China seems to have entered into a new global leadership phase of economic diplomacy where its actors increasingly resort to new resources, tools and strategies serving well-defined national interests, such as the Made in China 2025 initiative, the Dual Circulation Strategy (DCS) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This has intensified the interrelated challenges to the EU's economic security, industrial competitiveness and strategic autonomy, contributing to increasing supply chain vulnerabilities and dependencies. This increased economic challenge resulted in more assertive multi-layered EU-level policy approach, characterized by the de-risking strategy with four complementary policy goals. We used deductive coding of meticulously selected leadership speeches by Chinese top policymakers between 2013 and 2022 to assess whether this shift in EU-China economic diplomacy relations had an impact on the key narratives within the official Chinese high-level policy statements. The coding focuses on the significant and meaningful representation of the EU by China and vice versa, and on particular positive or negative descriptions of the EU by China and vice versa. Our main findings entail that, despite the more grounded EU approach towards China, no significant alterations are apparent in Chinese leadership discourse which remains at a pragmatic level focused on mutual benefits as long as economic engagement affairs are not interlinked with Chinese governance or territorial issues. These findings suggest that China needs the EU as a reliable economic partner amid the growing geostrategic tensions towards the US or Japan, which provides the EU with a strategic room for manoeuvre towards open strategic autonomy. Such autonomy could be strengthened by re-negotiating core aspects of economic links with China, such as the relocation of more productive facilities of Chinese green technologies to Europe or pushing for a more open attitude from China towards European investments in critical economic sectors.

Deteriorating Sino-German relations have alerted German policymakers to the substantial security risks associated with asymmetric economic dependencies. “De-risking” (also known as China + 1) has since become the German response to mitigate vulnerabilities. At the core of this strategy is a diversification of political and economic partners. German government documents and official rhetoric designate the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and some of the grouping’s member countries as particularly appropriate “de-risking” partners, characterizing them as “natural partners” and occasionally even “value partners.” This implies that German policymakers see normative overlaps with ASEAN member countries. This article examines the extent to which such normative overlaps exist. With role theory as an analytical framework, it compares German and ASEAN countries’ foreign policy role conceptions. While at first sight, there are indeed normative matches, a closer examination reveals major differences. We argue and show that these differences limit a sustainable deepening and intensification of Germany’s relations with Southeast Asian countries, which also reduces the latter’s significance for Berlin’s “de-risking” policies. Thus, if it tones down its normative zeal, the best that Germany can achieve is a relationship based on pragmatic realpolitik in policy fields with mutual interests.

ABSTRACT This article explores the complex interactions between Chinese suppliers and African traders in China, who form economic partnerships by negotiating their cultural perceptions of each other. The study is based on ethnographic research conducted in Yiwu, a major trading hub in China that attracts a significant number of African traders. It highlights how cross-cultural trading alters the local market's cultural foundation towards a hybrid form. Furthermore, African traders in China use cultural learning and adaptation to bridge the gap between Chinese suppliers and African consumers, acting as both economic intermediaries and cultural brokers. These traders navigate stereotypes, negotiate credit relationships, and establish strong ties with suppliers to secure beneficial deals. Their success relies not only on economic strategies but also on their cultural skills in the migration process to change perceptions on both sides of the transaction. This research extends beyond the network approach to examine how migrant entrepreneurship can be shaped by acquired symbolic and linguistic capital in negotiating unequal cross-group relationships in the global market.

ABSTRACT International Expositions or so-called ‘World’s Fairs’ have for over 150 years served as the most prominent stage in which nations have represented themselves at the world’s largest gatherings. Osaka is unique in having hosted two such events: once in 1970 and again in 2025, providing Australia with two unique platforms to reach millions of Japanese citizens through its presentations in their national pavilion. Over this 55-year period, how Australia has presented itself to a Japanese audience has changed significantly, from the projection of a modern, advanced, surf-loving White Australia in 1970, to a nation that recognizes and learns from 65,000 years of Indigenous culture and knowledge systems. These shifts run alongside the changing dynamic of Australia-Japan relations, moving from economic partnerships to a closer alliance and mutual friendship and the deepening of cross-cultural understandings. This article critically examines how Australia’s self-representation at these two expos has shifted over time and what the form and content of Australia’s country pavilions have offered the Japanese spectator/participant. This study also investigates how these shifts reflect Australia’s increasing desire to position itself in Asia as a reliable partner with Japan, rather than as a Western, colonial outlier nation floating in the Pacific.

Purpose: This study examined the changes and structural characteristics of the inter-Korean industrial dependence relationship over a 14-year period, from 2010 to 2023. Specifically, it compared the period before and after the intensification of the US-China trade dispute in 2018 to examine the impact of the US-China conflict on the inter-Korean dependence structure. Research design, data, and methodology: This As previously mentioned, this study analyzes the impact of the US-China trade dispute on industrial dependence between Korea and Japan, distinguishing between the pre- and post-war periods. It estimates backward linkage effects, reflecting changes in production technology, for 12 manufacturing-focused industries in Korea and Japan, examining interdependence and the resulting production spillover effects. Backward linkage effects between countries are calculated based on input coefficients and the Leontief inverse matrix. The backward linkage effect between two countries is defined as the influence of a country’s industrial production on the other country’s industrial production, or as an indicator of the degree of dependence on the other country. The higher the index for the other country, the higher the relative dependence is interpreted. The statistical data used are the Asian Development Bank’s (ADB) Multi-Regional Input-Output Tables (MRIO), covering the period from 2010 to 2023. Results: Since 2018, there has been a significant shift in the inter-Korean industrial dependence between the two countries. From 2010 to 2017, Korea’s dependence on Japan increased, while Japan’s dependence on Korea declined. However, since 2018, this interdependence has been cyclical, rising and falling, and by 2023, it has been showing a significant deepening trend. Of course, the trade friction between Korea and Japan in 2019 and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 cannot be ruled out. However, the fact that the interdependence between Korea and Japan significantly weakened in 2018 and has deepened again since bottoming out in 2022 suggests that the prolonged US-China trade dispute is having some effect. Furthermore, the strengthening of the South Korean and Japanese governments’ alliance with the US and changes in their policies toward China are also playing a role. Implications: The protracted US-China trade dispute has presented a dual dilemma for both South Korea and Japan: strengthening the alliance with the US and improving trade relations with China. The weakening interdependence between South Korea and Japan since 2018 demonstrates this. The US, China, and Japan are crucial economic partners for South Korea and essential collaborators in stabilizing supply chains. Therefore, South Korea must maintain its close interdependence with both China and Japan, while developing strategic policies that counter US protectionism.

This article presents an in-depth analysis of the principles of Islamic jurisprudence (Fiqh) concerning international trade and diplomacy with non-Muslim nations, and explores their practical lessons for contemporary global relations. Islamic Fiqh has, since the classical period, established comprehensive guidelines for interactions between states, nations, and individuals, aimed at maintaining peace, justice, economic cooperation, and human welfare. According to Islamic jurisprudence, adherence to treaties, fulfillment of covenants, and honest dealings with non-Muslim states are both a legal and ethical obligation.The study introduces and analyzes the classical Fiqhi concepts of Dar al-Islam, Dar al-Harb, and Dar al-Ahd, highlighting how classical Fiqh prioritized peace, protection, and human rights in international relations. It also examines the violation of treaties (Niqd al-Ahd), demonstrating that respecting agreements is not only a legal requirement but also a Shari‘ah-mandated duty.Regarding economic relations, the article investigates Fiqhi principles for trade, investment, and joint ventures with non-Muslim states. Islamic jurisprudence emphasizes justice, honesty, transparency, avoidance of Riba (usury), and mutual benefit as essential in economic cooperation. These principles align with contemporary Shariah-compliant finance, fair trade, and international economic partnerships, providing ethical and practical guidance for the global financial system. The article further examines the applicability of Islamic jurisprudence in modern global relations, including nation-states, international law, and diplomacy. The adaptability of Fiqh through Ijtihad allows it to harmonize with the legal frameworks of modern nation-states and the principles of international treaties, thereby ensuring that peace, justice, and mutual benefit are upheld on a global scale. Additionally, Islamic Fiqh regards diplomacy as a moral and Shari‘ah-sanctioned duty aimed at resolving conflicts peacefully, mediating disputes, and negotiating settlements.The main objective of this study is to demonstrate that classical Fiqhi principles and the contemporary global system are not contradictory but complementary. Islamic jurisprudence not only provides ethical and practical guidance for international relations, trade, and diplomacy but also offers actionable principles for addressing modern global challenges such as economic crises, treaty violations, and the maintenance of international peace.

The persistent trade surplus in Sino–Brazilian commercial relations highlights the strategic importance of accessing China’s Greater Bay Area (GBA), as Guangdong Province alone accounts for approximately 28% of bilateral trade. Maintaining this favourable balance requires a deeper understanding of the GBA’s economic rationale within the frameworks of regional innovation systems and global production networks, particularly in the context of South–South cooperation. This study employs documentary analysis of existing academic literature, complemented by an examination of spatial infrastructural organisation, policy innovations, and national development plans, alongside the authors’ professional experience. The research objective is to identify enabling conditions for Brazil’s effective commercial engagement with the GBA, considering its role as a dynamic hub for technological development and international trade. Findings aim to inform strategies that strengthen Brazil’s integration into emerging Asian markets while fostering mutually beneficial economic partnerships.

This study examines the concept of musyarakah as one of the fundamental partnership-based contracts in Islamic finance by integrating theological, jurisprudential, and empirical perspectives. The research explores normative foundations from the Qur’an, authentic hadith, and classical fiqh, and critically analyzes their implementation in the modern Islamic financial industry. Using a qualitative normative-empirical approach, the study synthesizes classical tafsir, major fiqh school positions, contemporary regulatory frameworks (DSN-MUI Fatwa, PSAK 106, AAOIFI standards), and statistical industry reports. The findings demonstrate that the Qur’an provides strong recognition of joint ownership, justice, and protection of rights in economic partnerships, while hadith emphasizes honesty, trustworthiness, and the prohibition of gharar. However, empirical evidence shows that musyarakah financing remains limited in Islamic banking portfolios due to risk concerns, information asymmetry, moral hazard issues, and high monitoring costs. This creates a noticeable gap between the ideal risk-sharing philosophy of Sharia and risk-transfer tendencies in practice. The study concludes that while musyarakah has a strong theological and legal basis, its modern implementation still requires conceptual and institutional reconstruction to align with maqasid al-shariah.

This article examines the contemporary dynamic of India’s engagements with the Russia, the United States, and China. The article argues that, as part of rising India’s major-power engagements, its interactions with these three “superpowers” have evolved from conventional compartmentalised bilateralism into an increasingly interconnected strategic ecosystem shaped by defence-industrial linkages, geo-economic networks, and the diplomatic logic of rivalrous multipolarity. India’s policy towards these “superpowers” now operates through overlapping patterns of cooperation, competition, and managed interdependence crafted as multi-alignment. The article demonstrates how India’s strategic hedging and networked strategic autonomy — expressed through diversified defence, energy and economic partnerships, embedded into multilateralism — undergird its evolving and asymmetric equilibria in its functional engagements with Russia, the United States and China. It concludes that given validity of global structural drifts, India’s continued rise towards Viksit Bharat (developed India) depends on its ability to institutionalise such interconnected gains without eroding its strategic autonomy at the core.

Purpose Africa's exports to the EU markets have been plummeting, which in part has been attributed to the applied technical measures that impact Africa's sustainable economic development. However, the trade measures have stimulated the EU food export base to Africa. The intensiveness and extensiveness of the EU technical measures have a double-edged impact on Africa's food system competitiveness. Thus, this study investigates Africa's cocoa, coffee and vegetable export effects of the EU technical measures. Design/methodology/approach The empirical strategy adopts an augmented gravity model derived from Melitz's firm heterogeneous framework that measures the extent to which the exporting trade costs, such as the technical measures, affect the heterogeneous exporting firms' market access. Findings The findings suggest contrary outputs to the dominant contextual perspective that the EU trade policies adversely impact Africa's agri-food trade competitiveness. This study proposes extensive investments in food system-related quality infrastructure and improved development finance to propel the sustainable transformation of the food system. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to technical measures of the agri-food trade. Further studies could evaluate other trade policy measures. Originality/value This article contributes to the frontier of knowledge with the extension and update to the study that has investigated these selected agri-food effects of the EU food safety regulations by exploring the combined effects of sanitary and phytosanitary measures and the technical barriers to trade. It also utilises the unexplored technical measures data in an augmented gravity model derived from the Melitz theoretical framework. Moreover, this study departs from the previous country-specific studies by exploring panel data and updating the technical measures dataset for a combined 37 African countries that export vegetables, coffee and cocoa to the EU.

Many countries around the world use economic diplomacy to exert their influence. Kenya is a major economy in Africa ranking currently among the biggest economies in East Africa Community. While many studies explore Kenya’s economic growth, few interrogate its efficiency as a tool for economic diplomacy in the EA. This study examined how regional trade stratagems influence Kenya’s diplomatic engagements within the EAC paradigm. The objective of this study was to investigate how regional trade stratagems influence Kenya’s diplomatic engagements within the EAC framework the literature was reviewed thematically guided by Interdependence theory and reinforced by Neoliberal theory. This study used a descriptive research design and its target population included Kenya’s Ministry of Trade and Industrialization. The study used purposive, stratified and random sampling methods to sample its respondents. Quantitative data was collected using questionnaires and coded using SPSS and analyzed using descriptive statistics (frequencies and percentages) and presented in tables. Qualitative data was collected by interviewing Key Informants (KIIs), analyzed using content and thematic analysis and presented in narrative and verbatim format. The study found that trade policies (b=0.245, p<0.001), economic partnerships (b=0.278, p<0.001), and strategic approaches (b=0.289, p<0.001) played a significant role in promoting Kenya in the EAC, whereas the persistent challenges (b=0.236, p=0.001) like tariffs and logistical barriers acted as a limit to progress. The study concludes that Kenya has its regional influence based on good policy alignment, economic integration, and strategic partnerships. The research recommends the harmonization of trade frameworks, investing in regional infrastructure and digital diplomacy as methods to enhance Kenya economic diplomacy in the EAC paradigm.

This article explores how Bangladesh navigates its foreign policy and security interests within an increasingly contested maritime space shaped by the rivalries of China, India, the United States (US) and other regional actors. Amid the strengthening of planned competition in the Indo-Pacific, the Bay of Bengal is now acting as a critical geopolitical arena because Bangladesh sits at that intersection of regional and also global power dynamics. The study examines all of Bangladesh’s efforts towards balancing economic partnerships with calculated autonomy for regional cooperation. Geopolitical analysis and policy review inform its actions amid infrastructure diplomacy, military posturing, and shifting alliances. National sovereignty and maritime security with sustainable development are implications highlighted in this article. It claims that Bangladesh’s geopolitical trouble comes not just from location, but also from Indo-Pacific political shifts where smaller nations should use careful tact to protect their own goals.

South Asia remains one of the most geopolitically complex and economically diverse regions in the world, marked by persistent security threats and economic disparities. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established to foster regional integration, economic cooperation, and conflict resolution among its member states. However, political tensions, territorial disputes, and unresolved historical conflicts have hindered SAARC's effectiveness in achieving its core objectives. This study examines the role of SAARC in addressing regional security challenges and promoting economic integration as a means of conflict resolution. It explores the impact of inter-state rivalries, cross-border terrorism, and military confrontations on regional stability while assessing the organization's efforts in facilitating diplomatic dialogue and economic partnerships. Additionally, the study evaluates the limitations of SAARC in mitigating conflicts, including structural weaknesses, lack of enforcement mechanisms, and political differences among member states. The research highlights how economic interdependence can help build peace through trade agreements, connectivity, and security cooperation initiatives. By looking policy frameworks, and economic policies, this research outlines how to enhance SAARC’s capacity to promote and nurture regional security and economic partnership. This paper examines SAARC’s maintenance of economic and security relationships and South Asia’s geography conflict resolution advocacy. The author considers and evaluates the extent to which political friction may be lessened and synergy be attained through dialogue, cooperation, and mechanisms of institutions. The research findings affirm that the political will and the economic integration advance the institutional changes needed for SAARC to work optimally as conflict resolution body in South Asia.

This study analyzes how the “Security with the U.S., Economy with China” frame is reproduced in actual broadcast news. Using big data on China-related political and economic news aired between 2012 and 2023 by South Korea’s major broadcasters, this study conducted network analyses of news sources and keywords. The results reveal that South Korean media coverage in China exhibits a dual perceptual structure, starkly separated across the political and economic domains. Political reporting relied on limited official channels, and security conflicts dominated. Economic reporting draws on diverse sources and focuses on market- and industry-specific keywords. A distinct “Economy with China” frame emerged, recognizing China as an “irreplaceable partner” and a key structural variable for the South Korean economy. The study empirically demonstrated that South Korean broadcasters reproduce structural contradictions by defining China as a security threat and an economic partner.

The article examines the development of trade relations between the United States and China from 1949 to 2025. A key milestone was China’s entry into the WTO in 2001, after which trade volumes increased dramatically. However, restrictions on Chinese invest ment and exports began under the administration of Barack Obama. A sharp escalation occurred during the first presidential term of Donald Trump when large scale duties were imposed on Chinese goods. In 2025, the «second trade war» began, accompanied by new tariffs and China’s retaliatory measures. Special attention is paid to technological confrontation, including restrictions on the export of high tech products, struggle for control over rare earth metals, and the transformation of China’s image from an economic partner to a strategic adversary of the United States.

ABSTRACT Landlocked since Eritrea’s secession in 1993, Ethiopia has remained dependent on the port of Djibouti for its foreign trade. Recently, Ethiopia has renewed its diplomatic efforts to diversify sea access routes and regional port infrastructure, which are part of its broader sea access ambitions. This article examines Ethiopia’s strategic ambition to secure access to the sea, contextualizing the economic and national security motivations behind this long-standing objective. The article employed qualitative research methodology, drawing on primary and secondary sources. Ethiopia’s pursuit of Sea access is essential for its economic growth, national resilience, and regional influence. Dependence on other countries’ ports exposes strategic vulnerabilities, prompting efforts to have access to the sea. However, efforts to gain access to the sea should not pose a threat to neighboring countries, which would heighten tensions with them. To succeed, Ethiopia must adopt a cooperative and legally grounded approach rooted in international norms such as UNCLOS and guided by regional mechanisms like the AU and IGAD. Access to the sea agreements should be framed as mutually beneficial economic partnerships to reduce regional suspicion. A balanced, inclusive strategy can transform sea access into a force for regional integration.

The Iran-Israel conflict has caused a major geopolitical shift in Middle Eastern politics, particularly in the context of global powers that are keen to exploit the situation in their own favor. China’s role in the Middle East has also changed after the Iran and Israel backlash, as its prime goal and foremost objective is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), for the realization of which Beijing is to play the role of mediator and economic partner. This research conducts qualitative content analyses of secondary data from to 2020-2025 to compare China’s approach with those of its competitors in the Middle East. China’s realignment policy requires it to expand its diplomatic, economic, and strategic influences. China, as a selectively neutral and economically vibrant country, is playing its part in the regional peace-building process and is benefiting from the easy flow of energy and trading routes. It does not adhere to the conventional Western model of interaction based on ideological convergence but is more adamant about economic collaboration. Iran is an emerging strategic partner, and it is the second-largest trading partner of China; however, it also involves the risks of American sanctions, and the pro-sovereignty stance is eroding Israel’s political trust. The current study delves into the debate of hegemonic powers that balance themselves in finer struggles over regional conflicts alongside the promotion of strategic interests in a multipolar order of world politics. This is indeed a fresh contribution to modern research on the Middle East, as it does not focus on the war alone but on the Chinese realignment policy that tries to gain influence through a more robust economic way. This study attempts to answer the broader question of How China’s realignment policy is helping it gain influence in the Middle East in the presence of its Western competitors, particularly the US after the Iran-Israel conflict.

This research examines the strategic dilemmas facing Georgia in its deepening cooperation with China within the context of global power competition and Western security architecture integration. As China's Belt and Road Initiative expands into the South Caucasus, small states like Georgia face a critical challenge: how to leverage economic opportunities from the East while maintaining security guarantees from the West. The study analyzes whether a balanced and institutionally strengthened strategic model of Georgia-China cooperation can simultaneously enhance economic benefits and ensure compatibility with Western security structures. The research employs neorealist theoretical frameworks, particularly focusing on hedging strategies and multi-vector foreign policy approaches suitable for small states operating between competing great powers. Through comparative analysis of Vietnam, South Korea, and Estonia—countries that have successfully balanced economic engagement with China while maintaining Western security orientations—the study identifies key principles for managing asymmetric relationships without falling into structural dependence. The analysis reveals three critical dimensions of Georgia-China relations: economic cooperation, which offers trade and infrastructure benefits but carries risks of debt dependency and political leverage; technological engagement, particularly concerning 5G infrastructure and cybersecurity, where Chinese involvement raises sovereignty and data security concerns incompatible with NATO and EU standards; and geopolitical implications, where deepening ties with Beijing could be perceived as strategic drift by Western partners upon whom Georgia depends for security guarantees against Russian aggression. The research demonstrates that economic cooperation with China becomes beneficial only under conditions of robust institutional oversight, transparent governance, competitive procurement processes, and clear strategic boundaries that prevent economic ties from transforming into political influence channels. The study emphasizes that technological integration with Chinese companies operating under state control poses critical risks to Georgia's information sovereignty and long-term compatibility with Western security systems. Furthermore, analysis confirms that China cannot serve as a security counterweight to Russia in the South Caucasus, making Western security architecture indispensable for Georgia's territorial integrity and sovereignty. The main conclusion supports the hypothesis that a balanced and institutionally strengthened strategic model—characterized by transparent governance, multi-vector partnerships, and clear "red lines" in sensitive sectors—can enable Georgia to derive economic benefits from China while preserving strategic autonomy and Western security alignment. However, this requires Georgia to implement strict institutional controls, particularly in critical infrastructure and technology sectors; maintain full synchronization with EU and NATO security standards; and adopt a hedging strategy that diversifies economic partnerships without compromising core security priorities. The study recommends that Georgia: (1) institutionally separate economic cooperation with China from security policy, which must remain firmly anchored in Western architecture; (2) strengthen transparency and oversight mechanisms for all Chinese investment and infrastructure projects; (3) align technological policy fully with EU and US security standards, especially regarding 5G and critical infrastructure; and (4) deepen coordination with Western partners to ensure foreign policy positioning does not create strategic ambiguity. The research concludes that for small states in competitive geopolitical environments, survival depends not on choosing between great powers but on maintaining strategic autonomy through carefully calibrated balance—securing economic development opportunities while preserving sovereignty and security guarantees from reliable partners.

Online romance fraud (ORF) is a complex form of cyber-enabled fraud, characterised by manipulative techniques and dynamics akin to those observed in domestic violence, coercive control, and intimate partner violence. In ORF, fraudsters employ persuasive strategies to build trust and establish fictitious relationships, subsequently exploiting victims financially and emotionally. This article examines ORF and identifies enabling factors, including risk and protective factors, that contribute to ORF. The analysis draws on findings from scholarly and grey literature and is guided by the social-ecological framework (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1986; Stokols, 1996, 2018) and routine activity theory (Cohen & Felson, 1979), both of which inform holistic crime prevention. The analysis highlights the multifaceted enabling factors and dynamics that influence ORF susceptibility and victimisation, particularly in the Nordic and Norwegian contexts. This article offers a holistic framework to address ORF and enhance crime-prevention strategies, conceptualising the phenomenon as a hybrid of cyber-enabled fraud and emotional and economic partner violence, thereby informing future research and practice.

ABSTRACT This study investigates strategic options for South Korea’s petrochemical industry in response to China’s increasing self-sufficiency in ethylene and polyethylene production. Utilizing a system dynamics model, the research simulates scenarios based on historical data (2010–2021) to evaluate the economic impacts of two strategies: margin defense and volume defense. Key findings reveal that as China’s production capacity expands, South Korea faces declining profit margins across both strategies. However, the volume defense strategy, which emphasizes maintaining production levels and targeting alternative export markets, proves more profitable than margin defense under scenarios of both 100% and 200% Chinese self-sufficiency targets. The study highlights the need for South Korea to adopt long-term structural adjustments, including transitioning toward high value-added products and expanding economic partnerships within ASEAN regions. The research advances understanding how fringe producers in globally traded commodity markets can respond to dominant players’ overcapacity rather than directly emulating their strategies.