Direct Presidential Elections Research Articles

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Secara Langsung: Solusi atau Masalah?

The success of general election either is carried out in direct system or Indirect system, will be determined by all of election components such as society, politic al elites and power elites. The elections is the instrument of democracy to reach the good governance to achieve the good society, state and regional autonomy. The direct presidential election will show that people choice is the manifestation of soveregnity of the people to determine who will be the chief of the nation. In the modern democracy. The most important aspect of the integration of nation is constitution. The presidential direct election is just one the mechanisme to measure how good the democration system run.

Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Secara Langsung Persperktif Politik dan Hukum Tata Negara

The 2004 national election will give us such different discourse about our national leader July2004. This is the time to that the people will choose their own president and the vice president. This is, can be seen as a good achievement from the perspective of constitutional law. By choosing their national leader directly, the can determine who will be responsible to run the government in the following five years. The weakness of the old presidential election is that the aspiration of representatives may different from the people aspiration, as a result, people will have a president who actually they don’t want. Through direct presidential election, not only the president will be more legitimated, but also, more national stability will be gained.

Pemilihan Langsung Presiden dan Wakil Presiden

People aspiration soon after the collapse of Soeharto in 1998has lead to the constitutional reformation. -4s has been clearly understood, The 1945 Constitution, then has been amanded four times during very short period (from 1999-2002); a change which is never happen in any country worldwide. Presidential election mechanism is one of the most important aspects in such amandement in the near coming election, the president will be choosen directly by people. But, what people should understand about direct presidential election is that this is not only a chance to get better president who is trusted by all people, but also the mechanism of election will perform as the way to run costitutional system as has been agreed stated in in the amanded constitution.

Pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara Langsung

Direct presidential election system is not always a guarantee to choose that the choosen leader is always the best to govern this nation, in democration process we find some factors that not always rational and objective to choose the leader, it can depend on subyektif emotional factors which liebehind the primordialisme and also, we cant neglect the factor of personal benefit orientation as a result of money politics. The election system must encourage that only candidate who have morality, integrity and capabilty and support from the more people that will emerge to bring the good of the society and nations.

Indonesia’s Approaching Elections: A Year of Voting Dangerously?

Abstract: Indonesia’s democratic experiment is scheduled to undergo an unprecedented series of political tests in 2004: legislative elections at national, provincial and district levels in April; the first round of a first-ever direct presidential election in July; and if no candidate wins an absolute majority on the first round, a second round of presidential balloting in September. These contests could exacerbate underlying cleavages, and the results could facilitate eventual deadlock between executive and legislative institutions. The greater danger, however, lies in the chance that future leaders may fail to alleviate corruption, violence, and poverty, discrediting democracy in the eyes of a public more concerned with performance than procedures.

The Extension of Entitlement to Health Insurance in South Korea and Taiwan A Historical Institutional Approach

This article deals with social policy development in South Korea and Taiwan. The focus of analysis is on the time variation in the extension of entitlement to health insurance to the non-wage-earning population, one of the most contentious social policy issues in the two countries. The article contends that the existing explanations of East Asian social policy are too general to provide sufficient insight into the historical dynamics of social policy development in the two countries. It argues for a historical institutional approach, since this allows an analysis of the particular role played by the political systems and culture of South Korea and Taiwan in social policy development, aspects which have often been neglected by earlier studies. In both South Korea and Taiwan, direct presidential elections and the diffusion of international norms are central to an understanding of the motives behind and forms for the extension of entitlement to health insurance to the non-wage-earning population.

PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN SECARA LANGSUNG DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA

“Direct Presidential election is based on people’s will to determine their own national leaders. It leads to the changing MPR existence as an institution that holds people sovereignty and is authorized to appoint President and Vice President. Another point that should be clearly thought over on direct Presidential election is terms and mechanism of the election implementation.

The Education of Chen Shui-bian: Taiwan's experience of divided government

From its founding, Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party emphasized the role of the president. It advocated a variety of measures aimed at strengthening the presidency, including direct presidential elections. However, it was only when a DPP politician was elected president in 2000 that the party discovered just how weak Taiwan's president is. During his first year in office, President Chen Shui-bian repeatedly found himself stymied by an intransigent and uncooperative legislature. The conflict between the presidential office and the legislature climaxed in a confrontation over the executive's decision to cancel construction of Taiwan's fourth nuclear power plant. In the wake of the decision, some legislators attempted to recall Chen from office. In the second year of his presidency, Chen was more effective in working within the constraints of a divided government. Despite the difficulties its leaders faced in managing a divided government, however, the DPP has not changed its position in favor of presidentialism.

As Taiwan Approaches the New Millennium: Essays on Politics and Foreign Affairs

Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 The Origins of Conflict Across the Taiwan Strait Chapter 3 Taiwan's First Direct Presidential Election Chapter 4 The KMT's 15th Party Congress Chapter 5 U.S. China Policy and Taiwan Chapter 6 Index

Taiwan's path to national health insurance (1950–1995)

This study explores the evolution of statutory health insurance in the Republic of China on Taiwan from its inception in 1950 through to the inauguration of the National Health Insurance Programme in 1995. The main focus of the study is the timings of the adoption of the different statutory health insurance schemes targeted to the various segments of the population. It is argued that Taiwan's adoption of Labour Insurance for workers in 1950 could be best explained by the country's specific historical circumstance. The then‐ruling Nationalist government was keen to build up Taiwan as a showcase for the whole of China. The inauguration of the National Health Insurance Programme in 1995 was predominantly subjected to the Nationalist government's adjustment to its changing political position.

The Globo Television Network and the Election of 1998

In October 1998 Brazil experienced its third direct presidential election since its redemocratization in 1985. This was also first election in which presidential incumbent was eligible for a second term. This article analyzes electoral race that led to return of Fernando Henrique Cardoso to office of President of Republic from a specific angle-that of behavior of media and, more precisely, of principal television news journal in country, Globo Network's Jornal Nacional, watched daily by approximately 50 million people. In general, political analysts disregard media, seen-at most-as supporting actors in a play whose protagonists are parties, candidates, and sometimes union leaders or military. However, as Murray Edelman has observed (1985: 10), critical element of political debate is the creation of meaning: construction of beliefs about significance of events, of problems, of crises, of policy changes, and of leaders. In contemporary societies, capacity for dissemination of representations of social reality is concentrated in media (Miguel, 1999). It is clear, therefore, that political impact of content they diffuse cannot be ignored. It is a lasting impact that is advanced by various methods and types of programming, posing both as entertainment and as information. In short term and within context of an election, informative media are especially important, since they become-directly or indirectly-an essential means for providing cognitive resources that voters must employ in making their choices. Thus what media transmit or refrain from transmitting is significant from point of view of social reality that will be made available to its consumers. Methodologically, it is always complicated to work with what is not being processed or with possibilities that are not being realized (see Offe, 1984:

Gender, Race, and the Struggle for Social Justice in Brazil

Brazil, along with many Latin American countries, has alternated between democratic and military rule. From 1964 until 1985, it was governed by a military dictatorship. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the military brutally silenced all opposition movements through imprisonment, censorship, and decree (Dassin, 1986; Skidmore, 1988). Specifically prohibited through an institutional act was the discussion of race (Agier, 1995). Classifying any public discussion of race as subversive, military leaders forced the census bureau to eliminate the color question from the 1970 demographic census, thereby preventing documentation of racial inequalities. In the mid-1970s, however, a gradual process of political opening began, and social protest groups once again resurfaced. During the transition from military to civilian rule (direct presidential elections were held in 1989), Brazilian social activists sought to combine their struggle for democracy with the struggle for social justice (Andrews, 1996). Issues of racial inequality, as well as gender inequality, emerged as important rallying cries in opposition politics (Soares et al., 1995; Alvarez, 1994; Hanchard, 1994; Winant, 1992).' Women and Afro-Brazilians joined labor activists, church officials, and the rural and urban poor and began an unprecedented public dialogue on the role of gender and race in structuring opportunities and rewards in contemporary Brazilian society. With the return to civilian rule in the late 1980s, women and blacks played pivotal roles in Brazil's subsequent dramatic social and political changes. Their efforts focused, in general, on demanding better conditions of daily life and addressing issues of prejudice and discrimination. Feminists and Afro-Brazilians struggled in the streets, in Congress, and in the home for a more just and egalitarian society. Brazil's constitution was rewritten in 1988, and many of the activists' demands were transformed into constitutional rights. Provisions on equality between women and men, a chapter on the family, maternity and paternity leaves, new rights for domestic and rural workers,

Machine politics and protracted transition in Taiwan

Rather than viewing the opposition presidential victory in 2000 as the end of Taiwan's decades‐long protracted transition, this article argues that the end of transition was marked by Taiwan's first direct presidential election in 1996. The dominant‐party Kuomintang (KMT) regime cobbled together on Taiwan since the 1940s went beyond top‐down authoritarianism, as the party's leadership designed a political machine that deeply penetrated local society, enticing ordinary Taiwanese into political networks whose ultimate function was to support the KMT party‐state. The participants’ long experience with iterated bargaining over rules of competition trained the KMT and its opponents to expect incremental changes in response to repeated demands. Unlike opposition leaders in rapid transitions, for whom the negotiation of a pact offers the first (and sometimes only) opportunity to help define the rules of politics, Taiwan's opposition politicians saw these conferences as rungs on a ladder. Taiwan's experience demonstrates that even the limited electoral competition allowed in a single‐party authoritarian state creates powerful pressures for change.

Presidential elections: centrality, context, and implications

The author argues that the conjugation of certain democratic, socioeconomic and political factors has led to the "nationalization" of presidential elections in Brazil since 1960. The expansion of the electoral market resulting from urbanization and the growth of the electorate, together with the progressive removal of the obstacles to voting - due to income, gender, age, and education - has democratized the electoral process by diversifying the social structure of the electorate. Since then, the president's election has ceased to depend solely upon rural political forces and now involves multiple combinations of rural and urban political forces. Candidates can no longer count on specific social groups in order to guarantee their election, and need to widen their appeal. Based on the results of the direct presidential elections of 1960, 1989, 1994 and 1998, the author contends that the "nationalization" of the vote is part of the political integration of Brazilian society and that this, together with the social complexity of the electorate, means that the candidate's appeal and political stance need to be more wide-ranging in order to prevent potential conflicts from arising during the election campaign.

Student Mobilization in Taiwan: Civil Society and Its Discontents

Perhaps the most stunning case of a peaceful and rapid political transformation in recent years may be found in a land also known for its economic miracles-the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan. In roughly one decade, Taiwan moved from being a single-party state under the strictures of martial law to a multiparty democracy with direct legislative and presidential elections. Contemporaneously, such civil liberties as freedom of speech, assembly, and the press became realities. How did these dramatic changes occur with so little violent conflict and in such a short span of time? Theorists of democratic transitions emphasize the importance of an initial opening of political opportunity, giving rise to a civil society-defined here to mean group formation outside the sphere of the state-that further propels liberalizing change. By taking a close empirical look at autonomous group formation on university campuses in Taiwan during the ROC's period of political liberalization, this study shows that the development of civil society is a highly contingent affair deeply intertwined with a continually shifting political environment and not predictable a priori. The case of Taiwan's student movement illustrates that while a political opening in a repressive regime makes the formation of civil society possible, the construction of such is in no way automatic or natural. Overcoming decades of the stifling of civil society is a slow and haphazard affair. Further, when a ruling regime penetrates far into society, the political atmosphere can not simply be moved from closed to open. Even after an initial opening, continuing subtle shifts in the political environment may mold, and be molded by, the struggling emergence of a civil society. In Taiwan, just as liberalization at the national level did not inevitably spread to the universities,

Taiwan's 1998 Elections: Implications for Democratic Consolidation

Research Article| September 01 1999 Taiwan's 1998 Elections: Implications for Democratic Consolidation Yun-han Chu, Yun-han Chu Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Larry Diamond Larry Diamond Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Asian Survey (1999) 39 (5): 808–822. https://doi.org/10.2307/3021169 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Yun-han Chu, Larry Diamond; Taiwan's 1998 Elections: Implications for Democratic Consolidation. Asian Survey 1 September 1999; 39 (5): 808–822. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3021169 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1999 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Eleições presidenciais: centralidade, contexto e implicações

O artigo procura demonstrar que a conjugação de certos fatores demográficos, socioeconômicos e políticos conduziu à nacionalização das eleições presidenciais no Brasil a partir do pleito de 1960. A expansão do mercado eleitoral, como conseqüência da urbanização e do crescimento do eleitorado, e a queda progressiva das barreiras ao voto - de renda, de gênero, etária e de escolaridade - teriam democratizado a participação eleitoral, diversificando a composição social do eleitorado. Desde então, a eleição do presidente deixou de depender apenas das forças políticas rurais e passou a requerer uma infinidade de possíveis combinações de forças rurais e urbanas. O candidato não poderia mais contar com segmentos sociais específicos e numericamente fortes para se garantir, necessitando de bases sociais ampliadas. Com base nos resultados das eleições presidenciais diretas de 1960, 1989, 1994 e 1998, o autor argumenta que a nacionalização do voto, definida pelos indicadores acima, é parte da integração política da sociedade e que esta, associada à complexidade social do eleitorado, exigem que a mensagem política e o apelo do candidato que pretenda maximizar o voto sejam de natureza ampla, de modo a evitar a manifestação, na campanha, de conflitos potenciais.

Taiwan as Macedonia? Strait tensions as a syndrome

In June 1995 a private visit to the United States by Taiwanese president Lee Teng‐hui generated a wave of acrimonious rhetoric and bellicose activity by China. Tensions in the Taiwan Strait, which by the early 1990s appeared to be at a four‐decade low, suddenly escalated. In mid 1995 and early 1996 China conducted missile tests in the waters around Taiwan and conducted large scale military exercises off the Chinese coast in the vicinity of the island. But just as suddenly as tensions had heightened, they dissipated following the conclusion of Taiwan's first‐ever direct presidential election in March 1996. China acknowledged the result, the re‐election of President Lee, and urged Taipei to resume a dialogue with Beijing. The recent confrontation between China and Taiwan is one that is not easily explained or predicted. This article contends that the recent China—Taiwan tensions can best be explained by factoring in ethnicity and irredentism.

Direct presidential elections: a world summary

This paper first examines the frequency of direct presidential elections among the 170 countries of the world with a working, directly elected parliament. We find that there is a directly elected president in more than half of the countries and in about two-thirds of the republics. Former British colonies are less likely to hold direct presidential elections, which are otherwise very popular in North and South America and Africa. We then examine the kind of electoral formula that is used for the election of presidents. Most elections are held under the majority rule, most of the time under the majority runoff procedure. The majority rule is clearly predominant in Europe and Africa, and is unpopular in North America. Finally, no relationship is observed between the level of economic development or of democracy and the use of direct presidential elections or the choice of an electoral formula.

Exploring the Complexities of Contemporary Taiwan

Taiwan entered the international spotlight in 1996. No longer seen as just an economic powerhouse and diplomatic dilemma, the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROCOT) caught international attention in two new dimensions: politics and security. In March the ROCOT's first ever direct presidential election took place against the backdrop of unprecedented military coercion from the People's Republic of China (PRC). The world watched nervously as Taiwan's presidential candidates campaigned while Chinese missiles landed near the island's two major ports and air and naval forces of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) held live-fire exercises in the Taiwan Strait.