control of Egypt was realized through two important elements, invasion/war (military control/hard power) and propaganda (textual control/soft power). Military and textual strategies should be viewed as not only complementary but also integral parts of each other. The French constantly and persistently issued proclamations from the first day of the invasion to the last moment. They primarily sought to set the stage for what they aimed with forthcoming propaganda. Their propaganda had political and religious aspects. The political propaganda was seemingly created in the context of the French rivalry with the Mamluks. The religious propaganda, on the other hand, was based on the claim that the French were the best friends of Egyptian Muslims, whom the French insistently tried to persuade. Their friendship with Muslims gradually developed to a point that some Frenchmen appeared to have converted to Islam. The propaganda apparatus in terms of its practice had visual and textual aspects that the French applied simultaneously. Opposite to what had been claimed, this paper asserts that their propaganda had absolutely nothing to do with the Enlightenment or the ideas of the French Revolution. This research also argues the primary impetus of the invasion to have been the global capitalist rivalry between the British and the French.

“Struggle Is Our Way”: Assessing the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s Relationship with Violence Post-2013

This article focuses on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s relationship with violence after the 2013 military coup. Following the Brotherhood’s sudden ouster from government, scholars predicted that renewed repression would lead to the radicalization of wings of the movement, particularly speculating that the youth would resort to violence as a way to respond to the regime. Indeed, calls in favor of the use of violence were recorded and associated with the activities of the New Office in Egypt during 2015, and with radicalization within the country’s prisons. Yet, this phenomenon has remained limited with reference to both time and context. Relying on interviews with members in Egypt, Turkey and the UK (2013–2021), this article critically unpacks the Brotherhood’s relationship with violence in the aftermath of the coup, investigating how the majority of Brotherhood members who subscribed to the movement’s peaceful resistance navigated nonviolent and violent strategies advocated by competing movements’ factions, as they became exposed to state-led violence. It looks at how members, male and female, endured repression, what role violence had in their resistance, if any, and how they justified it. The conclusion reflects on the role that violence plays in the Brotherhood’s strategies to reunite and rebuild after 2013.

The Special Apparatus (al-Niẓām al-Khāṣṣ): The Rise of Nationalist Militancy in the Ranks of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood

Existing scholarship has largely focused on the role of Sayyid Qutb’s ideas when analyzing the Muslim Brotherhood’s violent history. Perceiving Qutb’s ideas as paving the way for radical interpretations of jihad, many studies linked the Brotherhood’s violent history with this key ideologue. Yet, in so doing, many studies overlooked the importance of the Special Apparatus in shaping this violent history of the Brotherhood, long before Qutb joined the organization. Through an in-depth study of memoires and accounts penned by Brotherhood members and leaders, and a systematic study of British and American intelligence sources, I attempt to shed light on this understudied formation of the Brotherhood, the Special Apparatus. This paper looks at the development of anti-colonial militancy in Egypt, particularly the part played by the Brotherhood until 1954. It contends that political violence, in the context of British colonization, antedated the Brotherhood’s foundation, and was in some instances considered as a legitimate and even distinguished duty among anti-colonial factions. The application of violence was on no account a part of the Brotherhood’s core strategy, but the organization, nevertheless, established an armed and secret wing tasked with the fulfillment of what a segment of its members perceived as the duty of anti-colonial jihad.

The Production of a “True Muslim” by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood: Loyalty and Dissent

Mentoring young people is one of the core activities of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, since they view political reform as the result of individual religious reform. The article analyses the forms of their educational actions. The analysis is based on the Brotherhood’s literature on their educational principles, internal documents on how to apply these principles, and accounts published by former young Muslim Brothers. The production of a “true Muslim” relies as much on the affection built by the organisation as on the scrutiny and control of individuals. This article highlights the importance of the cultural factor as the main resource for disengagement.

ИСЛАМО-ФУНДАМЕНТАЛИСТСКИЕ ГРУППЫ И ДВИЖЕНИЯ В КОРОЛЕВСТВЕ САУДОВСКАЯ АРАВИЯ

The paper provides a brief analysis of the main Islamic fundamentalist groups and movements in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, including extremist organizations that actively use terrorist methods of struggle for the power. The main stages of the formation of Saudi Islamic extremist movements are studied. The first contacts between the authorities of the Kingdom and the Islamists represented by the Muslim Brotherhood took place in the second half of the 1930s. In the 1950s, some members of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, fleeing repression by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, received jobs and shelter in Saudi Arabia. By the end of the 1960s, two trends of Islamic fundamentalism were actively developing in the Kingdom: al-Sahva al-Islamiyya and al-Jamaa al-Salafiyya al-Muhtasiba. The first was a relatively moderate current, advocating for political reform under the auspices of royal authority. It had many supporters and quickly became the mainstream of Islamic fundamentalist thought and practice. The second movement, on the contrary, chose the path of rapid radicalization in the 1970s, culminating in the tragic events of 1979 in Mecca. The war in Afghanistan and the deployment of a large multinational force in Saudi Arabia to liberate Kuwait have become the new factors in the radicalization of the members of Saudi Islamic fundamentalist groups and movements.

PEMBAHARUAN HUKUM ISLAM DI MESIR DAN SUDAN: STUDI KOMPARASI

This paper discusses how the renewal of Islamic law occurred in Egypt and Sudan. This study uses a qualitative research method with a normative approach. The data source used in this study is a secondary data source, because it only examines the literature or literature. From the results of this study, it can be understood that the role of the countries of Egypt and Sudan in fighting for qanunization (taqnin) and the formalization of Islamic law is very large. Even though they have to go through the challenges of Western imperialism and secularism, so that Islamic societies and countries have variations in responding to Western civilization today. The renewal of Islamic law in Egypt and Sudan occurred because of the struggle of Muslims in Egypt and Sudan with the rulers of the Islamic world, between secularism and Islamic law.

Islamic apparel brand personality model

PurposeThe Islamic modest fashion industry is growing rapidly and becoming more competitive within an increasing number of brands available in the market. Based on this reason, both marketers and designers need to create differentiation in their brands. One of the ways to create such differentiation is by establishing a brand personality. Thus, the purpose of this study is to develop a reliable measure of Islamic apparel personality that incorporates the relevant dimensions/traits Muslim females attribute to their apparel.Design/methodology/approachIslamic apparel brand personality model was developed based on the Qur’an verses, hadith (sayings of Prophet Muhammad), traits in Aaker’s and other Islamic brand personality models. Focus groups were used to generate a list of traits. Following this, a survey research method was used to gather data. Then, exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were conducted on a sample of 190 Egyptian Muslim females.FindingsThis study introduces five dimensions of the Islamic apparel brand personality model, namely, simplicity, feminine, modesty, Islamic and righteousness.Practical implicationsThis study contributes to the branding as well as Islamic apparel marketing literature as it is the first Islamic apparel brand personality framework. With the Islamic apparel brand personality model, Islamic apparel designers, producers and marketers can create a strong brand image, use advertising strategies effectively and ultimately attract more potential consumers.Originality/valueThe Islamic apparel brand personality model being the first of its kind is significant for the Islamic apparel industry. It reflects dimensions that are supported by the Quran and hadith and therefore suits the Muslim customer market.

10 Years On: New Contextual Factors in the Study of Islamism

: Although the popular protests that swept across the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 were short-lived, their long-term consequences are still resonating through the region a decade after their outbreak. Islamist movements have been affected in different ways by the drastic change in the political, social and geographical contexts in which they historically operated, highlighting the need for a renewed examination of these changed circumstances. Based on the case study of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, we argue that three key factors need to be accounted for when studying Islamist movements in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings. These are the dimension of exile; the increased role played by women and youth; and the emergence of cross-generational and cross-ideological alliances. The article analyzes these three factors through a comparative study of responses by Muslim Brotherhood and Muslim Sisterhood members to repression across Egypt, Turkey and the UK.

The Religious Identity Perception of the Egyptian Muslim Diaspora in the West: A Case Study of Postgraduate Students

Egyptian Muslim postgraduate students carry their identities, memories, and affiliations with them when moving from an Islamic country to a Western country and face many challenges in re-identifying and representing themselves in their new context of living in the diaspora. This research investigates how postgraduate students living in the Egyptian Muslims Diaspora perceive their religious identity using qualitative methodology, in order to understand the nature of Muslim identity in relation to mobility and space. This study finds that participants perceive their religious identity as an individual characteristic, rather than a social one and previous experiences in the homeland greatly affect their sense of belonging. Participants also express their belonging to a spiritual territory, rather than a spatial one. The sense of estrangement that the participants experience living abroad provide them with a positive perception and appreciation of their own religious identity. Additionally, the participants express the fear of dynamism in their religious identity while living in the diaspora and they emphasize holding on to the fundamentals as their personal identity, while highlighting the decrease in their practice, justified by the absence of their social religious community.

What's Love Got to Do with It? Women, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and Organisational Identity

The article suggests that the gender politics advanced by the young female members of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the family sphere after the 2013 military-led coup challenges the movement's ability to re-emerge from repression based on traditional patriarchal values and principles. A patriarchal division of labour, epitomized in women's position in the family, sustains the Brotherhood in times of repression and in its absence. The research shows that the circumstances of repression against the movement have caused women to reconsider the Brotherhood's patriarchal structures, with potential consequences for the organisation. The article does so by analysing women's articulations of their role in the family and in marriage relationships. Using love as an analytical lens, the article argues that women's demand for love in marriage suggest their desire to commit the Brotherhood to attending women's needs, desires and aspirations.

Religiosity and Egyptian Muslim millennials’ views on offensive advertising

Purpose This paper explores reasons behind Muslim fervour, in response to advertisements that cause them offence – where marketing promotions and brands are seen to contradict or challenge the tenets of their religion (Islam) and culture. Design/methodology/approach The authors investigate Egyptian Muslim Millennials’ perceptions post 2011 Egyptian Arab Spring revolution qualitatively – through a series of iterative focus groups, diaries, and laddered coding procedures. Findings In contrast to the way in which media stories regularly highlight this phenomenon locally, internationally, and inside and outside of the Muslim world, we find that the landscape is more cultural, contextual, dynamic, politicised, and subtle. In addition, religiosity may not in fact be the determining factor and its presence is much more nuanced. The socially mobile, educated, and digitally connected Egyptian Muslim millennial demographic, that grabbed headlines during the Arab Spring for their influence, were found in this study to describe offence as being annoying or provocative advertisements where the message, theme or execution disregards their intelligence. Furthermore, parents, access to basic utilities, and having a stable living environment command a greater influence than religiosity for them. Finally, an environmental paradox exists, where restricted living conditions juxtaposed in parallel with escapism offered by social-media consumption, leads millennials towards being more accepting of advertising that could be classified as offensive. Practical implications This study is of value for researchers, educators, and professionals in the fields of advertising, marketing communications, consumer behaviour, and sociology. Social implications The observations raise questions concerning how the media reports stories, or advertisers conduct their campaigns – as to whether they are representative, motivated by sociopolitics or propaganda, an intended tactic, highlight unintended poor execution, ambivalence, or part of a wider phenomenon. Originality/value The authors present a new dual-process personality/religiosity conceptual model – designed to explain the stepwise process of Muslim opinion-forming, behaviour, and consumption of advertisements. Furthermore, we illustrate this with a supporting allegory the authors call a “Narnia paradigm”, drawing from C.S. Lewis’s fictional story “The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe”.

Introduction to the Special Issue: “Assessing the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood after the 2013 Coup: Tracing Trajectories of Continuity and Change”

Introduction to the Special Issue: “Assessing the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood after the 2013 Coup: Tracing Trajectories of Continuity and Change”

Women and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood post-2013: Calls for Gender Reforms and Pluralism

Abstract The Muslim Brotherhood’s brief period of governance in Egypt, followed by its 2013 ousting from, power heightened the movement’s pre-existing internal divisions, causing members to question the tenets upon which the organization was established and ran. Since then, a growing body of literature has investigated the Brotherhood members’ call for internal reforms, but this rests largely on the views of its male members. In order to fill this gap, this article explores how the Muslim Sisterhood, an important but often overlooked Brotherhood constituency, envisages the movement changing in the aftermath of 2013. Findings based on interviews with Muslim Sisterhood members suggest that the central issues over which women envisage change within the movement include the Sisterhood’s desire for greater pluralism, the possibility to express women’s diverse identities, and the ability to pursue personal ambitions.