Democracy In Egypt Research Articles

Social Networks and Democratic Transition : Vision and Reality

Over the past few years, social networks have gained significant popularity and become one of the new media platforms most widely used at an unprecedented form, not only as a powerful tool for community building and identity formation but also as a valuable means for political change and the collective action. These digital platforms have provided new avenues for political communication, along with contribute to creation of public sphere which could encourage democratic activity and dissemination of dissenting viewpoints, as well as engagement in social movements. Hence, it is not surprising that these platforms are emerging as an effective tool, not only to enhance democracy, but also to ignite social and economic advancement. In this respect, this paper shed light on the contribution of these new media platforms in building and sustaining democracy by studying certain mechanisms important, such as flows of information, freedom of expression, and independence of media, which can be used as a catalyst for advancing democratization in Egypt, along with discussion the challenges of democratic transition process.

Youth in the Arab World: Their Aspirations and Identities with Democracy in Egypt

After Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire on December 17, 2010, the world attention was caught by pro-democracy protests, starting from Tunisia, Egypt, and other parts of Middle East and North Africa. The major protagonists in this entire outburst were youth. Thus, this paper tries to understand what the Egyptian Youth actually means by “democracy”, what impact does it have for them and how do they want to play a pivotal role in the nation-building process, in spite of the fact that they do not have the means to. Digging deeper, the paper tries to reveal the identities and interests of the Egyptian youth, hailing from different segments of the society and trying to understand the major hindrances they face while they demand for democracy, trying to meticulously scrutinize the reasons, processes and the consequences of it. The research paper adopted a methodology that used a deliberative assembly of 50 participants from Egyptian youth, as a preliminary research technique to explore people’s ideas and attitudes. After that, 50 young people responded to an E-mail survey carried out in August and September 2015. Keywords:Youth, Arab democracy, Citizenship, Uprisings, Egypt.Resumen:La juventud en el mundo arabe: sus aspiraciones e identidades con la democracia en EgiptoDespues de que Mohamed Bouazizi se prendiese fuego el 17 de diciembre de 2010, el mundo fue cautivado por las protestas pro-democracia, que partieron de Tunez, pasando por Egipto y otras partes de Oriente Medio y el Norte de Africa. Los principales protagonistas de toda esta explosion contestataria eran jovenes. Asi, este trabajo trata de entender lo que la juventud egipcia entiende realmente por “democracia”, ?que impacto podria tener para ellos? y ?como creen que pueden jugar un papel fundamental en el proceso de construccion de la nacion?, a sabiendas de que probablemente no disponen de los medios para ello. Indagando mas en profundidad, el trabajo trata de revelar las identidades y los intereses de la juventud egipcia, contando para ello con individuos procedentes de diferentes sectores de la sociedad. Intenta tambien entender los principales obstaculos a los que se enfrentan los jovenes cuando reivindican la democracia al tiempo que examina las razones, los procesos y las consecuencias de la misma. El trabajo de investigacion adopto una metodologia que utilizo una asamblea deliberativa de 50 participantes egipcios. Esta tecnica de investigacion preliminar permitio explorar ideas y actitudes de las jovenes personas participantes. Luego, 50 jovenes respondieron a una encuesta por correo electronico que se llevo a cabo en agosto y septiembre de 2015. Palabras claves:Jovenes, Ciudadania, Democracia arabe, Sublevacion, Egipto.

New Light on the Arab Uprisings

Out of the wave of literature on the Arab uprisings—some of which is forgettable as “instant history”—I cannot think of two better books than those under review here. They are quite different but they complement each other. Jason Brownlee has a story to tell: how the United States consistently has favored authoritarianism over democratization in Egypt. The coauthors of Beyond the Arab Spring—Rex Brynen, Pete Moore, Bassel Salloukh, and Marie-Joelle Zahar (assisted by Janine Clark)—contextualize the uprisings in terms of ongoing debates on political science about persistent authoritarianism and transitions. Along the way, they explore the role of political culture, Islamist movements, the new media, and the international community, among other things. Together, these volumes provide the student or general reader with both the empirical depth of a case study and the theoretical breadth of a survey. The first part of Beyond the Arab Spring provides a succinct summary of the uprising trajectories in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria through 2012. But the more valuable material is to be found in Part Two's insightful discussion of theoretical issues, and Part Three, where the authors offer some judicious if tentative conclusions about the “long road ahead” for the Arab world. Building on earlier work going back into the 1990s, the “Montreal school” of Brynen et al. offer nuanced commentaries on some of the leading propositions in comparative politics. They show that political culture, for example, needs to be treated not as something primordial but as contingent and constructed—and reconstructible. Oil wealth, they argue, is not a cause of authoritarian but rather a structural condition that distorts economies in a particular way that can privilege the incumbents and disadvantage a nascent civil society.

Democracy and Disillusionment: Copts and the Arab Spring

This essay considers the role that Copts played in the Arab Spring revolution in Egypt and the way in which the political changes of the time affected Coptic interest representation in the Egyptian state. Copts, the indigenous Christians of Egypt, were eager participants in the protests that brought down former president Hosni Mubarak. However, their enthusiasm for a new era was dampened by the inability of lay Coptic movements to challenge the status quo in a way favorable to Coptic interests. Dissent against the management of security under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (scaf) led Copts toward cautious optimism when Muhammad Morsi was elected president in 2012. However, the transition to democracy in Egypt as laid out by the Islamist government ultimately squandered the goodwill of Egyptian Christians and contributed to their disillusionment with the democratic idea. The result has been the further polarization of Egyptian society in ways which have deepened cleavages between Christians and the Islamist movement and rendered more ambiguous the role of the church and lay movements in representing Coptic interests.

Egyptian women and the 25th of January Revolution: presence and absence

This paper analyses the challenges confronting Egyptian women during the transition government of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). It provides the background for the legal system under Mubarak and offers a comparative look at the legislation that was being discussed or has been implemented during the political transition after the 25th of January Revolution. A backlash against women and their agenda prompted conservative calls for amendments of legislations that were passed during the Mubarak era. This paper underscores the importance of women's involvement in transitional processes for a successful democracy in Egypt. It underlines the shortcomings in the design of electoral laws in relation to including women and other groups such as the Copts and young people. It describes the way by which the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) – the MB's party – first ignored then reconfigured the mission and mandate of the National Council for Women during the transitional period. It provides a detailed account of the Mubarak-era laws, comparing them to those proposed by various political forces and opposed by the FJP government. The paper also compares Egyptian laws both before and after the revolution with the international human rights conventions to which Egypt is party, pointing at inconsistencies and outright violations, including the treatment of gender-based violence (GBV), the debate around female genital mutilation (FGM) laws, and issues of gender and Shariʿa in the draft Constitution.

Marketing Democracy: The Political Economy of U.S. Aid for Democracy in Egypt and Morocco

What explains the limited impact of U.S. spending on democracy promotion in the Middle East? The results of a cross-national study commissioned by the USAID to assess the effectiveness of its spending on democracy in its programs worldwide found that such aid works; the only exception, however, were programs in the Middle East. Case studies of U.S. democracy programming in Egypt and Morocco illuminate reasons for this exception. Most states in the region are governed by authoritarian regimes and are of strategic importance to the United States. Why would such regimes allow external actors to promote democracy? This paper develops a framework to explain the interaction between the United States and such regimes calling attention to the conceptualization of democracy promoted and the motivations for its acceptance.

Popular Discontent, Revolution, and Democratization in Egypt in a Globalizing World

This paper examines how informal, discontent actors in Egypt have evolved in a globalizing world and their role in the January 25th revolution. It focuses on the effects of the deteriorating economic and social conditions in Egypt related to the former regime's policy and the role of mass media, information, and communication technologies in facilitating mobilization, recruitment, and eventually the popular uprising. This paper also discusses the issue of how informal discontent protesters and groups formulate their goals and organize themselves to exert pressure on formal institutions of the state. The main conclusion is that informal actors have not yet managed to develop a shared political agenda with a focus on democratic transition in Egypt and have instead regressed to their own goals and agendas. In light of current political polarization, this paper concludes that there is a need to form a historical block on the basis of democracy or a national-unity government to be able to set priorities and build the desired democratic system.

The Limited Impact of the USA on Political Liberalization in Egypt during the Mubarak Era

Among all authoritarian Arab regimes in the Middle Eastern and North African region, Egypt can be considered as a crucial example which has attempted to take a number of steps toward political liberalization since the 1970s. As an external actor through its aid programs, bilateral agreements, direct grant programs, and partnership initiatives, the United States seemed to be working towards economic and political liberalization and democratization in Egypt. However, in spite of this seemingly fervent endeavor, particularly during the rule of President Mubarak, the US governments have failed in their attempts to liberalize Egypt. This article attempts to explain why the USA was not able to succeed in its initiatives to liberalize Egypt, despite its serious economic assistances and political efforts by referring to two research traditions within comparative politics: structuralist analysis and rational choice theory. It argues that the USA, due to the problems concerning the structure of USAID, MEPI and BMENA, and the rational choices made by the same organizations had a limited impact on political liberalization process in Egypt.

Religion‐State Relations and Democracy in Egypt and Tunisia: Models from the Democratizing Muslim World – and their Limits

Religion‐State Relations and Democracy in Egypt and Tunisia: Models from the Democratizing Muslim World – and their Limits

Challenges and Opportunities in Using the Internet to Realize Democracy in Egypt

There is a widespread belief that the Internet provides real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in authoritarian regimes characterized by a strong restriction on freedom of speech and expression and inability of civic engagement and participation. Such role has been clearly witnessed with the rise of the Arab spring in general, and in Egypt in particular. During the 18 days of the Egyptian revolution starting on 25th January 2011, and afterwards, the Internet proved to be an important tool in mobilizing people, coordinating between protestors and documenting and publishing facts that occurred on the ground during the revolution. However, such optimistic view cannot be supported unconditionally due to several reasons related to the uniqueness of each country. This paper therefore attempts to critically examine the potential of the Internet on the political transformation in Egypt taking into consideration a full context covering economical, political, technological and social dimensions. Studying these various aspects would highlight the challenges and opportunities that affect the Internet in changing the political situation during the transitional period the country is going through.

Forecasting the Arab Spring

S the December 2010 flight of Tunisian strongman Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali amid demonstrations calling for the “fall of the regime,” and the inspired uprisings among Egyptians, Libyans, Syrians, and others, Western analysts have spilled a wealth of ink interpreting the events of the so-called “Arab Spring.” Initially, skepticism reigned regarding the prospects for further prodemocracy revolts to follow Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution. Even as the final days approached for the regime of President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, seasoned observers held firmly that political change in Cairo would not come overnight. “Game over,” declared one authority on modern Egypt in early February 2011, affirming that Mubarak had “outsmarted the opposition” and concluding that “the chance for democracy in Egypt is lost.”1 Nine days later, Mubarak was gone. At first, this cautious take on the Arab Spring’s potential appeared reasonable, especially given the past half-century of modern Arab history. Not since the 1950s had the Arab states, in the form of the radical Arab nationalism inspired by then Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, experienced revolutionary turmoil on a massive scale.2 Since that time, autocracy had, it seemed, planted deep roots in the Arab world. Many experts therefore predicted that the unrest would be quickly squelched—brutally and decisively—as Iran’s prodemocracy Green Movement was after June 2009. Looking back in September 2011, one easily recognizes that the autocrats’ staying power was taken for granted and that the democratic urgings of the Arabs, grown irrepressible, were overlooked. There is at least one scholar, however, who may claim some noteworthy exemption from these oversights. Reuel Marc Gerecht, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, completed The Wave: Man, God, and the Ballot Box in the Middle East in October 2010, a mere two months before the onset of the Arab Spring. Arguing that the Middle East was on the cusp of a democratic transformation, his book focused on how the emergent democratic order would be heavily infused, at least initially, with an unsavory political Islam. Yet despite his very hard-nosed and unsympathetic appreciation of the Islamic fundamentalism he predicted would play a leading role, Gerecht still holds great hope for the

The Future of Democracy in Egypt

Dr Jamal al-Din Hamdan, a renowned Egyptian historian, wrote in Volume 1 of his four-volume book Shakhsiyat Misr (Egypt's Distinctive Character), In Egypt the ruler is regarded as a God until he fa...

USAID, Population Control, and NGO-Led Democratization in Egypt: The Fate of the ICPD Programme of Action

Critics of US democracy-promotion strategies of the last 20 years ask: what kind of democracy is promoted by US public agencies and associated nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), how is it promoted, and for what purpose(s)? This paper draws on interviews with NGO, USAID, and UN representatives, gathered in Egypt in 2001, to describe the fate of Egyptian women's advocacy NGOs seeking to implement the pro-democracy platform of action of the 1994 UN International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD). It offers some support for critics' contentions both that external (here USAID) pro-democracy interventions may actually obstruct democratization, and that the instrumental nature of US democracy promotion may mean that such activities are quickly eliminated or downgraded when they conflict with more primary US policy goals.

Prospects for Middle East Security-Sector Reform

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1See Ellen Laipson (ed.), Security Sector Reform in the Gulf (Washington DC: Henry Stimson Center, May 2006), http://www.stimson.org/swa/pdf/StimsonSSRGulf.pdf, and diverse publications from the Geneva Center for the Democratic Control of the Armed Forces at http://www.dcaf.ch. 2For a useful discussion of the challenges to Palestinian security-sector governance, see The Role of the Palestinian Security Forces – Political and Legal Challenges, workshop report, The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces and the Palestinian Institute for International Humanitarian Law at Al-Quds University, Abu Dis/East-Jerusalem, February 2007, http://www.ssronline.org/edocs/palestiniansecurity.pdf. 3Statement by US Security Coordinator Lt–Gen. Keith W. Dayton before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 15 March 2006. 4Testimony before the US House of Representatives Appropriations Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs, 21 March 2007. 5Department of Defense, Measuring Stability and Security in Iraq, Report to Congress in accordance with the Department of Defense Appropriations Act 2007, 2 March 2007, http://www.defenselink.mil/home/pdf/9010_March_2007_Final_Signed.pdf. See also Robert Perito, ‘Reforming the Iraqi Interior Ministry, Policy and Facilities Protection Services’, United States Institute of Peace Briefing, February 2007, http://www.usip.org/pubs/usipeace_briefings/2007/0207_iraqi_interior_ministry.html. 6See, for example, La Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior, Political Change in the Gulf States: Beyond Cosmetic Reform? Democracy Backgrounder 5 (Madrid: FRIDE, November 2006), http://www.fride.org/File/ViewLinkFile.aspx?FileId=1211. 7See http:// www.nato.int/ici/home.htm. 8See Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2006,available at http://www.freedomhouse.org. 9See Amr Hamzawy, ‘Amending Democracy Out of Egypt’s Constitution’, Washington Post, 2 April 2007. 10For excellent coverage of prospects for reform in Egypt and democracy promotion efforts of the United States, see Michele Dunne, Time to Pursue Democracy in Egypt,Policy Outlook No. 30 (Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, January 2007), http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/Dunne_Egypt_FINAL2.pdf. 11The cases of Korea and Taiwan are often cited; in the 1980s, military-led governments initiated a process of political change, which led to significant overall and security-sector reform. See also Steven A. Cook, The Unspoken Power: Civil-Military Relations and the Prospects for Reform,Analysis Paper No. 7 (Washington DC: The Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution, September 2004), http://www.brookings.org/dybdocroot/fp/saban/cook20040901.pdf. 12See Emile El-Hokayem and Matteo Legrenzi, ‘The Arab Gulf States in the Shadow of the Iranian Nuclear Challenge’, Henry L. Stimson Center Working Paper, 26 May 2006, pp. 6–8, http://www.stimson.org/pub.cfm?id=298. Additional informationNotes on contributorsEllen LaipsonEllen Laipson is the President and CEO of the Henry L. Stimson Center in Washington DC. She served in the US government for 25 years; her last position was Vice Chairman of the National Intelligence Council.

Supply and Demand Democracy in Egypt

Research Article| June 01 2004 Supply and Demand Democracy in Egypt Charles Onians Charles Onians Charles Onians is a Cairo-based journalist specializing in human rights issues. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google World Policy Journal (2004) 21 (2): 78–84. https://doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2004-3003 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Charles Onians; Supply and Demand Democracy in Egypt. World Policy Journal 1 June 2004; 21 (2): 78–84. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2004-3003 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsWorld Policy Journal Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 2004 World Policy Institute2004 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Democratization and Women's Grassroots Movements

Acknowledgments Introduction/ Jill M. Bystydzienski and Joti Sekhon PART ONE: Asia 1. Grassroots Social Action and Empowerment in India: The Case of Action India WomenOs Program/ Joti Sekhon 2. Re-Inheriting Women in Decolonizing Hong Kong/ Irene Lik Kay Tong 3. Democracy at the Margins: NGOs and WomenOs OUnofficialO Political Participation in Singapore/ Meredith Weiss PART TWO: Africa and The Middle East 4. Exchanging Participation for Promises: Mobilization of Women in Eritrea/ Susan Leisure 5. Democratization Through Adult Popular Education: A Reflection on the Resilience of Women from Kwa-Ndebele, South Africa/ Khanya Rajuili and Ione Burke 6. Muslim WomenOs Grassroots Organizations in Syria: Self-Identity as a Form of Democratization/ Nimat Hafez Barazangi 7. WomenOs Grassroots Movements and Democratization in Egypt/ Nawal Ammar and Leila S. Lababidy PART THREE: Central America 8. Women and Grassroots Democracy in El Salvador: The Case of Comunidad Segundo Montes/ Elizabeth Cagan 9. Feminist Organizations and Grassroots Democracy in Honduras/ Charles McKelvey PART FOUR: Eastern Europe 10. New Roads to Resistance and Participation: Polish Feminists in the Transition to Democracy/ Judy Root Aulette 11. From the Ground Up: WomenOs Organizations and Democratization in Russia/ Jane F. Berthusen Gottlick PART FIVE: Western Europe, North America and Australia 12. Building Democratic Bridges Over Belgian Political Bastions: The Work of The VOKNWomenOs Consultation Committee/ Alison E. Woodward and Rita Mulier 13. WomenOs Participation in Grassroots Initiatives in Ireland/ Christopher Dale 14. Sexual Assault and the Canadian State: Participatory Democracy Struggles Within a Liberal Democracy/ Alicja Muszynski 15. Empowerment and Disempowerment of Women in Central Appalachia, U.S.A./ Nelda K. Pearson 16. Women in Agriculture: Action for More Democratic Australian Farm Politics/ Ruth Liepins Conclusion About the Editors and Contributors

Parliamentary Elections and the Prospects for Political Pluralism in North Africa

HAVE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN NORTH AFRICA IN THE 1990S bolstered prospects for democratization and greater pluralism? This study argues that, with the possible exception of Algeria's 1991 elections, they have not been harbingers of democracy in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The elections can be viewed as public displays by the state or limited political barometers, rather than processes which create obligations for the government. They have been means through which regimes have sought to dampen reactions to political immobilism, structural adjustment and the death of a social contract. Some elections have been manipulative, exclusionary exercises of elites trying to roll back the liberalizations of the 1980s, while others have been pseudo-competitive instruments of regime maintenance. Most of the elections can be seen as mechanisms for a top-down ‘artificializing’ of pluralism in order to preserve the core of regime control. In Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, there seems to be no contradiction between fostering a selectively pluralistic atmosphere and simultaneously undermining the transition to democracy. In Morocco, pluralism andalternanceseem to remain quite compatible with continued political domination by the Makhzen. Mona Makram-Ebeid's characterization of Egypt's 1995 elections could equally be applied to others in the region: ‘What has occurred is a pluralization of the political sphere, yet it has been liberal neither in intent nor outcome.’

Democratization in Egypt: the “Algeria Complex”

Democratization in Egypt: the “Algeria Complex”

Populism, Liberalization and Popular Participation: Industrial Democracy in Egypt

While the mobilizing character of the populist movements and regimes in the Third World countries offers a great potential for the practice of grassroots democracy, the populist ideology and development strategy, at the same time, set certain serious constraints against genuine democratic practices. This theory is illustrated by a historical analysis of the experience of industrial democracy in Egypt under President Nasser and the subsequent regimes. Industrial democracy was designed to serve as a part of the populist strategy of mobilizing the working class in the post-revolutionary Egypt.

Islam and Democracy in Egypt

Essay| February 01 1989 Islam and Democracy in Egypt Robert Bianchi Robert Bianchi Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago Robert Bianchi’s most recent book is Unruly Corporatism: Associational Life in Twentieth Century Egypt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Current History (1989) 88 (535): 93–95. https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.535.93 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Robert Bianchi; Islam and Democracy in Egypt. Current History 1 February 1989; 88 (535): 93–95. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.535.93 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentCurrent History Search This content is only available via PDF. © 1989 by The Regents of the University of California1989 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.