Cold War counterinsurgency campaigns pioneered the practice of forced disappearance during Guatemala's genocidal civil war (1960–1996). It was a systematic practice of violent repression that did not necessarily end with the signing of the 1996 Peace Accords. Today, more than a quarter century later, criminal organizations, drug cartels, and transnational street gangs not only disappear people in the dead of night but also experiment with ever more sophisticated ways of doing so. One recent innovation has been to have people arrested on false charges and then disrupt their legal proceedings to such an extent that they disappear—from society, certainly, but also from the criminal justice system. This article, in response, follows the case of someone held in pretrial detention for 1805 days to assess how and to what effect criminal and state actors weaponize administrative incompetence to subtract people from society.

This research presents a multimodal analysis of 189 infertility GIFs collected from the subreddit r/trollingforababy over a 12-month period. Drawing on symbolic interactionism and Bakhtinian concepts, the analysis examines how users repurpose popular culture imagery to narrate infertility struggles on digital platforms. Three major themes emerged: temporal disjuncture and the symbolic weight of waiting, dialogic resistance and carnivalesque inversion of infertility social scripts, and the grotesque medicalized body and the politics of visibility. Across the three themes, GIFs emerge as symbolic performances that enable users to negotiate stigma, build collective meaning, and resist dominant reproductive ideologies, positioning infertility as not only a medical and social condition but also a communicative site where meaning, identity, and agency are contested.

Abstract. A geographical study was realized, incorporating temporal and spatial elements of the border region, on forced internal displacement (FID) in Chiapas, Mexico. The period analyzed begins in 2010 and ends in 2024, with the recording of forced internal displacement that becomes forced external or international displacement within the borders of Mexico and Guatemala, due to the dispute over control of the borders between drug cartels and organized crime groups, all amid heightened militarism and paramilitarism that has continued unabated since 1997. From a border perspective, the concept of DFI is used to reconstruct the territoriality of the affected communities. Methodologically, information obtained from various sources was processed in a GIS and verified in the field using GPS points, resulting in maps that allowed the increase in DFI to be visualized at the municipal level. The research is relevant because it provides georeferenced databases on the subject and because it takes an approach that is rarely used to study forced mobility in Mexico.

Organized crime is one of the United States security priorities, including Mexican cartels and transnational gang drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) along the Texas-México border. Organized crime behaviors along the Texas-México border have garnered global attention due to the ever-evolving criminal operandi that generate illicit revenue. In this article, Texas-México organized crime is evaluated by analyzing several criminal groups: Mexican drug cartels, US-based gangs, and hybrid-neighborhood gangs. This article employs a qualitative comparative case study approach to N = 96 police investigative reports collected from the Texas-México border and provided by the Zapata County Sheriff’s Office. From the 96 investigative report data, two groups were generated to form gang-related reports (N= 48), and non-gang reports (N = 48). The qualitative analysis included thematic analysis and conceptual mapping using the computer-assisted qualitative analysis software, MAXQDA. The police investigative reports consist of official Sheriff Deputy narratives explaining the observed behavior of individuals engaging in border crime. The police investigative reports included two Texas-México border crimes: migrant smuggling and drug crimes, both of which were analyzed to qualitatively explain gang and non-gang behavioral differences. The qualitative results found Tango Blast gang members to predominate the gang incidents along the Texas-México border but also indicated support for the manifestation of hybrid-neighborhood gang drug trafficking in higher populated border towns. The non-gang group demonstrated a higher number of migrant victims with migrant smuggling incidents. The study findings provide implications for theory, policy, and law enforcement programs with future directions for police executives and public safety stakeholders.

ABSTRACT This paper quantifies the impact of Colombia’s internal armed conflict on economic growth between 1976 and 1993, a period marked by escalating violence fueled by drug production and trafficking. The rise of the Medellín Cartel, led by Pablo Escobar, and the Cali Cartel, led by the Rodríguez Orejuela brothers, intensified the conflict, triggering widespread violence and terrorist attacks. Escobar’s death in 1993 marked a turning point, coinciding with a gradual decline in terrorism despite the persistence of the conflict. Using a synthetic control approach, we estimate that this phase of the conflict reduced economic growth by an average equivalent to 20% of per capita GDP for the period, resulting in an accumulated loss of $25,542 per inhabitant (PPP, 2011 dollars). In the absence of violence linked to guerrilla groups, paramilitary forces, and drug cartels, Colombia’s per capita GDP in 1993 would have been 30% higher. These results are robust to extensive sensitivity analyses, underscoring the severe economic consequences of prolonged violence.

The present study examines the War on Drugs as a mechanism of political and bureaucratic control, arguing that this strategy has failed as an efective way to act against drug traficking. Explores its origins and consolidation, with a particular focus on the role of the United States in promoting prohibitionist policies and the efects on Latin America. Despite decades of eforts, strategies centered on interdiction, eradication, and fnancial aid for development have not reduced drug supply and demand. Instead, they have strengthened drug cartels, increased violence, and weakened state institutions. Initiatives such as Plan Colombia and the Mérida Initiative have proven inefective and a factor to delve into structural issues in production countries. Furthermore, the infuence of international agencies and the U.S. government has deep-rooted this model, hindering producer nations from evaluate alternative approaches such as regulation, decriminalization, or legalization. Political and bureaucratic interests amplify U.S. hegemony in the region rather than addressing the root causes of drug-related challenges. This study underscores the necessity of rethinking drug policy through frameworks developed within Latin America; emphasizing approaches rooted in regional realities rather than externally imposed paradigms

Авторы в статье исследуют динамику развития криминальной экономики и системы отмывания денег в Китае за 2010-2025 гг. Основное внимание уделено анализу ключевых факторов роста преступности, включая расширение теневого банкинга, транснационализацию преступных схем и совершенствование методов легализации доходов. Методология исследования базируется на сравнительном анализе статистики правоохранительных органов, нормативных актов КНР и международных отчетов. Применены методы системного анализа и правовой компаративистики. Цель работы - выявление особенностей и тенденций отмывания денег в Китае, оценка эффективности контрмер. Результаты показывают, что китайская криминальная экономика достигла глобальных масштабов, а отмывание денег приобрело транснациональный характер. Систематизированы основные схемы легализации преступных доходов: через теневой банкинг, криптовалюты и сотрудничество с международными наркокартелями. Проанализирована эволюция законодательства КНР, включая ужесточение нормативной базы и создание специальных механизмов контроля. Особое внимание уделено «трехлетней кампании» (2022-2024) по борьбе с отмыванием денег и ее результатам. Исследованы новые формы международного сотрудничества, в частности, взаимодействие с США по противодействию транснациональной преступности. Дана оценка эффективности мер китайских властей и выявлены их ограничения. Результаты исследования могут использоваться для совершенствования антиотмывочного регулирования, разработки стратегий противодействия организованной преступности, проведения сравнительно-правовых исследований в области финансовых преступлений. The article examines the dynamics of the development of the criminal economy and the money laundering system in China in 2010-2025. The main attention is paid to the analysis of the key factors of the crime growth, including the expansion of shadow banking, the transnationalization of criminal schemes, and the improvement of income laundering methods. The research methodology is based on a comparative analysis of law enforcement statistics, Chinese regulations and international reports. The methods of system analysis and legal comparative studies are applied. The purpose of the work is to identify the features and trends of money laundering in China, to assess the effectiveness of countermeasures. The results show that the Chinese criminal economy has reached a global scale, and money laundering has acquired a transnational character. The main schemes for the legalization of criminal proceeds are systematized: through shadow banking, cryptocurrencies and cooperation with international drug cartels. The evolution of Chinese legislation is analyzed, including the tightening of the regulatory framework and the creation of special control mechanisms. Particular attention is paid to the "three-year campaign" (2022-2024) to combat money laundering and its results. New forms of international cooperation are studied, in particular, interaction with the United States to combat transnational crime. The effectiveness of measures taken by Chinese authorities is evaluated and their limitations are identified. The results of the study can be used to improve anti-money laundering regulations, develop strategies to combat organized crime, and conduct comparative legal research in the field of financial crimes.

Entry represents a fundamental threat to cartels. We study the extent and effect of this behavior in the largest price-fixing case in US history, which involves generic drug manufacturing. We link information on the cartel’s internal operations to regulatory filings and market data. There is a substantial increase in entry after cartel formation, but regulatory approvals delay most entrants by two to four years. We estimate a structural model and simulate counterfactual equilibria. Absent entry, cartel profits would be dramatically higher. Correspondingly, reducing regulatory delays by just 1–2 years equates to consumer compensating variation of $612 million–$1.5 billion. (JEL L12, L13, L25, L51, L65, M31, O34)

The illicit drug market in Mexico has been a major problem due to its impact in the sociological point of view. Researches in this paper states evidence for the factors (bureaucracy, gun trafficking, income inequality etc.) that deteriorated this problem, causing negative socioeconomical impact with an increase in drug-related crime rate (homicide, kidnapping, money laundering), and other relative consequences like the increases in net migration outflow, causing decreases in labor market, further decreasing the GDP and effecting the economy. The main problem found during research is the bureaucracy, which means the inner part of the political system in Mexico, remains chaotic with the interference of drug cartels. Further involving in the corruption of official economic organizations. So for the suggestion to fix this problem is basically based on fixing the political system, and seeking help from USA by reinforcing the border defense (cutting down the trafficking route of drugs and weapons) and strengthening the Marina army (anti-cartel army in Mexico) to suppress drug cartels.

ABSTRACT During the last presidential campaign in the United States, some candidates and government officials of that country expressed their support for a potential use of military force against drug cartels in Mexican territory. This essay discusses the legality of such prospective military action under public international law, providing a broad overview of the legal issues raised by such scenario. It is argued that the conditions for the use of force in self-defence under the Charter of the United Nations are not met, since drug trafficking does not seem to fall, prima facie, within the notion of ‘armed attack’ under Article 51. Moreover, an armed response is unlikely to comply with the principle of necessity that regulates the exercise of the right to self-defence under international customary law.

Colombia, as one of the strategic countries in Latin America, holds a significant position in the region’s geoeconomic and geopolitical equations. Due to its unique geographical location, rich natural resources, access to both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and membership in regional and international organizations such as the Pacific Alliance and the Organization of American States, Colombia plays a vital role in shaping regional economic policies and trends. This article aims to examine Colombia’s geoeconomic position within the geopolitical equations of Latin America and assess how this position contributes to the country's regional and global influence. An analysis of Colombia’s economic and geopolitical policies shows that the country aims to strengthen its regional influence by developing transportation infrastructure, regional ports, and railways, and participating in multilateral initiatives such as trade and economic agreements. Colombia’s membership in the Pacific Alliance and its extensive economic interactions with Latin American countries provide valuable opportunities for the nation to enhance its geoeconomic standing and influence regional geopolitical equations. However, challenges such as internal insecurity, the influence of drug cartels, administrative corruption, and socio-economic inequalities remain significant barriers to Colombia’s efforts to stabilize its position in regional geoeconomic and geopolitical equations. Alongside these domestic issues, the competition between global powers such as the United States and China in Latin America also plays a crucial role in determining Colombia’s position. The United States, as Colombia’s strategic partner, holds substantial influence over the country’s policies and economy, while China is increasingly seeking to expand its influence in the region through economic investments and infrastructure projects. The findings of this study indicate that Colombia is pursuing geoeconomy-based economic policies to balance its geopolitical relations and increase its regional and international power. The development of trade corridors and economic infrastructure, the strengthening of regional economic ties, and the utilization of natural resources are among Colombia’s key strategies to solidify its geoeconomic position in the region. In this context, Colombia strives to overcome internal challenges and leverage regional geopolitical opportunities to become a key player in Latin America’s geopolitical and geoeconomic equations.

Middle East Research Journal of Economics and Management; 8-. DOI: https://doi.org/ Abstract|Download PDF Colombia, as one of the strategic countries in Latin America, holds a significant position in the region’s geoeconomic and geopolitical equations. Due to its unique geographical location, rich natural resources, access to both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and membership in regional and international organizations such as the Pacific Alliance and the Organization of American States, Colombia plays a vital role in shaping regional economic policies and trends. This article aims to examine Colombia’s geoeconomic position within the geopolitical equations of Latin America and assess how this position contributes to the country's regional and global influence. Colombia’s geographical location has turned it into one of the most critical international hubs in the region. Its access to two oceans and its placement along global transport corridors have enabled Colombia to become a transit hub and a center for regional trade. These characteristics have enhanced the country’s geoeconomic role in strengthening its geopolitical position. Furthermore, Colombia’s significant natural resources — including oil, coal, coffee, and agricultural products — have played a considerable role in both its domestic economic development and its bargaining power in political and diplomatic interactions. An analysis of Colombia’s economic and geopolitical policies shows that the country aims to strengthen its regional influence by developing transportation infrastructure, regional ports, and railways, and participating in multilateral initiatives such as trade and economic agreements. Colombia’s membership in the Pacific Alliance and its extensive economic interactions with Latin American countries provide valuable opportunities for the nation to enhance its geoeconomic standing and influence regional geopolitical equations. However, challenges such as internal insecurity, the influence of drug cartels, administrative corruption, and socio-economic inequalities remain significant barriers to Colombia’s efforts to stabilize its position in regional geoeconomic and geopolitical equations. Alongside these domestic issues, the competition between global powers such as the United States and China in Latin America also plays a crucial role in determining Colombia’s position. The United States, as Colombia’s strategic partner, holds substantial influence over the country’s policies and economy, while China is increasingly seeking to expand its influence in the region through economic investments and infrastructure projects. The findings of this study indicate that Colombia is pursuing geoeconomy-based economic policies to balance its geopolitical relations and increase its regional and international power. The development of trade corridors and economic infrastructure, the strengthening of regional economic ties, and the utilization of natural resources are among Colombia’s key strategies to solidify its geoeconomic position in the region. In this context, Colombia strives to overcome internal challenges and leverage regional geopolitical opportunities to become a key player in Latin America’s geopolitical and geoeconomic equations.

The purpose of the article is to study the course of Donald Trump's policy through the prism of the decrees and orders he adopted immediately after the inauguration. The study suggests the realism and durability of the new political course proposed by D. Trump in both domestic and foreign policy of the United States. When writing the article, the key methodological approach was the institutional approach that has proven itself in political and other socio-humanitarian sciences as the most formalized in obtaining sound results, with the help of which D. Trump's first presidential decrees were analyzed, the procedure for their implementation in practice in cooperation with other key power actors such as Congress and the judiciary. Additionally, content and event analysis were used, on the basis of which the texts of the first decrees were studied and compared. Trump and his public appearances, reports and articles about his first steps as head of state in the Russian and foreign media. The theoretical significance of the research lies in the structuring, generalization and analysis of D. Trump's domestic and foreign state policy through his decrees and orders, the interaction of the head of state with other political institutions of the American political system. The practical significance lies in forecasting for the next four years the ongoing Trump's political course is based on his decrees and orders that have already been adopted or challenged and rejected in the courts of individual states. The study concluded that Trump will continue the policy of countering illegal migration that he initiated during his first term, tighten measures aimed at countering drug cartels and states that pose a threat to the United States, which will be recognized as "accomplices in the spread of terrorism," and intensify the struggle for the spread of economic and other influence on other countries between USA and China, He will make attempts to strengthen the power vertical through reforming the activities of the presidential administration and the federal civil service system. However, most of the decrees and other presidential orders will be challenged in the courts of those states in which representatives of the Democratic Party predominate, which will serve as a serious obstacle to their implementation in practice (as it was in the first term of his presidency), and four years later, that is, after the next election of the American president, if the candidate from the Democratic Party or a more moderate Republican wins, the repeal of the decrees previously adopted by him may follow, as already happened after Biden's victory in the 2020 elections.

Combating organized crime and drug trafficking in the context of US-Mexican relations is currently a pressing issue for the United States. The purpose of the study is to examine the criminal aspect of American-Mexican migration relations based on an analysis of government and departmental documents of the United States and Mexico. It was revealed that joint projects between Washington and Mexico City today are aimed primarily at combating drug cartels and the illegal supply of drugs to the United States, as the main threats to national security. It has been determined that the problem of the criminal component of immigration cannot be solved only by strengthening border control, since complex measures are required.

Applying the resistance & resilience methodology to the Mexican landscape, finds the resiliency of the current Morena party below average, with the largest factors of instability in Mexico deriving from transnational criminal organizations, of which the Cártel de Sinaloa and Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación remain the most successful at disrupting, subverting, and coercing the state. Resistance to central authority remains slightly above average, while external support to resistance from American adversaries to destabilize Mexico remains a major threat. When exploring United States foreign policy options, the designation of Mexican drug cartels as foreign terrorist organizations may do irreparable damage to regional stability, which in turn could lead to unintended consequences for undocumented migrants and the synthetic opioid trafficking in the United States.

The article is devoted to the features of the third wave of the opioid crisis in the USA, which began in 2013 and reached its peak during the presidency of Joe Biden. The new opioid crisis is primarily associated with the synthetic drug fentanyl, which has a number of features that have led to its rapid popularization. It is characterized by low production costs and, as a result, a low price for buyers. Fentanyl is a potent drug, and a fatal overdose is possible with just 2 mg. The article pays special attention to how the immigration crisis that flared up under Biden contributed to the increase in the flow of fentanyl into the United States. The authors analyze the main measures taken by Obama, Trump and Biden administrations to counter the opioid crisis. Biden’s drug policy has faced serious criticism from Republicans due to the fact that the two parties rely on different approaches in attempts to solve this problem in the USA. While Democrats focus on improving access to quality treatment for drug addicts, Republicans believe that without tightening immigration policy significantly, it is impossible to successfully solve this problem. In addition to that, the authors show the role of China and Mexico in the opioid crisis in the USA. Despite the fact that the PRC authorities have banned the production of fentanyl, Chinese pharmaceutical companies continue to supply Mexico with precursors – chemicals necessary for the production of fentanyl and other synthetic opioids. In turn, the Mexican authorities have refrained from pursuing a tough policy towards drug cartels and any active actions with the Biden administration in this area. Finally, the article draws special attention to the factor of Trump’s return to the White House in 2025, which will lead to increased pressure from the American side on its foreign partners to make greater efforts in the fight against drug trafficking.

BOOK REVIEW: Narcotopia: In Search of the Asian Drug Cartel That Outwitted the CIA, by Patrick Winn

The article argues that the formula “well regulated” is an integral part of the 2nd Amendment to the US Constitution; the "well regulated" requirement (like the entire 2nd Amendment) completely applies to firearms and cannot be ignored under any interpretation or expansion of the Second Amendment. Failure to comply with the constitutional formula "well regulated" by all branches of US power has led to an unprecedentedly high "gun death" rate in the US, as well as the widespread use of American firearms by Mexican drug cartels. About 21,000 murders (including more than 2500 children) and 26,000 suicides in the US using firearms for one year 2021 cannot be considered as "well regulated" – i.e., not all requirements of the 2nd Amendment are obeyed. Obviously, ever since persons plotting a crime have been able to legally purchase, semi-automatic multi-charge firearms like the AR-15 with a rate of fire of over 100 rounds per minute, this inevitably led to numerous victims of civilian Americans. The concept of "originalism" as well as the concept "textualism" are incompatible with ignoring the constitutional formula “well regulated.

Racialization of the drug trade has been an ongoing feature of drug‐related moral panics for over a century. In the latter part of the twentieth century, public anxieties about ongoing economic changes made immigrants and Mexican drug cartels convenient scapegoats in the context of moral panics about cannabis and cannabis growers. In this research, I focus on the social construction of cannabis growers in the Emerald Triangle of Northern California, with a particular focus on the cartel grower construct. Through a content analysis of news media coverage, government and law enforcement reports, and field notes from personal communications with law enforcement officers and government officials, I identify racialized constructions of growers in the region. I also explore the relationships between local narratives and the broader cannabis discourse. In this “post‐prohibition” moment, this discourse impacts U.S. cannabis policy conversations and fuels anti‐immigrant rhetoric.

ABSTRACT Armed conflicts between drug cartels and the Mexican government have caused collateral damage to local communities while prompting various responses from civilian women. Existing studies on women’s reactions to narco-violence have focused on either their active resistance against violence or their direct participation in cartels. In reality, however, most civilian women’s actions exist on a spectrum between these two extreme poles, which has received relatively little attention in the literature. This article examines how civilian women cooperate with cartels by analyzing qualitative data, including 37 semi-structured interviews with participants from Jalisco, Mexico. Using the concept of “everyday cooperation,” we divide civilian women’s actions to cohabit with cartels in the narco-environment into three categories: keeping silent, pursuing benefits, and idealizing narco-culture. Though civilian women’s actions are shaped by the normalization of violence embedded in their local communities, they strategize their behavior through social learning processes. This study conceptually and empirically contributes to the literature on civilian agency under narco-violence by scrutinizing the array of local civilian women’s responses to pervasive criminal violence, focusing on their daily cooperation with cartels in Mexico.