Conflict In Donbas Research Articles

How War Is Rebordering Ukraine

Ukraine’s border regions have been long associated with the country’s cultural and linguistic diversity, but also with political cleavages and alternative geopolitical orientations. The annexation of Crimea by Russia and the military conflict in Donbas violently reshaped Ukraine’s eastern borderlands and led to alienation between the two countries. At the same time, the Ukraine-EU Association Agreement and visa-free regime facilitated the growing reorientation of Ukrainian society toward Europe. The 2022 Russian invasion, occupation of further Ukrainian territories and mass displacement intensified these trends. While the war is forging the country together, it is experienced in very different ways in its regions, and these collective experiences will matter for postwar Ukrainian politics.

Implications of EU Economic and Financial Sanctions against Russian Federation

In view of the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the provocation of the conflict in Donbas in 2014, the EU adopted and implemented Council Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 of 31 July 2014 in reaction to Russia’s measures undermining Ukraine’s territorial integrity as well as the sovereignty and independence of the country. This period is characterized by erosion of bilateral trade and economic relations between the EU and Russia. After the beginning of Russia’s war against Ukraine in February 2022, the European Union adopted a new series of economic and financial sanctions towards Russia: restrictions on trade; a SWIFT ban for certain Russian banks; restrictions on Russia’s access to the EU’s capital and financial markets and services; a ban on transactions with the Russian Central Bank and others. In the autumn of 2022 the conflict further escalated with the so-called “partial mobilization” in Russia and the further unlawful referenda for annexation of Ukrainian territories. Two years later (February 2024), the war is still raging and the European Union continues its policy of adopting new packages of sanctions against Russia.

Проблема посттравматичних захворювань в процесі адаптації українських мігрантів

he study focuses on examining the issue of social and psychological adaptation of Ukrainian emigrants, which has become particularly relevant due to the military conflict in Donbas and the war with Russia. The author identifies that as a result of these events and the conflict since February 24, 2024, a significant number of Ukrainians have found themselves in emigration conditions, relocating both within Ukraine and beyond its borders. This situation gives rise to a complex of problems related to adapting to new living conditions, including housing, employment, healthcare, education for children, and many other aspects. The study indicates that the consequences of war have a serious impact on the psychoemotional state of emigrants, including stress, fear, anxiety, and depression, and can also lead to physical illnesses such as psychosomatic disorders. This poses challenges to adaptation and requires the development of psychological approaches and strategies to support individual and collective adaptation of Ukrainian emigrants. While some individuals may experience negative consequences of military action and emigration, feelings of fear and uncertainty, the research also points to the possibility of positive changes. Some individuals, having experienced traumatic situations, may find the strength to overcome difficulties, reassess their values and priorities, and ultimately achieve positive outcomes in the adaptation process. Overall, the study underscores the need for further exploration of this issue and the development of effective strategies for psychological support and adaptation for Ukrainian emigrants facing the consequences of war and emigration. Key words: post-traumatic stress, adaptation, migrants, wartime conditions, Ukraine.

INTERNATIONAL LEGAL QuALIFICATION OF THE CONFLICT IN DONBASS FROM MARCH 2014 TO FEBRuARy 21, 2022

This article is devoted to the legal analysis of the qualification of the armed conflict in the Donbass in the period from March 2014 to February 21, 2022, which is decisive for establishing the legal consequences entitled by this particular form of armed conflict. In order to establish the most objective legal assessment of this conflict, the positions of representatives of the Western and Ukrainian doctrines of international law are considered, as well as an analysis of historical facts and documents of international organizations. A study of Ukrainian and Western scientific sources showed the similarity of the positions of their authors in attempts to qualify armed conflict that took place in Donbass in the appointed time period, as international or as internationalized. At the same time, references either to propaganda editions, or to advertising and unproven events serve as an argument for such statements. At the same time, an analysis of the objective circumstances and the most authoritative documents of international organizations only casts doubt on the consistency of the material that those authors describe, but also casts to make completely different conclusions. Considering the approval of the Set of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements by the UN Security Council, and also drawing the attention to the facts, it becomes obvious the non-international nature of the conflict in Donbass.

Legal Status in the Donbas Conflicts: Foreign Fighters, Mercenaries, Far-Right Radicals

On January 6, 2021, an armed group of about two thousand people, who could not accept the loss of the election of former President Donald Trump, stormed the US Capitol. David C. Rapoport, who received many references to the wave theory of his in terrorism studies, penned an article on the Capitol Attack and said that he wondered what could happen when far-right actions coalesce into big movements. February 23, 2022, as the United Nations Security Council convened to resolve the ongoing tension between Russia and Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin authorized the entry of the Russian Army into Ukraine on television screens. He said the 'special operation' was carried out under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. The Donbas Conflict, which has been going on since 2014, seems to have presented a historic opportunity to the far-right radicals. Special military forces, foreign fighters, far-right radicals, terrorist organizations, states used force/violence. The conflicts attracted the attention of far-right radicals, and radicals found ample scope for legitimate use and access to the means of violence. The aim of the study is to present the legal framework of the space created by the Donbas Conflicts for far-right radicals. For this purpose, the legal framework applicable to the conflict will be drawn, the rights and authorities granted to the actors within this legal framework will be determined, and it will be investigated what kind of freedom the far-right radicals have achieved within this legal framework.

From Donbas Conflict to the Russian-Ukrainian War. A Review of Literature

Using the conflict studies literature, the article classifies the latest scholarly writings on the origins of the Donbas conflict into three general groupings: on the role of the history and identity of the region’s inhabitants, on the interference by “third” actors and on so-called contentious politics. The analysis suggests that the initial support of the uprising by Russia is usually greatly overestimated, and the level of social discontent and protest movements is underestimated. The study of contentious politics appears to be the most appropriate tool regarding the origins of the conflict. After 2015, the conflict took on, at least in part, the contours of an interstate clash, but the Donbas insurgency has continued to retain its authenticity. The failure of the 2015 settlement and the path to war after 2018 cannot be understood without considering the actions of Russia and those of Ukraine and leading Western states.

Dampak Eskalasi Konflik Rusia-Ukraina terhadap Keamanan Nasional Ukraina

Abstract: The annexation of Crimea led to a prolonged conflict in Donbas, escalated the conflict, and resulting in Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This study aims to identify and analyze the impact of the escalation of the Russia-Ukraine conflict to the Ukraine national security in 2014-2022. This researh was conducted qualitatively, focusing in analizyng data that ranged from news articles to official statements from both involved countries. Through utilizing the concept of national security, researchers found that the escalation of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has caused enormous losses to Ukraine which include threats to Ukraine's territorial sovereignty, problems in the economic field and the occurrence of humanitarian crises. Thus, causing instability in Ukraine's national security. Keywords: Russia, Ukraine, natinal security, conflict, war

Evolution of ideological dominants of modern Russia

In the article, the author examines the evolution of ideological dominants of post-Soviet Russia. First of all, the very concept of an ideological dominant is given as a complex of views and ideas officially recognized by the state, prevailing in the ideological activity of the state, political life and public consciousness. The symbiosis of ideological trends that have formed in Russia after the collapse of the USSR is noted, and changes in the dominant attitudes are traced. Thus, the turning points are called: the beginning of the 2000-ies, when liberal values begin to fade into the background before the idea of a strong state; 2014, as the moment of appearance of insoluble contradictions with the West, after the conflict in Donbass; 2022 - the beginning of the NWO and a direct confrontation with the West. In conclusion, the beginning of a new period in the evolution of ideological dominants and the formation of tendencies for a break with the Western paradigm of the countrys development are noted; implementation of the idea of protecting traditional values; building a multipolar world. The author sees the change of ideological dominants as a regular and natural process.

LANGUAGE AND WAR: PROSPECTS OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN A FOREIGN LANGUAGE CLASSROOM

The article presents the essential requirements for effective communication in a foreign language classroom, specifically pertaining to the topic of Russian-Ukrainian war. During the classes of Ukrainian as a foreign language (hereinafter referred to as UFL), communication takes place between participants belonging to different national linguistic and cultural communities, so the need for international understanding remains relevant both in terms of internal politics and, in particular, the foreign policy relations of Ukraine. The article’s author seeks to address whether the repertoire of thematic catalogues required for proficiency levels in Ukrainian as a foreign language encompass the topic of war. Additionally, the article explores the timeline and differing interpretations regarding the nature of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The study utilized specific research materials, employing general linguistic methods such as descriptive analysis and comparison. The conducted analysis confirmed that the sub-topic war is in the repertoire of thematic catalogues in the Standardized requirements for the levels of proficiency in the Ukrainian language as a foreign language (level B1-C2). The timeline of the Russian-Ukrainian war is uncertain – from the period of occupation and annexation of the Republic of Crimea (in 2014) to today. During UFL classes, the falsity of the versions of the civil war in Ukraine or the illegal annexation of Crimea and the civil armed conflict in Donbas should be exposed (as popularized interpretations of events until February 24, 2022, in particular). The Russian-Ukrainian war (from 2014 to the present day) is an interstate armed conflict caused by the aggression of the Russian Federation not only against Ukraine, goes beyond the scope of a bilateral confrontation, the nature of which most fully reveals the meaning of the concept of “hybrid war”. Key words: Russian-Ukrainian war (from 2014 to today), hybrid war, lexical-semantic means of naming war events in Ukraine, UFL.

Russia’s Policy towards Donbas Since 2014: The Nation-Building Process and Its Ideology

Abstract This study examines the ideology of the nation-building process in the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics. The key features of this process are uncovered through a discourse analysis of school textbooks published in the People’s Republics and in Transnistria, and of the ‘Russian Donbas’ ideology. This is compared to the history and interpretations of the concept of ‘Novorossiya’. This research demonstrates the difference between Donbas and other the post-Soviet contested states, and highlights the role of the Russian government and Russian radical right-wing intellectuals in the formation of the ‘Russian Donbas’ ideology. It concludes that, although Russia had a decisive influence on the development of the conflict in Donbas, Donbas also affected the ideological transformation of Putin’s Russia.

Fake News and Content Manipulation Under Russian Information Aggression

The article explores the information aggression of Russian mass media in the hybrid war against Ukraine by analyzing cases when Russian media spread distorted or fake information in their coverage of the annexation of Crimea, the military conflict in Donbas, and political events inside and outside Ukraine. The research employs content and comparative analyses to study the structure of fake news as well as methods to use and disseminate the news among readers. In particular, attention is paid to manipulation technologies in social media. The article examines the concept of hybrid war that Russia managed to actualize during its occupation of Crimea and a part of Eastern Ukraine, its methods to expand into external information space during the Ukrainian presidential election and its increasing tension in relations with the United States and Iran. The results of the research consist of the analysis of techniques used in Russian mass media texts to spread fake news and influence audiences; the article also puts forward a classification of fake news as well as offers recommendations on ways to counteract disinformation in crisis communication. It is also argued that Russia is waging the war not only in the content environment of Ukraine but also that of many other countries. It is urgent that various forms and methods of Russian influence on the public opinion, its attempts to shape pro-Russian views in the democratic Western world, imposition of one-sided interpretation of international treaties should be resisted by teaching media literacy to audiences as well as by granting them with transparency and unimpeded access to original information sources.

“THE CITY TO WHICH I CANNOT RETURN”: THE SPACE OF TEMPORARY OCCUPIED DONETSK AND LUHANSK REGIONS IN THE MEMORIES OF CHILDREN FROM IDP FAMILIES

The purpose of this study was to determine the image of the Donbas cities carried by children who have become forced migrants. The article is based on interviews with individuals under the age of 18 in 2014 who were forced to flee their homes due to the conflict in Donbass. These interviews were conducted primarily in 2020 and 2021. The interviewees cannot return to their cities for various reasons; for some, attempting to cross the border between the so-called LPR and DPR could land them in prison due to the status or public standing of their families. It is important to note that frequently the child did not have the chance to say goodbye to the parental home because the departure was planned for several days or weeks in advance. The article analyzes, from the perspective of the psychology of overcoming a traumatic experience, how the inability to return and the absence of a farewell ceremony affect the current state of a person. It is important for a person to revisit places associated with his childhood and his family’s history at various stages of his life. Such locations include ancestral graves, parental homes, and others associated with significant life events. This situation is complicated by the fact that many respondents’ ancestors, such as grandfathers and grandmothers, chose to remain in territory not under Ukrainian government control. The inability to "say goodbye" traumatizes the psychological state of a person who has been deprived of his roots. What will happen if the images of immigrants and locals collide, how can a potential conflict be avoided, and what role can it play in the reintegration process? The article is relevant to the reconstruction of the cities of Donbass, which were previously in uncontrolled territory, because it raises the issue of image conflict and seeks a solution to this issue.

ГРАНТОВА ПІДТРИМКА МІЖНАРОДНОЇ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЇ З МІГРАЦІЇ В УКРАЇНІ ПІД ЧАС ВІЙНИ

The article examines the main grant instruments for supporting Ukraine in war conditions from the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The key priorities of the IOM in Ukraine since the time when PrIOM began working in Kyiv in 1996, when Ukraine received the status of an observer country at the IOM, are demonstrated. It was emphasized that since the beginning of the Russian aggression in 2014, PrMOM began to pay special attention to the problems of IDPs and other categories of persons affected by the conflict and to conduct work in the following areas: employment, micro-entrepreneurship and self-employment of IDPs and persons affected by the conflict; development of social infrastructure in resettlement and return zones, as well as support for the stabilization of communities affected by the conflict in Donbas; cash assistance to IDPs; national hotline for IDPs. The list of programs of monetary and non-monetary grant assistance in war conditions for representatives of micro and small businesses is given. The main benefits that IDPs and war-affected people receive from the use of grant instruments are outlined. It was emphasized that grant programs from IOM are a significant support for business, in particular, with grant funds, representatives of micro and small businesses have the opportunity to: purchase specialized equipment, tools needed for production/processing and other enterprise activities; renting premises; repair or arrangement of premises; creation of additional jobs; purchase of raw materials for the production process; transportation of equipment/personnel; export development (licensing, permits, search for new foreign markets, etc.); other measures necessary for adaptation in wartime. It is noted that Ukrainians do not use it too actively. The main reasons for this were identified: low awareness of the possibility and prospects of attracting grant resources, inability to work with donors, distrust of Ukrainians in the support of international organizations, inability to receive a grant from IOM again, somewhat limited geography of interests of IOM, which in various competitions is represented by several regions, grant IOM resources are not available to medium-sized businesses. Under the conditions of overcoming these barriers, internally displaced persons and people affected by the war have the opportunity to fully experience the socio-economic effect of attracting grant aid from IOM.

СУСПІЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНА ОБСТАНОВКА В КРИМУ НА ПОЧАТКУ РОСІЙСЬКОЇ АГРЕСІЇ В 2014 РОЦІ

The article analyzes the socio-political situation in Crimea in 2014 at the beginning of the Russian armed aggression. The relevance of the research topic is due to the need to study the methods of hybrid warfare used by the Russian aggressor against Ukraine. At present, there is no doubt in modern Ukrainian society that the seizure of Crimea was another aggressive act of the Russian Federation on the way to unleashing an insidious war aimed at eliminating Ukrainian statehood. In early 2014, Russian special services organized illegal anti-Ukrainian protests in Crimea, supported by local collaborators. Pro-Russian sections of the Ukrainian local population, with the support of the Russian military and special services, seized administrative buildings of local authorities, blocked Ukrainian military units and obstructed the work of law enforcement agencies. The leading role in those destabilizing actions belonged to Russian curators, and local collaborators did not deny their secondary role. With the assistance of the Russian special services, local collaborators managed to hold an illegal so-called «referendum» on the separation of Crimea from Ukraine, which was a political method to legalize actions to destroy Ukrainian statehood in the territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. All of the above took place in the context of a complete loss of control over the socio-political situation by local authorities and law enforcement agencies and complicated involvement of Ukrainian military forces. Despite Ukraine’s efforts to stabilize the situation through political means, the Russian Federation did not take appropriate measures and continued to act as a destabilizing factor in Crimea. The subsequent events of 2014 demonstrated that the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea led to an escalation of social tension in the southeastern regions of Ukraine, which subsequently led to an open armed conflict in Donbas.

Input–output analysis of the Ukraine war: A tool for assessing the internal territorial impacts of the conflict

AbstractThe Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, scaled up the ongoing conflict in Donbas beyond its regional borders, hindering and halting different aspects of economic life. Considering the internal geography of Ukraine's economic structure, the damage to physical infrastructure and supply chain disruption are likely to propagate to other parts of the country through an intricate plot of production and income linkages. From a disaggregated analysis of multiregional and multisectoral linkages, this article offers a systematic, integrated account of the structural linkages that allows modeling spillovers from one Ukrainian region to another. This approach breaks new ground by highlighting the internal economic effects of the conflict in Ukraine. We develop an interregional input–output system for Ukraine, providing the numerical basis for developing analytical frameworks to support knowledge‐building in the recovery process of distressed territories during the postwar period. We offer this database to the international scientific community to support modeling projects focusing on structural features of the Ukrainian economy. As shown in our illustrative exercises, understanding the structure of intersectoral and interregional linkages is critical to better understanding the propagation of exogenous shocks to the economy.

Remote monitoring of minewater rebound and environmental risk using satellite radar interferometry

The cessation of dewatering following coalfield abandonment results in the rise of minewater, which can create significant changes in the local and regional hydrogeological regime. Monitoring such change is challenging but essential to avoiding detrimental consequences such as groundwater contamination and surface flooding. Inverse modelling methods using satellite radar interferometry (InSAR) have proven capable for retrospectively mapping minewater level changes, however, there is a need for the capability to remotely monitor changes as they occur. In this study, ground deformation measurements obtained from InSAR are used to develop a method to remotely monitor the spatio-temporal rise of minewater, which could be implemented in near real-time. The approach is demonstrated over the Horlivka mining agglomeration, Ukraine, where there is no other feasible approach possible due to a lack of safe ground access. The results were blindly validated against in-situ measurements before being used to forecast the time until minewater will reach the natural water table and Earth's surface. The findings reveal that, as a result of military conflict in Donbas, an environmental catastrophe could occur where potentially radioactive minewater is forecast to reach the natural water table between May and August of 2024.

Western Policy toward Ukraine: Outcomes and Challenges for Russia

The change in the balance of power in Ukraine in February 2014 not only changed Ukraine’s foreign policy course, but also marked the beginning of a new Western policy toward Kiev. Political support for the Ukrainian authorities was expanded. Ukraine’s involvement in the sphere of Western interests intensified. Western countries used multilateral mechanisms to form new interstate relations with Ukraine. The Ukrainian army was actively modernized. The West supplied Western equipment. The U.S. and the EU have been closely following the conflict in Donbass. While publicly supporting a peaceful solution to the conflict, the West did not take real steps to resolve it. Advocating a violent solution to the conflict, nationalist forces became actively involved in the country’s domestic politics. Kiev was encouraged to take steps to curtail trade and economic cooperation with Russia and to sever ties between businesses. The IMF was actively pursuing programs and consistently demanding reforms in the social and economic spheres. In the political sphere, the West supported Ukraine’s policy, which led to the aggravation of political relations between the countries. After Vladimir Zelensky came to power in 2019, the West intensified its support for Kiev. Western authorities bet on a forceful solution to the conflict and provoked conflict between Ukraine and Russia. In February 2022, anticipating Ukraine’s actions, Russia launched a special military operation. It called into question the further development of Ukraine and, at the same time, led to an adjustment of Western policy. The U.S. and EU stepped up military support for Kiev and significantly expanded financial aid. This policy of the West has created certain risks for Russia, which has entered the phase of acute geopolitical confrontation with the U.S. and the EU.

Can small states wage proxy wars? A closer look at Lithuania’s military aid to Ukraine

Proxy wars are an increasingly common feature of great power competition in the 21st century. In this context, the role of the small states is less clear and has not been properly addressed in the academic literature. Although states of this type have often been chosen as battlegrounds for such wars and have even acted as proxies for the superpowers, this article argues that they are also capable of conducting proxy warfare themselves. Since the start of the 2014 conflict in Donbas, Eastern Ukraine, this country has experienced proxy interventions from many external actors, both large and small, that provided resources to both conflict parties. One of the smallest states which has been trying to affect the course of this conflict in support of the Ukrainian government is Lithuania. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with the security and defence policy-makers in Vilnius, the article aims to explain why Lithuania is punching above its weight and interfering with this conflict from backstage. The empirical evidence points to an almost perfect alignment of interests between the current governments in Kiev and Vilnius in that they both see Russia as their long-term ‘enemy’ which makes Ukraine a surprisingly suitable proxy for Lithuania to exploit.

UKRAINIAN VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT UNDER CONDITIONS OF ARMED RUSSIAN AGGRESSION: OPPORTUNITIES, NATIONAL AND GLOBAL CHALLENGES FOR UKRAINE’S POST-WAR RECOVERY

The authors reveal a vision of the development of the Ukrainian volunteer movement under conditions of armed Russian aggression. The research focus is on identifying the main trends of institutionalization and the dynamics of the development of Ukrainian volunteerism based on the use of modern digital, network, information and communication technologies. Two «waves» of activation of the Ukrainian volunteer movement related to the active phase of the armed conflict in Donbas (2014-2016) and the full-scale invasion that began on February 24, 2022 are analyzed. Two areas for providing volunteer aid to key target groups have been identified and substantiated, namely the Ukrainian military and the Armed Forces of Ukraine strengthen the country’s defense capabilities, and citizens affected by the armed aggression. Such a structure is used as an end-to-end analytical scheme in the study of various aspects of Ukrainian volunteering under conditions of both surges in the armed conflict (2014-2016 and 2022). The authors determine the specifics of the processes of institutionalization and platformization of Ukrainian volunteering, as well as the main integrated digital platforms of international volunteering to help Ukraine. New global and local challenges, problems and opportunities for the development of the Ukrainian volunteer movement to preserve the country’s human potential and strengthen the national, economic, social, and food security of the state are also revealed. The role, significance, opportunities, main tools and functionality of using the potential of information, communication, digital, network technologies in volunteering are shown. It is substantiated that the powerful potential of Ukrainian volunteerism, together with international volunteerism and charity aimed at helping Ukraine, is the basis for the country’s post-war recovery. It also contributes to the formation and strengthening of the culture of peace and security at the interstate level, stimulates the formation of a renewed system of European collective security and international cooperation.

Structural bias, polarized mediation and conflict resolution failure: a comparative examination of the disputes in Transnistria and Donbas

ABSTRACT Under what conditions does conflict resolution fail? This article identifies several undertheorized factors hindering conflict resolution. It argues that structural bias, inadequate leverage and a polarized mediation format render negotiations ineffective, undermining the peace process. Durable peace settlements are unlikely when mediators become parties to the conflict, patronize the rebels, shape the domestic politics of the parent-states, and promote resolution plans advancing their security interests. The concepts of structural bias and polarized mediation are further explored by employing a structured focused comparison of the conflict management strategies in Transnistria (Moldova) and Donbas (Ukraine). The comparative examination revealed that Russia, as a power mediator, displayed a structural bias towards the rebel side but lacked sufficient leverage to impose a settlement on both parties. It attempted to increase its influence over Ukraine by getting entangled in the Donbas conflict, recognizing the secessionist regions and launching a conventional war against Kyiv.