Developments In Northern Ireland Research Articles

Policy transition: public sector sport for development in Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT Globally, governments are implementing public sector reform to address declining budgets and public trust to improve programme efficiency and effectiveness. Sport has become ever more relevant with regards local, national and international social policy as part of an enhanced role for the third sector in tackling a plethora of societal issues. This article attempts to explore, the success (or otherwise) of sport for development (SfD) programmes transitioning positive outcomes from a micro and meso level to the macro level in Northern Ireland. Three management models (Outcomes-based accountability, Organisational capacity and Resource dependency theory) are used to establish the level of efficiency and effectiveness of SfD programmes in Northern Ireland, based on semi-structured interviews with a range of policy and delivery stakeholders. This article identifies potential areas of conflict at the intersection between policy and practice which limit the translation of successful project outcomes. The ambiguity of purpose combined with the absence of a population level evaluation model and financial reliance perpetuates task-based projects at the expense of sectoral outcomes. In turn, individuals are faced with a ridged multi-agency offering without a multi-agency approach. This article recommends a government-wide indicator for sport and physical activity linked to an overarching sport-related strategy, which clearly defines language, purpose and responsibilities across the public sector. One which builds on existing structures to support transition (individual and organisational) across the three identified interlinking phases of sport.

Perinatal mental healthcare in Northern Ireland: challenges and opportunities.

Perinatal mental health is a vital component of public mental health. The perinatal period represents the time in a woman's life when she is at the highest risk of developing new-onset psychiatric disorders or relapse of an existing mental illness. Optimisation of maternal mental health in the perinatal period is associated with both short- and long-term benefits not only for the mother, but also for her infant and family. However, perinatal mental health service provision remains variable across the world. At present in Northern Ireland, 80% of women do not have access to specialist community perinatal mental health services, and without access to a mother and baby unit, mothers who require a psychiatric admission in the postnatal period are separated from their baby. However, following successful campaigns, funding for development of specialist perinatal mental health community teams has recently been approved. In this article, we discuss the importance of perinatal mental health from a public health perspective and explore challenges and opportunities in the ongoing journey of specialist service development in Northern Ireland.

Northern Ireland’s New Offence of Domestic Abuse

Abstract A specific offence of domestic abuse was introduced in Northern Ireland in March 2021 under section 1 of the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act (Northern Ireland) 2021. This represents a crucial development in Northern Ireland’s response to domestic abuse. The new legislation has the effect of criminalizing coercive and controlling behaviour, therefore bringing Northern Ireland into line with the other jurisdictions within the United Kingdom and Ireland, and also with relevant human rights standards. Being the final jurisdiction within the United Kingdom and Ireland to criminalize such behaviour has enabled Northern Ireland’s approach to be informed by the legislation enacted in the other jurisdictions and, in some respects, has allowed Northern Ireland to ‘cherry pick’ the best aspects of the approaches of these jurisdictions. There are also aspects of Northern Ireland’s domestic abuse offence which differ from the approaches in any of the other jurisdictions in question. However, although the enactment of the domestic abuse offence is certainly a very positive development, this will not constitute a complete panacea to the problem of domestic violence in Northern Ireland. Legislation in itself is insufficient as regards addressing domestic abuse, and further sustained efforts are necessary to tackle this issue.

Brokering the Good Friday Agreement: the Untold Story by Mary E Daly (review)

Book Reviews Mary E Daly (ed.), Brokering the Good Friday Agreement: the Untold Story (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2019), 208 pages. For those who’ve been infected with the virus of the Northern Ireland peace process, perhaps as a result of insufficient social distancing, there has as yet been no vaccine developed which is capable of quelling their enthusiasm for more testimony of the kind brought together in this book. It is a series of personal accounts by some of the most distinguished Irish public servants to have contributed to the search for peace in the three decades leading up to Good Friday 1998, which were delivered at a conference hosted by the Royal Irish Academy in March 2018 to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Agreement. All the essays offer support for the simple point made by Olivia O’Leary in her foreword: the slow realisation over time by both the Irish and the British governments that they were much stronger when they worked together than when, as she puts it, they remained hostage to their respective extremists. It was a long journey for both Dublin and London and the necessary understanding was only gradually acquired. For an English reader who may be aware just how under-informed successive British governments were about developments in Northern Ireland in the period from 1945, it is intriguing to discover from Seán Donlon’s piece that at the outset of the Troubles there was no one in either the Department of the Taoiseach or the Department of Foreign Affairs tasked with reporting on the North. Ted Smyth’s account of the New Ireland Forum confirms that ignorance of Northern Ireland was a feature of the Irish political class too. The Sunningdale Conference in December 1973 was a telling indicator of what might be possible, as Donlon and Noel Dorr remind us. Seamus Mallon’s famous reference to slow learners is one way of characterising the period between 1974 and 1998, though in fairness to the two governments they themselves made quicker progress than that interval suggests. Michael Lillis makes the direct connection between Sunningdale and the next major stopping point in this collection, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. His account of its origins, intentions and consequences is invaluable. It has always seemed remarkable to this observer that Mrs Thatcher was Studies • volume 109 • number 436 466 persuaded to sign up to it only a year after being so nearly assassinated in Brighton, but, as Charles Moore notes in his biography of her, it was extraordinary in retrospect how little British policy on Northern Ireland changed in the aftermath of the bombing. Her own subsequent verdict that the Agreement was ‘something uniquely valuable and lasting’ is on the record, but Lillis’s analysis would confirm some of her anxieties and concerns about its substance, not least his description of Garret Fitzgerald’s ‘key but “unspoken” objective to push its terms as closely as possible to a system of joint authority … for the government of Northern Ireland’. Martin Mansergh’s succinct summary of its significance would almost certainly have confirmed such doubts, though a balanced historical judgement must surely echo his conclusion that the Agreement was instrumental in ‘leading to an eventual break in the prolonged political and military deadlock, even if in its immediate aftermath the opposite seemed to be the case’. There are several ways of expressing that instrumentality. One is, as Mansergh does, by referring to the impact on the parties in Northern Ireland. Another is, as David Donoghue suggests, by attributing to it the launch of a genuine partnership between the two governments which had its ultimate fruits in the Good Friday Agreement and the subsequent decade or so of attempted implementation. One telling aspect of the developing partnership is recounted in Richard Ryan’s fascinating account of how he built and broadened Irish contacts in Westminster, especially in the Conservative party, such that there might eventually be parliamentary support for what became the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The effectiveness of that operation is a great tribute to the quality of Irish diplomacy. Briefer references to the Brooke-Mayhew talks and the Downing Street Declaration in December 1993 evidence...

Sexual Offence Trials in Northern Ireland: The Cultural and Legal Dimensions

This chapter introduces the book and the key developments in Northern Ireland that led to its inception. These include the high profile ‘Rugby Rape Trial’ and the subsequent Gillen Review into serious sexual offences in Northern Ireland which collectively stimulated public, policy and academic discussion of the key issues, challenges and reform agendas in addressing and responding to sexual violence. The objectives of the book are: to add a Northern Irish perspective to the literature on investigating and prosecuting sexual violence; to draw from comparative international and domestic contexts and alternative approaches to sexual violence, and; to provide a text that is accessible to both academic and practitioner audiences by incorporating the voices of both in the collection. The chapter explains the legal and policy framework within Northern Ireland governing serious sexual offences and provides an overview of the broader context in terms of national and international reform agendas. The chapter situates the book within wider cultural and legal discourses on sexual violence and highlights the innovative contribution of the collection to the existing literature. Finally, it introduces the chapters that make up the rest of this collection.

Person-centred care in Northern Ireland: learning from the experiences of adult social care users

PurposeThe move towards a “person-centred” or “personalised” system of adult social care has been at the heart of policy debates in Great Britain. However, policy developments in Northern Ireland are more limited than in other parts of the UK, and less attention has been paid to reforming adult social care. The purpose of this paper is to examine the views and experiences of adult social care users who receive care at home, to explore if and how a person-centred approach might work for older adults in Northern Ireland.Design/methodology/approachUsing a qualitative approach, semi-structured interviews were carried out with 12 people aged over 70 years who receive social care provision at home.FindingsThe empirical findings show that social care users experienced limited involvement in their care planning process, reflecting a predominantly service-led approach. The importance of care worker continuity and consistency was crucial for all participants, particularly for maintaining discreet routines and promoting personal dignity. However many experienced different care workers which presented challenges caused by the inconsistency of carers.Research limitations/implicationsThe majority of participants in the study were women, despite attempts to achieve greater gender diversity. It was also difficult to recruit a range of ethnic groups for the study. It would be important for future studies to include these groups and to ensure their voices are represented in further work in this area. Nonetheless, the findings offer valuable insight into the views of adult social care users and can form a useful basis for future studies.Originality/valueThe findings provide a more nuanced understanding of what people want and expect in social care to generate future policy debates and discussions in planning long-term adult social care provision in Northern Ireland. It also provides important and timely contribution to this area, where there is currently limited research and information available.

Irish-language education and the Council of Europe's Minority Treaties: the monitoring of developments in Northern Ireland

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After abortion’s arrival in Northern Ireland: Conscientious objection and other concerns

Until recently, Northern Ireland was infamous for having one of the most restrictive legal frameworks for abortion in Europe. This meant that few were performed in the country, and those who wished to terminate a pregnancy were forced to travel to other parts of the UK or further afield. In 2019 a continuing political stalemate in Northern Ireland has indirectly resulted in the relevant legislation recently being repealed by the UK government. For a short time, this meant that the legal position in Northern Ireland regarding abortion became one of the most permissive in Europe. This short paper sets out the current position and, in the light of the political and legislative roadmap set out by the Northern Ireland Office, identifies and briefly discusses some potential problems that might arise. Most notable are the points raised with regard to conscientious objection. Specifically, the potential for developments in Northern Ireland to further calls for healthcare professional’s ability to rely upon conscientious objection to be removed.

Teacher education in Northern Ireland: reasons to be cheerful or a ‘Wicked Problem’?

ABSTRACTThis paper provides a critical reflection on teacher education and professional development in Northern Ireland between 2003 and 2018. It argues that whilst there is much about teacher education in Northern Ireland that is to be commended, the unique socio-historical, political and cultural context within which it operates may be considered as a ‘Wicked Problem’ which currently mitigates the potential to develop the teaching profession to best effect. Two key issues which highlight the Wicked Problem are addressed: the extended process of teacher education review; and a focus on the infrastructure of the system. The paper concludes by suggesting that future policy priorities need to value and promote existing strengths and cohere around the new approach to ‘Shared Education’ and the ‘Learning Leaders Strategy’ in order to build a mature system of teacher education to meet the challenges of a changing Northern Ireland.

Brexit and Westminster’s “Ulsterior Motives”

The chances are growing that an unexpected consequence of the 2016 UK referendum to exit the European Union (or “Brexit”) may eventuate in the unexpected development of Northern Ireland exiting the UK, or what might be termed “NIRexit.” In other words, Brexit may lead to Irish unification. The long-cherished dream of Irish nationalists for “a united Ireland” may therefore be the inadvertent consequence of the campaign to withdraw from the EU by the Brexiteers. Both demographics and economics are pushing Dublin and Belfast ever closer together. The increasing likelihood is that the attractions of remaining in the EU will be more important to Northern Irish citizens than age-old anxieties about joining the traditionally Catholic dominated Irish Republic. “Potatoes, not popes” may weigh more heavily than historical divisions between the Catholic south and the Irish north, especially because the Irish Republic is no longer dominated by the Catholic Church.

Careers work in England’s schools: politics, practices and prospects

ABSTRACTThis article provides a five-year historical synopsis of how central government policies are impacting on careers work in England’s secondary schools. It shows attempts to reshape and re-engineer careers provision for young people, through an evolving careers experiment. The extent to which such exogenous arrangements are facilitating and/or impeding progress to secure independent and impartial careers guidance for young people is considered. Some brief comparisons are made to other national careers policy developments in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. A blame culture and evidence-based rhetoric has crept into England’s policy discourse. The career development profession has largely been left on the periphery of the careers experiment and this article seeks explanations of this oversight. There are tensions yet to be resolved when it comes to a quasi-market experiment in careers work and the role of government. Key lessons learned are outlined for consideration by policy-makers, academic and practitioners both within and outside of the UK.

‘The situation over there really bothers me’: Ronald Reagan and the Northern Ireland conflict

AbstractThe relationship between the Reagan administration and the Northern Ireland conflict is a neglected area of transatlantic history. This article addresses the extent of Ronald Reagan’s interest in the Northern Irish conflict and the manner in which other protagonists sought to secure or prevent his involvement. It will examine the president’s approach in the context of different views within his administration, the State Department’s wish to maintain American neutrality on the issue of Northern Ireland, and the desire of leading Irish-American politicians for the American government to be much more interventionist. These debates coincided with significant developments in Northern Ireland. Therefore, Reagan’s contribution to the Anglo–Irish process encapsulates a variety of issues: the Troubles in Northern Ireland during the 1980s, the 1985 Anglo–Irish Agreement and the internationalisation of the conflict before the election of President Bill Clinton in 1993.

The Ethnic Implications of Preferential Voting

Around the turn of the century, political developments in Northern Ireland, Fiji and Papua New Guinea encouraged claims that preferential voting systems could steer polities in the direction of ‘moderate’ multi-ethnic government. Sixteen years later, we have a longer time period and larger volume of data to reassess these verdicts. This article investigates ballot transfer and party vote–seat share patterns in the seven deeply divided polities with some experience of preferential voting for legislative elections or direct presidential elections (Northern Ireland, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Estonia, Sri Lanka, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Southern Rhodesia). We find little support for centripetalist claims that such systems encourage ‘moderate’ parties. We argue that where district magnitude is low, where voters are required to rank preferences and where ticket voting prevails, departures from vote–seat proportionality may favour ‘moderate’ parties, but such heavily engineered systems may simply advantage the larger parties or yield erratic outcomes.

The role of the IFI and the EU Peace III Fund in creating sustainable peace in Northern Ireland and the border counties

ABSTRACTNGOs aided by external economic aid can play a critical part in post-accord peacebuilding situations. This article explores the impact of the International Fund for Ireland and the European Union Peace III Fund in nurturing sustainable peace through development in Northern Ireland and the border counties of the Republic of Ireland by examining the perceptions and experiences of 107 local NGO leaders and 13 funding agency development officers. During the summer of 2010, 120 people were interviewed using semi-structured interviews in Derry city and nine border counties. The article explores the role of external economic international assistance aids in building sustainable development, reconciliation, and peace in Northern Ireland and the border counties.

Examining participatory governance in a devolving UK: Insights from national parks policy development in Northern Ireland

This paper provides a contemporary examination of policy making and participatory practice in the context of devolving governance in the UK. The paper takes Northern Ireland as its focus and is particularly timely considering the context of devolved governance, the ongoing transition from conflict to relative peace and the potential for rejuvenating democracy through participatory governance. The paper concentrates on one particular policy process, namely the attempted designation of a national park in the Mournes Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty. A thematic analysis of qualitative data is drawn upon to analyse the structural factors that framed the policy-making process, in particular the role of power in determining how consultation processes were initiated, designed and undertaken. Using Lukes’ model as an analytical framework, power is shown to manifest at multiple levels within the policy-making process to influence policy outcomes. The paper reveals how the persistence of a top-down approach to policy development combined with a highly parochial political outlook undermined attempts to designate a Mourne National Park. The paper concludes that, given the immaturity of recently devolved government in Northern Ireland, in this instance, the democratising intentions of devolved governance have not been met. This has implications for Northern Ireland’s recent reform of public administration which devolves certain planning powers to local authority level and the management of the internationally significant Mournes landscape.

How the ‘suspect community’ became ‘critical engagers’: the (re)framing of the Irish republican narrative on policing in Northern Ireland

ABSTRACTThis article is an empirical case study of how the Irish republican narrative on policing in Northern Ireland evolved from an absolutist position of rejection to one of post-conflict ‘critical engagement’. Drawing on previous research by McEvoy and by Mulcahy it evaluates the strategic dimensions to the (re)framing process that aided mobilisation throughout the course of the conflict and into the transition in Northern Ireland. Positing that the Irish republican policing narrative can be conceptualised into four distinct phases (passive rejection, ‘Ulsterisation’, disbandment and ‘critical engagement’), it critiques how the process of (re)framing enabled Irish republicans to adapt their policing narrative to mobilise in response to unfolding political developments in Northern Ireland. Although cognisant of certain dominant themes prevailing across multiple narrative phases, this article examines how the issue of policing was subject to changing narrative frames as the ‘end point’ the narrative sought to make changed from phase to phase. The changing ‘end points’, this article will argue, developed in tandem with changes in the relationship between Irish republicans and the Northern Ireland state.

Adaptive utilitarianism, social enterprises and urban regeneration

Social enterprises have been placed at the centre of Big Society politics and an emphasis on the local as a site for experimentation and service delivery. Nationally, this has been supported by legislation in community transfer and procurement, social finance and new intermediaries to strengthen skills and loan readiness. This paper examines the role of social enterprises involved in urban development in Northern Ireland and highlights the multiple ethics, legitimation strategies and modalities that are necessary for sustainable forms of progressive regeneration. The paper concludes by stressing the possibilities of a more independent and reformist social economy and how this offers some practical alternatives to the enthusiasm for neoliberal policies in the local state.

Criminalizing the Payment for Sex in Northern Ireland: Sketching the Contours of a Moral Panic: Table 1

This paper examines recent legislative developments in Northern Ireland around Lord Morrow’s Human Trafficking & Exploitation (Further Provisions and Support for Victims) Bill that was passed unanimously in the Northern Ireland Assembly and which uniquely in the UK now makes it a criminal offence to pay for sexual services. I suggest that issues around sex trafficking, sexual slavery and prostitution in Northern Ireland bear all the hallmarks of Stan Cohen’s famous articulation of a moral panic (Cohen, 1972) but also argue that his original formulation needs to be recast slightly to take account of the horizontal structuring of moral panics in contemporary society.

Personality disorder service development in Northern Ireland: Learning from experiences of service users

Six clients with personality disorder diagnoses participated in a focus group study to discuss their experiences of services provided in the Northern Health and Social Care Trust. Directions for future service development, informed by the findings, are discussed.

Devolution in Northern Ireland: A lost opportunity?

This paper examines social policy developments in Northern Ireland since the May 2011 election. In many areas of social policy Northern Ireland lags behind other regions of the UK, the results of decades of neglect of economic and social policy, and years of conflict. The mandatory coalition established under devolution presents particular challenges for policy making but there had been optimism that devolved structures would be more responsive to Northern Ireland’s particular circumstances. However, this paper argues that the lack of progress or vision evident in the previous period of government shows no sign of improving during the current mandate. It provides examples to illustrate problems caused by the failure to link economic and social policy, a silo mentality and the dominance of a neo-liberal agenda.