ABSTRACT This article analyses the Uruguayan government’s contact with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1955–6, highlighting the factors that both facilitated and hindered this rapprochement. Despite Luis Batlle Berres’s efforts to seek commercial agreements and advocate for the PRC’s inclusion in the United Nations, the Global Cold War and its influence on Uruguay’s domestic politics ultimately thwarted the establishment of formal diplomatic relations. The study draws on primary sources from Uruguay and China to reveal the complex interaction between global and local dynamics, emphasising how tensions and ideological divisions led to missed opportunities for economic cooperation and diplomatic relations.

Factors influencing the allocation of United States' development assistance for health, 2000-2020.

The article provides a comprehensive scientific analysis of the strategies and tools of the European Union’s public diplomacy in states that demonstrate consistent ideological solidarity with the Russian Federation and systematically oppose pro-Ukrainian resolutions in the UN General Assembly. The study focuses on the activities of EU Delegations in three countries: Belarus, Nicaragua, and Eritrea during the period of critical geopolitical escalation between 2022 and 2026. The author argues that under conditions of total censorship, repression, and the direct threat of severing diplomatic relations, EU public diplomacy has undergone a fundamental transformation: from a classical model of normative promotion of European values to a strategy of institutional conservation. It is established that the key task of EU Delegations in these regions has become maintaining a minimum operational presence and functioning as alternative information hubs that ensure the presence of pro-Ukrainian discourse in isolated environments. The paper details differentiated communication approaches depending on the regional context and illustrates the specific features of EU public diplomacy in Belarus (appeal to shared European values), Nicaragua (emphasis on debunking Russian myths about the “struggle against colonialism”), and Eritrea (a model of “small steps” diplomacy). Particular attention is paid to the role of digital platforms (Facebook, X) and personalized accounts of top diplomats, which remain the only verified channels for transmitting Brussels’ position amid a blocked official dialogue. It is proved that even under an extremely hostile political climate, EU Representations continue to serve as a value-based reference point, delegitimizing the aggressor state’s attempts to impose its own version of the world order and ensuring sustainable solidarity with the territorial integrity of Ukraine at the civil society level.

ABSTRACT In Australia-Japan histories, Japanese migrants in Australia have often been treated as distinct from the political and diplomatic relationship between these two nations. As Horikawa acutely identifies, Japanese migrants before 1941 enjoyed a special position with minor concessions under the White Australia Policy due to Japan’s growing international status and sustained diplomatic pressure on Australia. Notably, concessions were granted under the 1904 Japanese Passport Agreement and in the exemption of the pearl shell industry, which almost exclusively benefited Japanese workers. Extending upon the concept of minor concessions, this article inverts the emphasis on Japan’s growing international status to examine the impact and interconnection of northern Australia’s Japanese communities on the concessions and exemptions granted under the White Australia Policy. Drawing on records of Japanese and Australian consular correspondence, newspaper articles, and migration records, this article examines how local Japanese communities formed associations that influenced the establishment of formal diplomatic structures. These structures were essential to gaining – and ensuring the fair application of – concessions under the White Australia Policy, as well as a means of resistance to discrimination. This research emphasises the agency and influence of individual migrants in gaining diplomatic power within Australia’s history of immigration restriction and discrimination.

ABSTRACT Against the backdrop of the expansion of international Chinese education and the fiftieth anniversary of China-Thailand diplomatic relations, this study examines the historical evolution of Chinese language education in Thailand through perspectives from language policy and the sociology of education. Employing a qualitative, multi-source analytical approach, it explores shifting social contexts, educational policies, and Chinese school practices across different historical periods. The findings reveal that the development of Thai Chinese education reflects a dynamic negotiation between ethnic cultural continuity and state governance. From the rise of modern Chinese schools in the early twentieth century to the restrictive policies that marginalized Chinese education during the mid-twentieth century, the Chinese community continuously recalibrated its educational practices under shifting political conditions. Since the normalization of Sino-Thai relations and the acceleration of globalization in the late twentieth century, Chinese education has gradually moved from a marginalized ethnic institution to an institutionalized foreign language subject within Thailand's education system. By adopting a historical-institutional lens, this study elucidates the complex interactions among nation-state building, language policy, and educational practice, offering insights into the development of Chinese education across Southeast Asia.

The European Union and China in 2025 reached a significant landmark of 50 years of diplomatic relations. Back in 1975, when formal diplomatic relations were established, the European Community was a 12-Member State arrangement, and China was just escaping from the effects of the Cultural Revolution. Both experienced significant changes in these 50 years and both developed from very different starting points. While what is now the EU, and China have travelled along significantly different paths politically and economically, ultimately both have become economic and political pillars in the world. This paper will unravel the relationship from its outset in 1975 and follow the separate journeys which these two state actors have pursued. Despite the ideological east-west contrast between the Western European states and China, the early period of the relationship revealed significant cooperation. Since the 2000s, the EU’s relative decline in global economic terms and China’s trade and economic rise has produced greater tension and rivalry between them. While China’s trade surplus with the EU has raised concerns, it has not produced the US response of protective tariffs. However, the future of this relationship may well go along the same path as that of the US.

Morocco and Algeria have shared a long historical relationship of genuine fraternity and friendship; however, there have been times when this comradeship has resembled the brotherhood of Cain and Abel, fraught with tensions and characterized by tragic turning points. Throughout the history of the countries' interactions, particularly at the level of diplomacy as well as the military sphere, official political speeches of Moroccan and Algerian political representatives always reflect subliminal ideologies that can be revealed within a systematic analysis of political texts, relying on a solid theoretical framework. Such methodological examination enables this study to establish a logical link between the linguistic features used by those politicians and some social and geopolitical consequences. In pursuit of this, this paper examines the linguistic choices used by King Mohammed VI in approaching Algeria diplomatically, specifically those mirroring the Moroccan monarch's policy of the 'outstretched hand'. The samples used in this study were chosen based on purposive sampling and were analyzed according to Fairclough's three-dimensional model. The findings indicate that the Moroccan king consistently uses specific lexical choices that depict a discourse marked by fraternity. In contrast, the Algerian state has shown no tangible engagement with this Moroccan initiative.

Abstract: This essay examines Chinese and American scholarly exchange during the 1980s and 1990s, following the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) and the establishment of US-China diplomatic relations (1979). The essay focuses on one of the period's leading academic figures—Professor Zhang Zhongli of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS)—who worked with American scholar Sherman Cochran to organize international research conferences in China and the United States. The scholarly exchange resulting from these conferences contributed to the opening of important archives such as the Shanghai Municipal Archives. The collaboration between Zhang and Cochran also led to the creation of a new archive funded by the Luce Foundation, the Center for Research Materials in Chinese Business History, at SASS. Today, as the Chinese Communist Party once again has tightened ideological control over China's academic institutions, it is time to reconsider how Sino-American scholarly collaboration was successfully achieved in the late twentieth century.

ABSTRACT Hungaro-Romanian diplomatic relations have long been shaped by rivalry and interethnic conflict, influencing political and cultural interactions between the two nations. These tensions extend into sport diplomacy, where recurring controversies, particularly in ice hockey, have reinforced divisions rather than fostering dialogue. Media coverage in both countries plays a central role in constructing narratives of victimhood, shaping the image of the ‘other’, and amplifying interethnic tensions. This paper examines the media representation of Hungaro-Romanian sport relations through the lens of ice hockey between 2021 and 2023. It identifies recurring themes, ethnic biases, and dominant narratives that shape public perception and international relations. The central research question explores how media representations function as discursive arenas for negotiating national identity, interethnic tensions and sport diplomacy. The study employs a mixed-method approach combining qualitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis. It analyzes leading Romanian and Hungarian news outlets alongside the official Facebook pages of the respective ice hockey federations, focusing on key matches involving the national teams. The findings show that media representations reinforce historical and ethnic narratives, shaping public opinion and contributing to divergent national perspectives.

ABSTRACT The Philippines – China relationship is one of the most volatile in Southeast Asia. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1975, the relations have oscillated from exceptional warmth to cold hostility. Despite this uncertainty, since 1982, subnational actors in the Philippines have forged partnerships at the regional and municipal levels with their Chinese counterparts. While scholars have extensively researched diplomatic ties, the subnational ties between these two countries remain curiously underexplored. There are now 45 municipal and provincial partnerships between the Philippines and China that are cooperating on an array of economic and social projects. Drawing on fieldwork in the Philippines and an original survey, this study aims to determine the impact of the country’s subnational ties on the bilateral relationship. Do these subnational ties exist as a secondary function of diplomatic relations or are they a form of international relations in their own right? By exploring these questions, this study seeks to understand how these ties have developed and how they are viewed by the public, as well as identify their limitations and challenges for future progress.

On March 19, 2026, the Prime Minister of Japan and the President of the United States held a Japan–U.S. summit meeting at the White House. What were the outcomes of this meeting? Historically and economically, Japan and the United States have cultivated a close diplomatic relationship, exemplified by the Japan–U.S. Security Treaty. Particularly in today’s rapidly evolving international environment, the roles expected of both countries are of considerable importance. What issues were addressed at this summit? What positions were articulated and achieved? Furthermore, what implications might this meeting have for the future of global affairs? This paper focuses on the words and actions of Sanae Takaichi, analyzing them from a sociolinguistic perspective. It examines her visit to the United States, the range of arguments both supporting and opposing her summit meeting with Donald Trump, as well as Japan’s internal sense of “crisis” regarding the issue of the Strait of Hormuz and the China–Taiwan issue. It also explores her rapport-oriented communicative style in her interactions with Trump. This analysis is situated within the broader context of future Japan–U.S. relations and the evolving international order. As primary sources, this study draws upon major newspapers, online materials, and television reports to examine the actual circumstances surrounding the summit.

As the pax Americana inevitably disintegrates, enemies probe along its frontier, and the frontier states must choose how to respond. Russia attacked the European perimeter’s Ukrainian buffer zone. Hungary, a small frontier state, has chosen to maintain friendly economic and diplomatic relations with Russia. One interpretation suggests that Hungary’s Russia policy is a product of Hungary’s history as a small nation surviving amidst hostile empires, and the Hungarian government’s realist approach to foreign affairs. An alternative interpretation suggests that Hungary’s Russia policy is a function of Russia’s capture of key Hungarian elites. This article presents Hungarian foreign policy experts’ views on Russia. The author interviewed these experts in the Summer of 2025.

ABSTRACT Türkiye uses its national airline and flag carrier, Turkish Airlines, in the context of aviation diplomacy, in line with its foreign policy, to develop relations with the African continent and leverage its soft power potential. In this study, we examined the strategic role of Turkish Airlines in Türkiye’s Africa policies within the context of aviation diplomacy and soft power, with particular focus on Djibouti, Burkina Faso, and Rwanda. In the study, we examined changes in Türkiye’s diplomatic, economic, cultural, and educational relations with Djibouti, Burkina Faso, and Rwanda following the launch of direct flights by Turkish Airlines in 2012. As a result of the study, we found that following the launch of Turkish Airlines flights, diplomatic relations between Türkiye and Djibouti, Rwanda, and Burkina Faso intensified, economic relations strengthened, trade volumes expanded, and the number of visitors travelling from these countries to Türkiye increased significantly. We also observed a steady increase in the number of students coming from these countries to Turkish universities. Finally, we determined that Turkish Airlines plays a very significant role as a soft power actor in Türkiye’s efforts to achieve its foreign policy objectives in Africa.

During the Timurid Empire (1370–1507), the status of women was exceptionally high compared to other medieval Eastern societies. This article examines the political influence, cultural patronage, and social role of women in the Timurid dynasty based on authentic historical facts and examples. Women actively participated not only in family life but also in state governance, diplomatic relations, and architectural construction. Through the synthesis of Turko-Mongol traditions, Islamic values, and modern research, the article analyzes women’s contribution to the development of the empire.

ABSTRACT Between 1950 and 1962 Hollywood film companies moved many of their productions to European studios, including Cinecittà in Rome. Doing so was more economically profitable and allowed them to capitalise on location shooting. Among the films that Hollywood realised in Italy, several were romantic comedies featuring US tourists visiting the country as protagonists. Focusing on the holiday experience, these comedies reflected the growing and relevant presence of American tourists in 1950s Italy. Working from a film history perspective and integrating movie analysis with information from archival documents and printed sources, this article makes three primary arguments. First, the afore mentioned Hollywood romances were a means of promoting Italy to the American public, as part of a broad media network supported by the tourism industry. Second, depicting postcard-like Italian scenarios and stereotypical portraits of local people, they cast an external gaze on the country, superimposing the mediatic image of Italy as a destination onto the complexity of Italy as a nation, i.e. a historic, political, and social construction. Finally, they metaphorised the political and diplomatic relationship between the two countries in the post-war period, when Italy steadily entered the US sphere of influence.

The coming of the Soviet war scare in 1927 obliged all communist parties to spring to the defence of the world’s first socialist state. Kick-started by Britain’s severance of diplomatic relations in May, clear emphasis was placed from the very beginning on the role the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) would play in combating a supposed British-led invasion of Soviet Russia. This article argues that the CPGB exhibited a distinctly sluggish approach to the war scare. Focus on the Russian war threat throughout 1927 was mitigated by the attention paid towards ongoing British intervention in China. Furthermore, though expected to welcome an ‘imperialist’ conflict as an opportunity to subvert the armed forces, thus creating a revolutionary situation, many British communists gained the Comintern’s ire in refusing to adopt such a strategy. The war scare, waging in ever greater force after 1927, came to be subsumed into the wider tenets of ‘class against class’. As such, this article argues that the tensions that engulfed the CPGB in the years between 1928 and 1929 over this new political doctrine included an anti-militarist dimension, with internal dissension over the war scare a key feature in the Comintern’s decision to remove much of the CPGB’s leadership by the end of 1929.

The subject of the study is the problem of the status of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) in Soviet–Chinese relations in the early 1920s. The object of the research is Soviet–Chinese diplomatic relations in the context of resolving the issue of the CER as a key economic, transport, and strategic asset in Manchuria. The article analyzes the contradiction between the officially proclaimed renunciation by the Soviet state of unequal treaties and the actual practice of maintaining control over former Russian positions in China. Particular attention is paid to the manifesto of L. M. Karakhan of July 25, 1919, which became an important instrument of Soviet diplomacy under conditions of international isolation, as well as to its subsequent transformation and revision in the early 1920s. The central research problem is to explain the reasons and mechanisms behind the transition of the Soviet state from anti-imperialist rhetoric and the declared readiness to transfer the CER to China to a policy aimed at preserving its dominant position on the railway through the agreements of 1924 concluded with the Beijing government and the government of Zhang Zuolin. The significance of this issue is reinforced by its historiographical debatability. Scholarly literature offers various interpretations of both the content of Karakhan’s manifesto and the motives of the Soviet side, ranging from the influence of the military-political situation during the Civil War to a deliberate combination of ideological and pragmatic considerations. The study employs the method of historicism, which предполагает analyzing phenomena in their development, interconnection, and conditionality within specific historical contexts. The novelty of the research lies in the use of both published sources and newly introduced archival materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVPRF), allowing the author to examine understudied aspects of Soviet–Chinese relations related to the CER issue in 1919–1925. Special attention is given to the contradiction between official Soviet declarations on the renunciation of unequal treaties and the actual diplomatic practice aimed at preserving control over the Chinese Eastern Railway. Based on archival documents, the article analyzes the content and political significance of Karakhan’s manifesto, the negotiation process between the USSR, the Beijing government, and the authorities of Manchuria, as well as the mechanisms that enabled the Soviet side to consolidate its influence over the CER through the agreements of 1924.

This study examines the legal foundations, historical development, and contemporary functions of diplomatic representation under international law. The methodology used for analysis is Analyze diplomatic documents for cultural practices, textual functions, and social contexts using refined comparative methods. Emphasizing diplomatic representation evolution from customary practices and temporary envoys to codification according to international agreements such as the 1961 Vienna Agreement on Diplomatic Relations and the 1963 Vienna Agreement on Consular Relations. These conventions formalized the privileges, immunities, and obligations of diplomatic representatives, ensuring that diplomacy operates within a framework of sovereignty, reciprocity, and mutual respect. The analysis highlights the diverse roles of ambassadors, consuls, attachés, high commissioners, and other envoys who, beyond serving as symbols of state sovereignty, actively engage in political, economic, cultural, and humanitarian affairs. Their responsibilities encompass negotiation, crisis management, protection of nationals abroad, facilitation of trade and investment, policy reporting, and the promotion of cultural exchange. Historically, diplomacy has demonstrated adaptability to global transformations, from the Peace of Westphalia and the conference of Vienna to the foundation of international organizations such as the United Nations, reflecting its central role in shaping international order.

This study aims to observe neologisms and morphological innovation in media coverage of the ceasefire between Iran and the U.S. It mainly focuses on how newly created lexical forms help in political and ideological representation in current media discourse. Media normally produces new words, mix languages and adapted words from other languages to describe ongoing events and influence public perception especially in political crises and political pressure. The main purpose of this study is to identify the types of neologism that have been created in the media coverage of the conflict between Iran and the USA. This research employed a qualitative approach to analyze morphological innovations and media discourse. It collected data from internationally recognized media platforms namely, BBC News, Al Jazeera, Reuters, and The Guardian. The current study examines news headlines, online media content and published articles related to the conflict that contain newly invented lexical forms. The research bases its analysis on word-formation processes that include compounding, blending, clipping, derivation, acronym and semantic change. The findings of this study reveal that lexical forms that are produced as the result of Iran-U.S. conflict function not only as morphological innovation but also these neologisms serve as discursive instruments that frame diplomatic relations, international negotiations, regional conflicts, and diplomacy. The study is significant because it contributes to the fields of Morphology, and Media Discourse to show the relationship between word formation and ideological representation in contemporary media coverage.

BackgroundThe resistance war against the United States was not merely a military struggle but also a diplomatic and international public opinion battle. In this context, constructing the image of the Vietnamese Revolution played a particularly crucial role in consolidating legitimacy and garnering international support. Consequently, the ideological, cultural, and social fronts within revolutionary battlefields became an organic component of the revolutionary foreign policy strategy.Research ProblemAlongside formal diplomatic activities at the central level, political and ideological work within revolutionary battlefields particularly the Southern battlefield contributed to shaping and disseminating the image of the Vietnamese Revolution to the international public. However, the role of grassroots political-ideological work in image-building and supporting foreign affairs has not yet been systematically examined in existing diplomatic and international relations literature.ObjectivesThis article aims to analyze the role of political and ideological work in the Southern battlefield in constructing the Vietnamese revolutionary image for foreign affairs from 1954 to 1975. Through this analysis, the study clarifies the relationship between building domestic political and social strength and consolidating the international image and legitimacy of the Vietnamese Revolution.MethodsThe study employs the historical method combined with document analysis and international relations approaches regarding image, legitimacy, and soft power. Research is based on an examination of party documents, propaganda materials, memoirs, revolutionary journalism, and various international sources related to peace movements and global public opinion on the Vietnam War.Main ConclusionsThe research indicates that political and ideological work in the Southern battlefield did not only serve to build internal revolutionary strength but also acted as a vital resource for constructing the national image, reinforcing legitimacy, and enhancing the diplomatic effectiveness of the Vietnamese Revolution during the anti-American resistance war.