Abstract Prison has long been recognized as a racialized institution in America, where race determines myriad aspects of life—from where individuals sleep to those with whom they live, eat, and socialize during incarceration. However, there is little evidence on how to effectively remediate prisons’ deep racial divisions—a question that is imperative given that interracial animus in prisons can be both a result and a determinant of racial conflict and violence. In this study, we argue that higher education in prison has significant potential to improve racial attitudes and foster racial integration by providing a “contrasting context” for interracial interaction in the classroom within an otherwise racially segregated institution. Using administrative data on college-level course completion, an original longitudinal survey of prison college students, and in-depth qualitative interviews with prison college alumni, we show evidence of shifts in racial attitudes and self-reported behavior as students move through their college career. Our results demonstrate the potential for prison higher education to shift race-based norms and offer a framework through which to analyze prison education that prioritizes outcomes of interest beyond recidivism.

ABSTRACTDespite research which shows that, over the last 40 years, most Western states have steadily enhanced their multicultural policies, on the ground, reality tells a different story. Today, Western governments are closing their borders and reversing long‐standing programmes that welcomed newcomers, whereas immigrants continue to be targets of hostile majority groups. This paper explores three lessons that can be learned from approaches to social integration defended by mid‐century American thinkers during the civil rights era and their relevance for debates about multicultural integration today. The first lesson is that legal rights are not effective at creating an integrated society. Second, integration is a transformative project that depends on empowering minorities through their active participation. Third, one of the chief obstacles to a successful, normatively attractive approach to integration is resistant majorities rather than reluctant minorities. Even though the project of multicultural integration is different from the project of racial integration, mid‐century ideas about the social integration of a racist society focused on concerns familiar and helpful within multicultural contexts. The aim here is to strengthen our understanding of integration by exploring features of these mid‐century ideas relevant to multicultural debates today.

ABSTRACT Critical Military Studies has failed to adequately engage with issues of race and (post)colonialism. While feminist attention to gender within CMS scholarship has been essential to reworking and broadening our understandings of what war, violence, and militarism are and how they function, CMS has not to the same degree centred attention to race and colonialism. This does not mean that we should abandon our attention to militarism, but rather that we must actively work to centre race in our attempts to analyse and understand it historically and contemporarily. Militaries and violence are not simply reflective of pre-existing racialized dynamics but are constitutive of race and racialized hierarchies. Key to this approach to race and militarism, must be a wholehearted embrace of postcolonial theories and methodologies to deepen our analysis and lay bare the ongoing role of (neo)colonial power in mutually imbricated forces of racism and militarism. An inadequate understanding of race in our accountings of militarism allows claims that militaries can be decolonized, or indeed can be forces of racial integration, to stand while hiding the Eurocentric bifurcation of the world which continues to permeate understandings of war and violence. If we do not centralize race and colonialism in our attention to militaries, CMS will fail in its political and social critique of military power by unwittingly reproducing the racialized logics through which military violence is legitimized and reproduced. This failure will ultimately mean that CMS as a discipline will never successfully oppose militarism.

This study concerns the racial integration of radio broadcasting in the United States. It explores the federal government’s role in prohibiting station owners from discriminating against African Americans regarding employment. It argues that the federal government played a leading role in laying the foundation for Black people to enter full-time employment in broadcasting. President Lyndon B. Johnson enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which established the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The EEOC provided investigatory authority and later prosecutorial power to enforce antiracial discrimination laws. Johnson also empaneled the Kerner Commission to look at the causes of the massive urban riots in 1967. The commission concluded that mass media’s failure to hire Blacks compounded the problem. In 1969, the Federal Communications Commission announced to broadcast licensees that racial discrimination was intolerable. The study discusses additional factors leading to integration, such as the advent of television, which siphoned much of radio’s audience. Station owners then began to target programming to Black people.

ABSTRACT This article studies the effects of the largest residential racial desegregation initiative in U.S. history, the Gautreaux Assisted Housing Program. From the late 1970s to the 1990s, Gautreaux moved thousands of Black families into predominantly white neighborhoods to support racial and economic integration. We link historical program records to administrative data and use plausibly exogenous variation in neighborhood placements to study how desegregating moves affect children in the long run. Being placed in the predominantly white neighborhoods targeted by the program significantly increases children’s future lifetime earnings and wealth. These moves also increase the likelihood of marriage and particularly raise the probability of being married to a white spouse. Moreover, placements through Gautreaux affect neighborhood choices in adulthood. Those placed in predominantly white neighborhoods during childhood live in more racially diverse areas with higher rates of upward mobility nearly 40 years later.

ABSTRACT Attending to the affect of minoritized students now appears crucial to promoting just and dignity‐affirming science education. Yet, elevating affect as an objective of science learning has a history that predates equity reforms. This study explores the politics of scientific uptakes of affect that have long served to mark hierarchical differences between students. As part of the special issue Centering Affect and Emotion Toward Justice and Dignity in Science Education, this paper investigates how U.S. science classrooms became sites of affective intervention, especially aimed at Black, Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Indigenous students. As a history of the present, the study examines research journals and curricular reform materials between the 1954 Brown desegregation ruling and a 1989 equity report. The analysis suggests that shifts in post‐ Brown U.S. science education made it possible to order students along affective hierarchies that: (1) established differential emotional regimes for those classified as ‘culturally deprived’ versus ‘gifted’; (2) equated human dignity with developing a depoliticized scientific self; and (3) evaded questions of racism and cultural imposition, while enforcing onto‐epistemic hierarchies. The study explores implications for current science education scholarship by considering how three extant concerns—deficit discourses, the dichotomization of science from political activism, and assimilationist models of scientist‐like affect—stem in part from the field's own responses to racial desegregation and civil rights demands. The purpose of historicizing affect in science education is to unsettle the racializing premises, normalizing constructs, and depoliticizing effects of social science techniques inherited from our not‐so‐distant past.

Abstract In 2023, Shonda Rhimes’s Queen Charlotte premiered on Netflix. The series is a prequel to the streamer’s hit series, Bridgerton (2020–present), itself an adaptation of Julia Quinn’s popular series of romance books. In Bridgerton’s colour-conscious British Regency setting, the marriage of Queen Charlotte, who is Black, and King George, who is white, led to the racial integration of elite society. Queen Charlotte, written and produced by Rhimes, gives the context for their love story. Although Rhimes is known for the diversity of her television shows, this series represents her most sustained engagement with issues of race. It is also her most personal work. The story of young Charlotte reflects Rhimes’s own, as a Black woman who rose to power within a white-dominant institution. Queen Charlotte understands race not primarily as identity or culture, but as a tool used by institutions to distribute power. While Bridgerton preserves the optimistic attitude of the romance novels, Queen Charlotte ends with more ambivalence, reflecting both the sincerity of its concerns and the sensibility of its creator.

Though racial integration of non-White minorities was initially considered unlikely, Asian Americans’ high rates of intermarriage with Whites suggest a new possibility. Recent research, however, reveals that Asian American intermarriage occurs in ethnically heterogeneous manners and further varies by spousal race and ethnicity. This study delves into the varied patterns of marital racial integration among Asian Americans, examining intermarriage data from the American Community Survey (ACS). In examining both interethnic and Asian-White interracial marriages, I find that Asian Americans continue to experience segmented assimilation in intermarriage, where their paths diverge by spousal race. Yet, ethnically heterogeneous understandings and experiences of one’s social position as “Asian” situate Asian Americans at varying distances from the mainstream White society, leading some Asian Americans to intermarry without having achieved acculturation or middle-class attributes. These findings challenge the presumed linear trajectory of minority incorporation, underscoring the pivotal role of race and racialization. This complexity further carries significant implications for broader American race relations

The Chinese of Chinatown, San Francisco largely opposed the city-wide racial integration plan that would bus their children across the city beginning in 1971. Claiming that it was a violation of their language rights, a need for cultural preservation and continued autonomy from the San Francisco that had long excluded them, Chinatown instituted its own school system called the Chinese Freedom Schools. With this boycott of the public schools, the Chinese were constituted as oppositional to the aims of racial integration, searing constructions of them as being pro-White, anti-Black, and separatist. Yet, such a simplistic and binary argument omits the long history of exclusion including employment, schooling, housing, and voting discrimination as evidenced by the Chinese Exclusion Act (1882–1965), the only law to exclude a specifically named ethnolinguistic group. To historicize and understand the Chinese Freedom Schools, I analyze this phenomenon using a racial matrix where Asians have long occupied a liminal, in-between space as perpetually foreign, unassimilable, and as a suspect class. Drawing from the theories and concepts of LangCrit, raciolinguistic ideologies and Asian American studies, I examine how agents, institutions, the press, and policies imposed, assumed, or negotiated specific identities of the Chinese during the development, implementation, and dissolution of the Chinese Freedom Schools. I analyze how the Chinese were constructed as uncooperative, creating a competitive cleavage among Asians and Blacks, while dismissing the centrality of White families who largely moved out of the system, avoiding critique. Implications for language-in-education policy are proposed for Lau’s 50th anniversary.

While racial assortative mating and interracial unions have been a central interest in the study of race relations and family demography since the early twentieth century, there have been marked changes in the social contexts in which these processes have taken place in recent decades. This review article examines three important shifts: (a) the rise of population diversity and its impact on traditional views of racial integration, (b) the changing institution of marriage in American life, and (c) the increasing centrality of technology. We discuss how these societal shifts have challenged traditional understandings of preferences, opportunities, and intermediaries in the mate selection process, as well as new opportunities for interracial intimacy that these changes have introduced. We conclude with a discussion on conceptual issues and promising future research directions.

Paul Harding in his latest novel delves into the true and tragic story of Malaga Island, a small island located off the shores of Maine. It is historically important for the United States since it became the symbol of racism and eugenics. The government was urged by eugenicists to promote the sterilization of certain people with mental and physical disabilities. Although the aim was to improve the hereditary characteristics of the human population to have a more developed society, basic human rights were violated, and history witnessed atrocities and the Holocaust in Nazi Germany. Paul Harding in his novel, This Other Eden deals with the eugenic era in history. Despite living in harmony on an island with a unique racial integration, the characters are evicted and institutionalized under false claims. This study investigates the novel This Other Eden and how the eugenic discourse is employed in the novel. The study aims to explore certain ways in which the novel addresses ideas related to eugenics. This approach involves the examination of characters and thematic elements that involves eugenic concepts. By referring to the eugenics-related ideas and practices, this study explores how Paul Harding reflects eugenics in his latest novel.

Following in the microhistory tradition, this essay draws on an unpublished report by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) to delve deeply into the political worldviews of working-class white mill workers in 1950s South Deering, Chicago, during their massive resistance to the racial integration of a local public housing project in the post-World War II period. A close analysis of casual conversations between members of this insular white community demonstrates that an intense fear of demographic change, exacerbated by a certainty that white city elites had “sold out their race” and were working with civil rights organizations to promote the interests of Black Chicagoans, instilled in South Deering’s whites a sense of powerlessness that failed to ease even as evidence mounted that white city leaders were giving the neighborhood segregationists much of what they wanted.

This scholarly review presents a case for transforming special education rather than reauthorizing special education law in its present form and, in doing so, reconceptualizing the inclusion movement to recognize marginalizing influences. A comprehensive review of research, policy reviews, and observations of praxis is undertaken to examine current U.S. special education law. Three unintended consequences are identified: (a) the least restrictive environment provision; (b) incremental successes of the inclusion movement’s emphasis on placement; and (c) the effort to promote racial integration in current special education policy. While unintended consequences cannot be foreseen, the structure of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) has changed little since the 1970s despite evolving praxis and understandings of social justice. This article is intended to facilitate a conversation about a path forward for special education, including whether IDEIA should be reauthorized in its present form, or what form might be taken under alternative policy.

A 1968 complaint by a black, blue-collar worker, Wendall A. Payne, at the Times-Picayune in New Orleans, led to a federal appeals court in 1976 issuing a consent decree that required the newspaper, one of the major dailies in the South, to hire more black employees including journalists. At other dailies nationally in the late 1960s to early 1970s, racial integration occurred in the newsroom because newspapers were affected by provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the need for black reporters to cover urban uprisings, the Kerner Commission report, and/or a “moral imperative.” Notwithstanding, litigation was not necessary to induce the dailies to hire black full-time reporters. The Picayune, however, required pressure from Payne’s complaint that led to an EEOC employment discrimination lawsuit against the paper. Subsequently, the Picayune diverted from its white-centered trajectory and traveled on a path leading to racial inclusiveness.

The Racial Integration of the American Armed Forces: Cold War Necessity, Presidential Leadership, and Southern Resistance by Geoffrey W. Jensen (review)

abstract: This article offers a reading of Burhan Qurbani's 2020 film Berlin Alexanderplatz to critique racial capitalism in European migration politics. By comparing it to the 1929 source text, I show how the film maps contemporary racial capitalism and grapples with a counter-politics to an entrepreneurial model of racial integration. Facilitated by a new media regime, this entrepreneurial model recuperates the narrative of the Bildungsroman to offer self-mediated overcoming to individuals—but it only allows repetition at the system level. This points toward a politics that attempts to reclaim possibility as a social, rather than just a personal, phenomenon.

ABSTRACT The longstanding overrepresentation of Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color (BIPOC) students in United States K-12 exclusionary school discipline outcomes (i.e., suspension, expulsions, referrals to law enforcement and arrests) underscores the unrecognized concept that school discipline disparities are a purported outcome—rather than a flaw—of a racialized educational system. While these outcomes are prevalent across all school locales, they are of more significant consequence in urban schools/districts due to ineffective racial integration efforts and the historical and contemporary forms of hyper-(re)segregation. For historically marginalized communities, schools and the functionality of school discipline serve to maintain racism through what can is the cathartic carceral system: the policies, approaches, and practices that establish punitive/prison-like school disciplinary outcomes that promulgate the exclusion or release of racialized students in order to maintain, restore, and protect racism and thus whiteness. The purpose of the article is threefold: (1) define the cathartic and carceral school discipline system; (2) analyze historical artifacts (research, books, newspaper articles) that describe or interrogate race/racism, school discipline, and pivotal stakeholders (teacher education, school administrators, teachers, and support personnel) through critical race theory and content analysis; and (3) proffer transformative solutions according to the findings for PK-12 stakeholders and teacher educators through an anti-racism framework. This content analysis of history will focus on three significant educational periods concerning school discipline; pre-segregation (before 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling), early integration (post-Brown until 1975), and post Children’s Defense Fund Report in 1975, which from a national perspective, was seminal in establishing the relationship between race and school discipline outcomes.

Recent protest movements such as #Rhodesmustfall and #FeesMustFall have highlighted uneasy race relations at South African universities. Although such incidents are crucial, equally important are the everyday realities of race relations that continue to define student lives in these institutions. The purpose of this study was to provide an understanding of student leaders’ experiences of race relations at a historically white South African university. Guided by a qualitative research approach, Critical Race Theory (CRT) was the framework we used to explore race relations amongst student leaders. Purposive sampling was employed to recruit six student leaders across racial groups. They participated in a forty-five-minute semi-structured interview. Interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) was used to analyse the data. The findings suggest that the history and identities of universities as racially segregated in an unequal society, impacts race relations. Racial discrimination and distrust hamper racial integration in the student body and external political factors also affect student leaders’ experiences of race relations. Our findings do show that friendships present an important opportunity to foster positive race relations, even though friendships are largely class dependent. We recommend that universities invest in personnel diversity training and the creation of platforms for intercultural and interracial exchanges. Keywords: race relations,, higher education,, student leaders,, universities

Abstract A current goal is to identify how and for whom years of educational attainment translate into high cognitive function in later life. Recent work has found effects of school quality factors such as teacher experience and racial integration of schools. In this project, I examine secondary school curriculum. Not only is there variation in curriculum across school districts, but also adolescents within a single secondary school select different courses. Curricular opportunities and selections may change the developing brain in lasting ways, and/or may place the student on a path towards future academic and career opportunities that shape risk and resilience. I hypothesize that a rigorous secondary school curriculum positions students to attend college, which in turn promotes lifelong cognitive health. I tested this hypothesis by estimating multilevel structural equation models in data from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study (WLS), which follows a randomly-selected one-third of all students who graduated from Wisconsin high schools in 1957 (N = 10,317). I created a latent measure of curricular rigor out of participants’ highest secondary school math course and number of semesters of English, science, and foreign language. In 2020 (most participants were age 81), participants completed a phone-based cognitive screening (Telephone Interview for Cognitive Status-Modified; TICS-m). Net of school-level factors, parental socioeconomic status, and academic achievement, higher curricular rigor predicted higher cognitive function at age 81. Educational attainment significantly mediated this effect, and a significant direct effect also remained. Both educational attainment and curricular rigor are desirable targets for policy interventions.

Abstract This article argues for the importance of reframing the history of school desegregation in the United States beyond Black and white and beyond the regional frames through which this history has been interpreted. In Western states, most Latino children attended schools segregated not by law but by custom starting in the early twentieth century; Latino students also encountered de facto segregation in the Eastern and Midwestern cities with large Puerto Rican populations by the 1950s. Parents, students, advocates, and activists protested the inequality of educational outcomes for Latino children over many decades, developing distinctive strategies to address the combination of racial and language-based discrimination faced by Latino students. Yet, because they were marginalized in political debates in the 1960s and 1970s and because most national-level historical scholarship on school desegregation focuses on Black and white participants, Latinos’ role in this aspect of our national civil rights history has remained obscured.