ABSTRACT This paper proposes re-reading Tawney’s The Acquisitive Society as a contribution to economic philosophy that contains important arguments on topics such as markets, workplace democracy, and the ‘greening’ of economic institutions. Central to Tawney’s account is his notion of ‘social functions’ towards which economic activity should be oriented, away from an unconditional understanding of property rights and especially “functionless property”. A ‘functional society’, Tawney argues, would create opportunities for meaningful work and social recognition for all workers. To organize work around the fulfilment of social functions, he recommends governance structures in which both workers and other stakeholders, e.g. customers, have a voice, and in which transparency and public oversight are key. From a contemporary perspective, Tawney’s account may require some updates, for example, with regard to the democratic determination of ‘social functions’ in a pluralistic society. Such updates, however, are possible, and make Tawney an interesting interlocutor for those trying to rethink our economic system in the face of the current social and ecological crises, especially in three respects: the discussion about the ‘asset economy’, the debate over ‘green growth’ versus ‘post growth’, and the call for a greater reflexivity of institutions.

The Just City is a concept of justice that has gained traction in both planning theory and practice. Despite its popularity, the definition of alternative conceptions, the tradeoffs between them, and thinking them through systematically towards policy measures, has received less attention. The goal of this paper is to provide a framework that helps to inform academic and policy discussions about planning for urban justice. In doing so, it draws on political and economic philosophy. Four different ideal types of The Just City, based on four different philosophies, are being identified and compared: The Happy City (utilitarianist), The Equal City (egalitarian), The Supportive City (sufficientarian), and The Free City (liberal). The paper shows that each of these translates into different planning policies. Moreover, although each of them might appear sympathetic and desirable, at least at first glance, they do not all go well together or are even incompatible. Being precise and making choices about what urban (in)justice entails is necessary for effective and legitimate policy-making, especially in the long run.

This study examines 21st century social workers' working conditions through the lens of neoliberalism, a political and economic ideology that has profoundly shaped the delivery of social services in the United States. This study explores the working conditions, professional discretion, and resistance to neoliberal managerialism of direct line workers. A statewide survey was sent out to all licensed social workers in Minnesota, and 2,329 direct line social workers responded. Results show that social workers most feel the managerialist pressures of productivity and efficiency and standardization of practice, and to a lesser extent the pressures of incentives and sanctions as well as monitoring of their work. Full-time social workers are working an average of four unpaid hours per week. Professional discretion was also limited, especially related to macro, political, economic, and social areas of practice. While social workers are mostly resisting through talking among themselves and managers, almost half have organized in some way to address practice issues. Public employees were much more likely to be unionized than private-sector employees, but those not in unions showed great interest in joining. Further suggested research includes assessing the effects of managerialism on clients and how social work supervisors and executive directors experience and navigate managerialism.

This research creates a network of "Smart SEP Farmers" on the digital platform SEPAction to elevate the Sufficiency Economy Philosophy (SEP) of target farmers from the level of “Action” to “Attain” to “Achieved.” 312 farmers in 9 provinces in the northern region of Thailand have joined this project. A farmer can evaluate themselves to see their weakness, so they can plan to improve themselves following the Farmer’s Success Level guild provided to make an effective farmers community. After using this application, we found that the target farmers potential are increased by 31.29% which come from 169 farmers can improving from a qualify farmer to the farmer in the Act level who know how to make a successful work in their careers, together with 118 farmers who can improving from Act level to Attain level know what is good or bad along their career path to meet self sufficiency, and together with 4 farmers who can improving from Attain level to Achieved level who can improve their product by themselves. More than that, we found that the farmers reduced agricultural expenses by 21.44% and can reduce debts up to 19.74%. We also showed the evidence to improve well-being and solve poverty among farmers genuinely. Results discussion, cooperation guidelines among the government sector, academic agencies, and farmers, and future improvement strategies are also stated to make sustainable smart farming.

This study advocates for embedding economic philosophy into Sierra Leone’s educational framework, uniting technical economic expertise with critical thinking and ethical reflection to address complex socio-economic challenges. Adopting a conceptual analysis approach, it examines the discipline’s relevance in the national development context and proposes a structured framework for integration, including educator training, curriculum design, and evaluation mechanisms. While recognising barriers such as resource constraints and institutional resistance, it recommends phased implementation with active stakeholder engagement. The anticipated outcome is a generation of economists proficient in theory, skilled in ethical evaluation, and capable of fostering inclusive, resilient, and sustainable development.

This paper explores David Graeber’s transformative contributions to economic anthropology theories and their implications for contemporary economic philosophy. Graeber's work represents a fundamental challenge to neoclassical economic frameworks through his comprehensive critique of conventional narratives about debt, value, and work. Drawing on his ethnographic research and theoretical insights, this analysis demonstrates how Graeber’s “anthropology of human possibilities” reframes economic activities as embedded within complex social relationships and cultural contexts, rather than isolated rational transactions. By examining Graeber’s key works, including “Debt: The First 5,000 Years”, “Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value”, and “Bullshit Jobs”, this paper argues that his scholarship offers crucial methodological and theoretical tools for reimagining economic systems that better reflect the diversity of human experience and social organization. The paper concludes that Graeber's theory of economic anthropology provides a foundation for developing more nuanced, socially embedded approaches to understanding economic behavior, challenging us to envision economic arrangements that better reflect human needs, values, and capacities.

The disclosure of anti-fraud policies by non-financial companies in Indonesia is still voluntary, unlike that of financial and banking companies that which are required to make such disclosures. In the context of voluntary disclosure of anti-fraud policies, rational choice theory assumes that companies will make disclosure if the benefits are perceived to outweigh the risks. However, in reality, non-economic motives additionally take a role in decisions pertaining to this disclosure, in addition to rational ones. This research criticizes the rational choice theory by exploring whether voluntary disclosure decisions by non-financial companies are genuinely rational or influenced by significant non-economic factors such as moral, cultural, and corporate image. This research provides a new perspective for non-financial companies in Indonesia to consider non-economic factors in decision-making regarding the disclosure of anti-fraud policies and to develop views in the philosophy of economics on the importance of social and moral factors in economic decision-making about transparency and accountability. This study concerns the economic rationality assumption in the voluntary disclosure of anti-fraud measures by non-financial enterprises in Indonesia, emphasizing the importance of social and organizational culture elements. The findings indicate that a purely rational approach may not always be effective, underlining the importance of integrating ethical ideals and economic philosophy to promote transparency motivated by moral principles rather than financial gain.

ABSTRACT Existing scholarship on US professors' political views focuses overwhelmingly on their attitudes toward social and cultural issues rather than economic ones. This study explores American academics' perspectives on redistributive economic policy by analyzing Federal Elections Commission data from the 2019–2020 Democratic Party presidential primary, which include records of campaign contributions from 83,334 faculty and more than 6.5 million non‐faculty. Given the unprecedented diversity of economic ideology among the 2019–2020 Democratic presidential primary candidates and the fact that an overwhelming majority of professors in the US support Democrats, these data are uniquely useful in gauging the extent of academics' support for government efforts to downwardly redistribute income and wealth. Moreover, since contributions measure actual political behavior, they offer a more reliable proxy for policy preferences than self‐reported survey data. The donations reveal that, in general, professors gravitate more readily than the rest of the population toward candidates who aggressively support downward redistribution. This dynamic, however, derives entirely from academics' disproportionate support for technocratically minded candidates like Elizabeth Warren. In fact, professors are significantly less likely than those in other occupations to give to self‐described “socialist” politicians, such as Bernie Sanders, who propose achieving redistributionist objectives by way of popular mass movements.

Fantasy realms are often sites of economic prosperity. Magic cultivates abundance by severing the explicit relationship between labour and capital, imbuing these fictional spaces with a disruptive potential that can be used to critique existing economic orders. This paper examines how economic worldbuilding in young adult fantasy texts enables the conscientisation of young readers. Guided by Paulo Freire’s concept of conscientização or critical consciousness, a comparative analysis of the Harry Potter (Rowling 1997-2007) and Scholomance (Novik 2020-2022) series exposes how magical economies can replicate or disrupt inequality. This article argues that, as the cost-of-living crisis continues and global financial systems become increasingly uncertain, it is pertinent to understand how young people are discouraged or empowered to critique economic ideologies in fictional spaces.

ABSTRACT This article surveys research assessing and critiquing the doctrine of neoliberalism. I identify two defining characteristics of neoliberalism, its approach to competition and the state, and argue that what is often seen as a fundamental contradiction – the necessity of a strong state to protect the market – is in fact a reflection of the context in which neoliberalism developed. A discussion of some key applications of neoliberalism covers the role of central banks, the European project, transition, democracy, and Western civilization. I also identify an important limitation in the existing literature, namely a tendency for conspiracy theories to be employed to explain various aspects of neoliberalism’s intellectual origins and contemporary functioning. By challenging some of the weaker arguments made in this field, this article intends to contribute to a more analytically robust treatment of the political and economic philosophy known as neoliberalism.

The article explores key value priorities of economic development that play a critical role in Ukraine’s recovery. Particular attention is given to human dignity as a fundamental value essential for the sustainable development of democratic countries. The importance of human life and health is emphasized as a foundation for personal growth, happiness, and realization of individual potential, as well as a major post-war economic policy objective. Life is an irreplaceable resource, while public health contributes to increased labor productivity, which positively affects the gross domestic product. The role of education is analyzed as a cornerstone of human capital development that fosters responsible citizens with strong moral values. Freedom and creativity are highlighted as driving forces of the future economy, enabling self-expression, innovation, and entrepreneurial growth. Environmental sustainability is examined as an integral value priority of Ukraine’s future economy, requiring rational use of natural resources and the promotion of sustainable development for future generations. It is concluded that the philosophical design of Ukraine’s future economy should be based on the value priorities of human development. This entails a constructive, human-centered approach to economic philosophy, rooted in the values of human dignity, life and health, education and knowledge, social justice, freedom and creativity, environmental sustainability, innovation and scientific progress, intercultural dialogue, and tolerance.

Abstract Scholarship in history and philosophy of economics over the past decades largely affirmed the enduring relevance of Keynes’s concerns over the (in)completeness of theoretical model analyses, the choice of functional form, the homogeneity and measurability of empirical materials, and the use of probabilistic estimation and forecasting methods. In my contribution to this special issue, I will concentrate on Keynes’s initial concerns about the homogeneity and measurability of what Keynes quite consistently referred to as empirical ‘factors’ instead of ‘variables’. My argument is that Keynes’s concerns with econometrics were motivated by a conviction that the building blocks of sound explanations in economics did not consist of statistical data that served to quantify the (causal) variables in an equation, but of the facts and events of history, factors which are of a different order than the statistics and variables of mathematical models. Taking these factors or variables as point of departure in economic theories and explanations entail different ontological commitments, which in Keynes’s review are buried in his juxtaposition of his own ‘logical’ and Tinbergen’s ‘arithmetical’ or statistical mind. We can trace this juxtaposition to Keynes’s assessment of his illustrious predecessors Stanley Jevons and Alfred Marshall. I argue that Keynes shared Marshall’s strategy to base his analysis on the facts and events of history to reconstruct the ‘logic’ of the situation and not, as Jevons did, on the mechanisms allegedly buried in statistical data sets. This strategy sets Keynes apart from contemporaries like Tinbergen, and from the econometric revolution at large. I thus approach Keynes, from a different angle than Marchionatti (2010) and Lawson (1989), as a realist and ‘thinker of complexity’. In conclusion, I will briefly reflect on the enduring relevance of Keynes’s criticism of Tinbergen, and the pertinence of his reliance on the ‘mazes of logic.’

Marxist philosophy, particularly its theory on the mode of production and relations of production, provides a scientific foundation for understanding the laws governing economic dynamics. This article analyzes the core economic principles in Marxist philosophy and their application in constructing Vietnam's socialist-oriented market economy. By examining the compatibility, adjustments, and innovations in applying these doctrines, the article highlights achievements, limitations, and proposes several solutions to further refine Vietnam's unique economic model amid global integration.

A country's economic system actually refers to a unified mechanism and decision-making institutions that implement decisions on economic aspects such as production, consumption, and income distribution. A country's economic system can also be shaped by various complex factors, such as ideology and belief systems, worldviews, geography, politics, socio-culture, and other factors. At the macro level, there are several major schools of thought in the world economy today, including capitalism and Sharia economics. Sharia economics is a superior alternative system because it has a consistent character that does not change over time. Sharia economics is based on the teachings of the Qur'an and Sunnah. The Islamic economy is oriented towards the real sector and is based on profit sharing, unlike the capitalist economic system which is based on usury or interest. The Islamic economy emphasizes not only economic growth but also equity and justice. Meanwhile, the basic concept of the capitalist economic ideology is that fundamental decisions regarding ownership, production, distribution, and consumption can be left to individuals or private parties. The capitalist economic system actually separates religious intervention from various economic and financial activities or transactions. According to Karl Marx, religion is one of the factors that hinders economic growth, monetary stability, and the welfare of society, or an obstacle to economic growth of a nation or country.

This paper explores the influence of cultural hegemony on educational content by examining how global economic narratives are framed in textbooks from Singapore and South Africa. By comparing two distinct educational systems—Singapore's state-controlled, market-driven approach and South Africa's equity-focused, post-apartheid framework—this study investigates the extent to which textbooks perpetuate dominant economic ideologies such as neoliberalism and globalization. Using content analysis, the research identifies recurring themes, discourses, and omissions that shape students’ understanding of global economics. The findings underscore the role of educational materials in reinforcing or challenging socio-economic hierarchies, with implications for pedagogy, curriculum design, and global education reform.

IntroductionFemale labor migration has become an increasingly important livelihood strategy for households in migrant-sending regions, particularly in developing and Muslim-majority contexts. In Indonesia, women’s migration is closely linked to family survival, remittance dependence, and changing gender relations. While existing studies widely acknowledge the economic contribution of female migrant workers, fewer have examined family welfare through an integrated framework that combines gender analysis with Islamic economic philosophy. As a result, ethical, social, and religious dimensions of welfare remain underexplored in migration scholarship.ObjectivesThis study aims to analyze the role of female migrant workers in improving family welfare by integrating Islamic economic philosophy and gender perspectives. Specifically, it seeks to examine changes in household welfare, gender relations, consumption behavior, and religious-ethical practices among migrant families, as well as to assess how these dimensions interact in shaping overall family well-being.MethodThe study employed a qualitative field research design conducted in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Data were collected from 34 informants, including female migrant workers, former migrant workers, and family members, through in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation. An inductive analytical approach was applied using the trilogy of Islamic economic philosophy—anthropological, cosmological, and theological dimensions—to interpret empirical findings. Data analysis followed systematic stages of reduction, display, and verification to ensure credibility and rigor.ResultsThe findings show that female labor migration contributes significantly to household welfare by improving basic and intermediate living conditions, particularly food security, housing, education, and healthcare. However, welfare gains tend to remain limited and do not consistently lead to long-term economic sustainability. Women’s roles as primary income earners enhance their bargaining power within households, although relational tensions persist due to entrenched gender norms. Increased income often alters consumption patterns, sometimes generating ethical tensions with Islamic principles of moderation, while religious commitment plays a key role in fostering moral resilience and family cohesion.ImplicationsThe study highlights the need for migration policies and support programs that integrate economic empowerment with ethical guidance, financial literacy, and family-centered interventions. It also underscores the importance of incorporating spiritual and gender-sensitive dimensions into welfare assessment and migrant protection frameworks.Originality/NoveltyThis research contributes to migration and welfare studies by empirically operationalizing Islamic economic philosophy alongside gender analysis. It offers a multidimensional understanding of family welfare that moves beyond material indicators and enriches scholarly debates on female labor migration in Muslim-majority contexts.

This article examines the possibility of developing coaching programmes to aid sustainable, sufficiency-based innovation for Thai small and medium enterprises (SMEs). This aim is explored by assessing the efficacy of a particular, such training programme: the Por Laew Dee: The Creator Program (in English, ‘Sufficiency is Good: The Creator Program’), using the ninth (2024) cohort of the programme’s unfurling as the main test base for primary data. The idea of seeking not only sustainable but also sufficiency-rooted development has a particular resonance in Thailand because of the launch in 1974 of the late King Bhumibol Sufficiency Economy Philosophy (SEP), where ‘sufficiency’ means balancing reasonable moderation in production against the need for protection from sudden internal and external shocks. SEP follows the Buddhist Middle Path as a guiding principle for all classes of society and government. A curriculum based on the SEP and also deploying various business tools was used to train 19 trainees, who are owners of small and medium-sized businesses, covering a range of business areas. Various hands-on activities, including assignments and projects, were employed with feedback from trainers and creators to enhance participants’ creative capabilities, thereby providing value for both themselves and society. The main conclusion is that the concept of a developmental programme for Thai SMEs aimed at promoting innovations grounded in a philosophical foundation of sustainability and sufficiency lies in its transformative character.

Abstract In this paper, we focus on the semantics and relevance of ideology in economics. Correctly conceived, we argue, ideology is a distinct, irreplaceable category, which should not be identified, for instance, with value judgements. We want to argue that a particular notion of ideology, formulated in Lawson (2012), should be preferred to its alternatives precisely because it does render ideology a distinct and irreplaceable category. Unlike Lawson (2012), though, we present the historical origins of this notion of ideology, the roots of which can be found in Marx and Schumpeter. Moreover, rather than focusing on Lawson’s (2012) main concern—how the persistent misuse of mathematics in economics is to be rationalised—we elaborate on his essential, albeit implicit, contribution: the indispensable role of ontology in distinguishing science and ideology.

This article examines the transformation of economic thought in the Ottoman Empire between the Second Constitutional Era and the end of World War I (1908–1918), focusing on the tension between liberalism and the doctrine of the “National Economy.” The study analyzes how the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) initially adopted liberal economic principles emphasizing free enterprise and individual initiative, but later shifted toward statist and protectionist policies under the influence of nationalist ideology after the Balkan Wars. By comparing the liberal economic views of Mehmed Cavid Bey with the nationalist and solidarist ideas of Ziya Gökalp and Tekin Alp, the article explores the theoretical and practical implications of this paradigm shift. It also discusses the abrogation of the Capitulations, the establishment of national banking institutions, and the emergence of “war profiteers” as reflections of the socio-economic and moral dimensions of this transformation. Ultimately, the CUP era represents the historical foundation of the statist economic philosophy and the quest for national economic independence that would later shape the early Republican period. Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Committee of Union and Progress, Liberalism, National Economy, Mehmed Cavid Bey, Ziya Gökalp, Economic Nationalism.

Bhagat Singh is predominantly remembered as a martyr and revolutionary nationalist, but his writings and ideological evolution reveal a robust and sophisticated economic vision deeply rooted in Marxist and socialist principles. This paper critically examines Bhagat Singh’s economic philosophy, focusing on his conceptualizations of class struggle, labor rights, and opposition to exploitative colonial commerce. Drawing upon his essays, prison writings, and HSRA manifestos, the study explores how Singh viewed imperialism not merely as political domination but as an economic system engineered to drain India’s wealth and suppress its working classes. His advocacy for dismantling feudal structures, ensuring equitable labor conditions, and fostering collective ownership aligns closely with early 20th-century socialist economic thought. Singh’s engagement with global revolutionary movements, especially Soviet Marxism and the writings of Karl Marx and Lenin, further shaped his vision for a post-colonial economy driven by justice, labor dignity, and national self-sufficiency. By situating his philosophy within the broader framework of anti-colonial political economy, this research reveals the ideological sophistication of Singh’s revolution — one that extended beyond slogans and sacrifice to articulate a structured critique of capitalism and imperialism. In doing so, the paper contributes to the emerging scholarship that reevaluates freedom fighters not only as political actors but as theorists of economic justice in the decolonial struggle.