Abstract This article offers a conjunctural analysis of revanchism in San Francisco across scale. Over the past decade, conservative politicians, media, oligarchs, and organisations have emphasised immigration, homelessness, bureaucratic inefficiency, the opioid epidemic, diversity initiatives, and criminal justice reform to frame San Francisco as a weak and lawless city. This coalition's vengeful rhetoric and retaliatory action seek to create a new “common sense” about spatial governance, justifying a more authoritarian approach to both city and nation. Different scales are entwined as the discourse of urban decline is used as a national appeal, while nationalist rhetoric serves to promote urban reform. We argue this articulation of actors, forces, and ideas across scale represents an emergent historical bloc of revanchist populism. Moreover, our case study furthers the theory of urban revanchism by revealing the discursive deployment of the “failed” city in a broader hegemonic struggle.

ABSTRACTExamination of the regulatory pervasiveness of heteronormativity in development policy has remained limited to interventions for the sexed subject. As a result, the epistemic potential of heteronormativity analysis to unearth the discursive regulation of gendered subjects has remained underutilized. Policy discourses on education are rarely posited as an organic context for heteronormative analyses. An absence of such examinations has meant that education has tacitly been falling short of the professed inclusivity or equality agendas with reference to both gender and sexuality. As heteronormativity is discursively constructed, maintained, and perpetuated by education and educational policy, the present paper examines the SDG Education Agenda 2030 and the G7 Declaration on Girls' Education for articulations on sex, sexuality, gender, and their interrelations as effected through language, the resultant constitutive construction of the educand through language, and, finally, the discursive deployment of gender, sex, and sexuality to either challenge promote or leave unaddressed heteronormative agenda. It is argued that by concertedly maintaining a heteronormative status quo, educational policies are doomed to squander the potential of educational sites as spaces of transformational practice for all gender identifications, alike.

The use and abuse of concepts in political history allows for the analysis not only of their contents but also the complexity of their formulations in political discourses. The government plans presented by political parties during national elections constitute a part of these formulations that appeal to a call to action to their interlocutors. We argue that the use of the term “democracy” by certain left-wing nationalist political groups in the electoral contexts of 2006 and 2011 is part of a proposal for the synthesis of substantive contents, taken to the maximum effort to harmonize them with a historical interpretation of the national political system. Simultaneously, it is framed within the maximum effort of integrating proposals and participation. The electoral political involvement of some left-wing nationalist sectors also implies a discursive deployment that places the notion of democracy at a central position within the propositional and interpretative framework of historical time.

This essay traces the enduring legacy of the figure of the child leading up to and at the centre of the 1982 Plyler v. Doe decision. I attempt to demonstrate the limits of the discursive deployment of the child figure for racialized subjects. This essay intervenes in education, childhood studies, and immigration literature by reading the child to understand the enduring legacy of Plyler for those who are not the central focus of the court case. I demonstrate how the necessity of matriculating into U.S. schools is implicated in politics of disposability for racialized gendered populations represented in reading the contradictions in immigration reform.

ABSTRACT Based on event ethnography conducted at the UNFCCC COP27 in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, this article examines the contradictory ways in which China, as a key actor in global climate negotiations, has shaped climate (in)justice, as well as how the spatiality of the COP reinforces inequity. Despite the important role China has played in promoting equity for developing countries through advocating for the principles of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) and of national sovereignty throughout the UNFCCC process, China’s discursive deployment of both principles in negotiations exacerbates existing injustices between countries and at scales below the nation-state. Both principles were useful in achieving unity to successfully press for the establishment of the Loss and Damage fund. Nevertheless, the ways in which they are deployed also compromise the interests of marginalized peoples, especially those residing in countries that belong to the Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States. This is particularly the case when principles of CBDR and national sovereignty are combined with procedural arguments and apparently technical discussions. These limited the scales and manifestations of injustice that could be addressed through the UNFCCC process.

Housing costs have soared in the United States and beyond in recent years, leading to growing calls for rent control among tenant rights advocates and legislators. This push to enact rent control has been met with substantial opposition by landlord associations, an opposition which is mobilized by long-standing arguments by economists rooted in neo-classical economic principles. The article extends existing criticism of one particular facet of this opposition: the argument that rent control will only worsen any housing crisis as rents increase due to landlords actively reducing supply. We argue that this argument amounts to the pursuit of something that mainstream economists have long ignored or disavowed to counter-act the intended purpose of rent control: class monopoly rent. By drawing on evidence from the statewide rent control legislation passed in Oregon in 2019, we engage with scholarship on the sociology of housing markets and Marxian rent theory to reveal that landlords acting as a collective voice through landlord associations to advance this argument effectively constitutes the discursive deployment of class monopoly power as a political strategy to lobby against tenant rights proponents. As such, we argue that landlords effectively engage in a “politics of class monopoly rent” which functions as a discursive weapon against tenant rights activists and low-income renters otherwise held captive in unaffordable housing markets. We offer this article as a resource for tenant rights activists and legislators who must inevitably confront this opposition in the process of mobilizing rent control legislation.

What is “reverse colonialism?” What forms does it take? What historical origins and semantic trajectories does it possess? What contexts have invited the coupling of these two terms in the post-colonial? Who takes on the reversed role of colonizer/colonized in the schemata of “reverse colonialism”? Since the collapse of modern colonialism, “reversed” terminology has steadily gained currency in global discourses, becoming key staples in post-colonial tropological landscape. Central to “reversed” tropes reside discursive deployments involving notions of colonialism in reverse, found in innumerable commentaries on post-colonial dynamics. The global reach of tropes of reverse colonialism alone warrants pause and inquiry, especially in view of the dearth of scholarly publications and attention it has thus far received. Drawing from primary sources, we survey historical and thematic contexts of “reverse colonialism” (colonization in reverse, reverse imperialism) in anglophone circulation, glancing at their global genealogies and perambulations, which span scholarly writing, but also mainstream media, political discourse, art, cinema, culinary, blog and advertisement culture, among many others. Our aim is twofold: to offer a discursive overview of the articulations of concepts linked to “reverse colonialism;” and to provide helpful coordinates for a more robust theoretical engagement with this post-colonial trope. While the expression itself should denote a historical reversal of roles between former colonized and former colonizer, our study unreservedly points instead to a far more complex, multi-semantic, and versatile term employed in an extensive array of cultural, political, and ideological commentary. Indeed, the collective articulations of reverse colonialism from the final stages of European colonialism to this date tend to resist taxonomic cataloging and cannot be reduced to a single definition, theory, or shared understanding.

In this article we question the discursive deployment of narrowing conceptions of the future in education in three provincial cases: Alberta, British Columbia, and Ontario. Asserting that educational policy in Canada is grounded in the “future-logics” of educational innovation—reflective of an anticipatory orientation to governance—we critique concepts from each province’s curriculum policy documents: “competence,” “personalized learning,” and “professional teacher.” We ask to what extent anticipatory governance is at work in Canadian policies, and if it is, to what degree does an anticipatory strategy occlude or disrupt the objectification of curriculum and the over-determination of teacher subjectivities?

Abstract Christianity from its inception has expressed a tension between imperium and sacerdotium; after the Reformation, this tension has only been aggravated. Avowals of religious freedom thereafter have often rightly insisted on the capacity of spiritual communities to invoke limits for the state. This is readily apparent in South Africa, past and present. However, scholarship has shown that “religious liberty” has an ambiguous function, such as its privatisation of belief, based on a liberalised notion of “negative” freedom that allows the state to grant the “right” to “belief,” while simultaneously rendering belief a purely private or “otherworldly” affair. This is traceable to overly-Protestant conceptions of “religion” and “freedom” that are pervasive – including South Africa. From a theological perspective, I argue that this conception of “religious freedom” might sit in tension with aspects of ecclesiology and that the discursive deployment of “religious freedom” should therefore be engaged critically.

Network blends, occasional neoplasms posted by users of the social network VKontakte under the hashtag #Slovarevo, are studied in a linguo-creative aspect. The main provisions of the theory of blending are formulated as a way of game word formation, which has become widespread in the modern communicative space in general and in the Internet environment in particular. The cognitive foundations of linguo-creativity of blending and the basic principles of conceptual integration that ensure the effective functioning of blends are determined. Structural types of blends are identified, reflecting the main formal methods of constructing contaminants in the network space. The predominance of haplological blends in the illustrative material, inheriting the original words in full and facilitating the decoding of contaminants, has been established. The main mechanisms of the language game based on blending are analyzed, reflecting the high level of metalinguistic reflection of the users of the social network “Vkontakte” involved in punning word formation. Linguistic and creative activity in the Internet environment is characterized in terms of interactivity, interaction between the addresser and the addressee. Cases of communicative failures in the interpretation of blends in the absence of contextual support and the possibility of discursive deployment of their semantics are considered. The implementation of the linguo-creative potential of network blends was assessed based on the triad “forgetive — creative — pseudo-creative”.

This article theorizes tech-led gentrification in San Francisco as a form of what I call, "tech-colonialism." Drawing on my ethnographic work with movements organizing against eviction and displacement, this article grapples with the critique from activists and protestors that gentrification and the tech-industry are "colonizing" the city. Taking this seriously, I argue that the analytic of "colonialism" provided San Francisco residents and activists with an important framework for political organizing, identity-making, solidarity-work, and forging belonging amidst the city's on-going "eviction epidemic." Beyond the discursive deployment by activists of "colonialism" as a concept, I also trace the material continuities between historical forms of colonial dispossession and present-day tech-colonialism, in which technology companies enclose the "commons," operate above laws, invest surplus capital in speculative urban racialized property regimes, and treat governments themselves as outdated and archaic institutions to be "disrupted." Ultimately, I define tech-colonialism as the social and spatial strategies of the technology industry that operate through colonial logics of racialized dispossession and materially extend and reproduce the colonial present.

ABSTRACT ‘Complexity’ is theorised as a characteristic of modern food systems that poses a challenge to improving population diets. This paper seeks to explore the discursive deployment of ‘complexity’ in the context of public health. Doing so helps inform a more critical assessment of commercial and political determinants of health, and of ‘complexity’ as a prevailing frame for public health issues. Qualitative methods were used to explore ‘responsibility’ for healthy eating in the food system in the United Kingdom. Discourse analysis was conducted on corporate and government documents, and interviews with industry and government stakeholders. The aim was to examine the implications of ‘complexity’ within discourses of dietary public health. ‘Complexity’ was used not only to characterise dietary public health problems but also as a rhetorical device in public health narratives. It performed two main discursive functions: firstly, to represent diet-health problems as so multi-layered and difficult that they are intractable. Secondly, and despite this acknowledged complexity, to deflect from food system actions for improving diet to ‘simpler’ and non-food interventions, by industry and government. These uses of ‘complexity’ serve to attribute primary responsibility to individuals for dietary choice and to obscure inaction by government and industry, who have most control over the determinants of those choices. In short, ‘complexity’ can be used discursively to generate a smokescreen masking policy inaction in addressing public health problems.

‘The idea of the university’ is an expression which is frequently employed in discussions of what the university is, was, or could and should be. This article presents an exploration of the expression ‘the idea of the university’ reconceptualized as a queer signifier. Building on existing literature that works against the assumption that queer studies would always concentrate on people who identify as LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, queer), the article takes as its object of study the expression ‘the idea of the university’. Firstly, ‘the idea of the university’ is discussed in relation to the queering potential of figurative language, in particular metaphors. In the formulation ‘the idea of the university’, ‘university’ is placed in subjugation to ‘idea’, which opens up what could be termed queer slippage in the signification process. Secondly, the article uses the political resignification of ‘queer’ as a springboard to address the citation practices that lead to the resignification of the expression ‘the idea of the university’. Thus, the article presents these two interlinked queer theorizations of the discursive use of ‘the idea of the university’ in higher education literature.

Abstract Early work in discursive psychology highlighted the rhetorical strength of devices that serve to establish matters as objective facts. More recently, there has been increasing interest within this discipline concerning mental state invocations (e.g. imagining; knowing; intending), which typically convey speaker subjectivity. Elsewhere, linguists have examined the social business enabled by speakers’ deployment of cognitive verbs, a prime example of which deals with overt references to thinking. The current article sets out to extend the work on thinking by synthesizing research from discursive psychology, linguistics, and conversation analysis in order to undertake an integrated analysis of thinking. In our examination of a UK talk radio corpus, comprising data from 11 talk radio shows, we demonstrate three discursive functions of deploying a thinking device: setting an intersubjective agenda; doing opinion; and managing ‘facts’. An integrated approach allows us to examine the rhetorical strength of these subjectivizing maneuvers, and contribute to the existing body of work concerning the discursive deployment of thinking and mental state terms.

This article seeks to understand the emotional dynamics surrounding the image of the Paris Commune in connection with its mobilization through contemporary movements of struggle sharing, as their common point, a rejection of neo-liberal capitalism. More precisely, this will involve examining how the affect of joy – understood in Spinoza’s terms as a passion which contributes to increasing the power of action – plays a determining role in the Commune’s discursive deployment in the Invisible Committee’s writings.

The article presents the phenomenological approach to the individual-author’s reflection of joy as a value sense generated in the process of text production. The topicality of the study is determined by the need to comprehend the essential phenomena, which comprise certain aspects of a person’s outlook related to emotions in the process of life activity. Linguistic boundaries of the problems are largely due to the specific feature of the text, which is consistent with its ability to actualize the phenomena of the world, where the author’s consciousness reaches, with the help of the means of the lingual code. The purpose of the article is to present the text of the book of memoirs «Homo feriens» in the aspect of individually-authoring comprehension of the knowledge about the emotional plan of the person, which is connected with the realization of the phenomenon of joy as a universal sense. In accordance with the goal the following tasks have been put: to highlight text segments that correlate with the translation of value sense of «joy»; trace the deployment of a defined value sense under the modus radical; to define lingual signals for actualization of value sense; to characterize the phenomenon of joy in the aspect of the dichotomy of apriori and aposteriori senses. The suggested method of phenomenological analysis revealed the intentional presence of the phenomenon of joy in the mind of the writer. The reason for this was the allocation of a semantically integral system of author idiogloses, which in the text statements express a personally-subjective value relationship, which is realized as an intention, the implementation of which leads to the discursive deployment of sense, fixed by the outline in the text of the supraphrase unities, marked by the specificity of the modus-like organization of the deep structures in the text. The results of the analysis produce generalizations that are relevant to apriori and aposteriori character perception of the phenomenon of joy as a text sense: 1. The reflection of joy as the current apriori text sense is carried out within the context being formed by means of the lexicalsemantic and syntactic organization of supraphrase unities, and is characterized by the outline of the faces that reveal individual and authorial accents in understanding of this phenomenon in view of the actualization of other phenomena relevant to its comprehension, intentionally present in the mind of the writer. 2. The embedding of the basic textual sense, fulfilling the author’s intention, is accompanied by the generation of specific aposteriori sense, denoted by the affirmation of the phenomenon of joy as a value and associated with the actualization of the so-called author’s formulas in the structure of supraphrase unities.

Black Sacred RhetoricKatie Cannon and the Power of Memory Stephen G. Ray Jr (bio) I begin by noting that as with all biblical scholars—or better yet, writers of sacred scripture—Katie Cannon began her sacred discourses with the recitation of her table of ancestors. Specifically, with Mary Nance Lytle in Mecklenburg County in the state of North Carolina in the sometimes-divided United States of America.1 Her genealogy began with a woman who, like the ancestors of Nana Peazant in the film Daughters of the Dust, "chose to survive" so that the tribes born of the family she pieced back together after slavery might have something with which to build a future. I begin here, because reflecting on any public discourse as sacred rhetoric requires that it be anchored in a web of history, witness, and conviction. So, to reflect on the particular discursive deployment of sacred rhetoric by Katie Geneva Cannon of Kannapolis, North Carolina, requires such an anchoring. It requests, as well, attention to the specific points of finite. This requirement comes from the nature of sacred rhetoric being the language by which human beings describe their relationships with and response to the particular reality they conceive as being the ultimate reality. Put another way, sacred rhetoric is the words used by discrete human beings to talk about their walk with God. Notice of this particular web brings me to my first point: The discursive use of sacred rhetoric by Katie Cannon was a speech-act of recognizing the divine subjectivity of not one, but a universe of human beings who had such status in their own time. The recognition of their subjecting in relation to a God whose subjectivity is in a mutually constitutive relationship serves rhetorically as a hand that appears from nowhere to inscribe SACRED on the memory and lives of [End Page 127] these people "forgotten" to history. Moreover, this particular enactment of sacred discourse unmasks the demonic subjugation of a faith that requires a woman to piece her family back together because its practitioner had sanctioned their sale as chattel.2 So, as its first moment, this enactment of sacred rhetoric in the public discourse of Katie Cannon: 1) restores the divine subjectivity of those made in the image of God but ensnared in the wickedness of slavery, and 2) unmasks the demonic subjection of the Christian faith to the powers of this world mediated through corrupted notions or relationality inscribed through the notion of race. In our shared tradition, Reformed, we would refer to this as the ministerial office of priest and prophet, respectively. The second point to which I bring our attention is the quality of Katie's enactments of sacred rhetoric to break the mesmerizing glance of fallen intellectuality as it colonizes the mind and appropriates ideational objects rightly conceived of as sacred and renders them utterly profane. Put another way, her sacred rhetoric exposed the normative structures of the academy that allow/ed courses to be taught on the agony and suffering of the Passion, which explicitly disallowed the agony and suffering of enslaved divine subjects as having any capacity to illumine what time of the cross really means. Her work and deployment of sacred rhetoric service/ed then to expose the falsity of the estrangement of the heart and mind which characterizes so much of life in the academy. Throughout this, all-too-brief presentation, I have referred to the work of Rev. Dr. Katie Geneva Cannon as sacred rhetoric without making explicit connections to preaching. I have done so because I want to suggest, finally, that rhetoric which takes life in the public square and restores the divine subjectivity of the least among us; liberates faith made captive to the demonic structures of its day; and binds up the heart broken from the mind is divine discourse made flesh. And so it was with Katie Geneva Cannon of the tribe of Mary Nance Lytle of Mecklenburg County in the State of North Carolina in the sometimes United States of America. [End Page 128] Stephen G. Ray Rev. Dr. Stephen G. Ray Jr. is president of Chicago Theological Seminary (a seminary related to the United...

<div>As a national ideology, Pancasila has formal quality, but it is also part of the material aspects that shapes perspectives that drives national policies through the process of consensus. The open and ambiguous character of Pancasila allows a wide space for social and political interpretation, and therefore is open to critique and reformation through reinterpretations of its meaning. An examination of the ethics of the socio-political application of Pancasila is crucial in the current national climate, and these ethical valuations are formed through public discussions and debates on the meaning of Pancasila. Using data drawn from mass media. In this paper, I will examine the Government Regulation on Law (Perppu) No. 2/2017 as an example of how these political ethics develop through the discussion of the meaning of Pancasila.  Second, I'll highlight how the space for interpretation of the meaning of Pancasila determines how the public, government and oppositional coalitions evaluate the pro and contra approaches to translating the ideology into practice. Third, in examining the process of socio-political consensus as a necessity in the democratic life of Indonesia, this paper will position the discursive deployments of Pancasila in the ethical and political considerations that stem from the practical application of these discourses of Pancasila. </div><div><br></div>

Adopting an epistemic communities approach, this article outlines how US foreign policy elites have constructed their response to Egypt’s 2011 revolution. It argues that through the discursive deployment of elite power a neoliberal-security policy paradigm has been constructed and institutionalised. This policy seeks to promote a democratic transition in the long term whilst also allowing US elites to pursue more immediate security interests. However, tensions in the policy are evident as a result of continued flows of US foreign aid to Egypt that are contributing to the continuation of an Egyptian military–industrial–commercial complex that threatens the likelihood of any democratic transition.

En el presente trabajo reconstruimos el camino transitado durante la génesis de un proyecto cuyo objetivo general es comprender los procesos de constitución de identidades en habitantes de la ciudad de Córdoba desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que busca poner en diálogo las herramientas y enfoques de la Bioantropología y de la Antropología Social. La aplicación de la tecnología del ADN para la obtención de información sobre la ancestralidad biológica, individual y poblacional ha ido penetrando en los diversos dominios y sectores de la sociedad, y nuestro objetivo es aportar a estas discusiones. Los primeros resultados de este estudio dan cuenta de una multiplicidad de representaciones, despliegues discursivos, perspectivas y posturas en torno a cuestiones nodales como el significado del estudio genético, la construcción de la identidad y las memorias familiares. Todo lo anterior nos ha llevado a considerar que la propia acción de la investigación opera como espacio-tiempo de resignificación, interviniendo activamente en la construcción de esas memorias e identidades. Aunque pudimos avanzar en nuestra propuesta al exponer las bases de esta investigación y realizar un análisis preliminar de nuestros datos —con miras a reflexionar acerca de las imbricaciones entre la identidad cultural y biológica y a comprender mejor las formas particulares de construcción identitaria y las lógicas de marcación en ellas implicadas—, todavía falta mucho por desvendar