Democratic Process Research Articles

Waarom het zo lastig is om protest – en het verloop daarvan – te voorspellen

Why protest – and its course – is so hard to predict Why does one person take to the streets, while another does not? Despite decades of research, it is becoming increasingly difficult to predict who will take action – and under what circumstances. This is partly because studies often focus either on the societal context in which protest occurs, or on individuals’ grievances and motivations. What remains largely invisible is the process that links the two: mobilization. This essay places that very process at the center. The author shows how mobilization functions as the linking pin between individual grievances and collective action, and how this process is becoming more unpredictable under the influence of individualization, digitalization, and shifting social relations. Anyone seeking to understand protest behavior must grasp this often invisible but crucial trajectory. In the conclusion, the author argues that it is becoming increasingly difficult for authorities – such as mayors and police forces – to anticipate protests and how they will unfold. They must navigate the delicate balance between safeguarding freedom of expression and maintaining public order and safety. The author raises the question of whether the explosive increase in demonstrations, along with the changing forms of mobilization and protest, poses a growing challenge to authorities and thereby puts pressure on the democratic process.

Cloud-Native Government: Digital Infrastructure Transforming Public Service Delivery

This article explores the transformative potential of cloud-native architectures in modernizing public sector digital governance to address the growing gap between citizen expectations and government service delivery capabilities. The article analyzes the critical limitations of legacy IT systems that have dominated government infrastructure for decades, creating operational inefficiencies, security vulnerabilities, and citizen dissatisfaction with digital public services. Through a comprehensive evaluation of cloud-native implementation strategies, including microservices architecture, API-driven integration, and containerized deployment models, this article demonstrates how government agencies can achieve unprecedented levels of operational agility, service accessibility, and citizen engagement. The article reveals that cloud-native digital governance platforms enable enhanced accessibility through responsive design and multi-channel service delivery, improved transparency through real-time data sharing and blockchain integration, and substantial operational efficiency gains through automated workflows and predictive analytics. The findings indicate that successful cloud-native transformation requires comprehensive stakeholder engagement, phased migration strategies, and robust change management frameworks that address both technological and organizational challenges. This article contributes to the understanding of digital governance modernization by providing evidence-based insights into the societal benefits of cloud-native architectures, including strengthened democratic processes, improved citizen trust, and sustainable public service delivery models that can adapt dynamically to evolving policy requirements and citizen needs.

Primarias y consultas intrapartidistas en escenarios híbridos: clasificación y elementos de análisis

Objective/context: Primaries and internal consultations are playing an increasingly important role in the selection of leaders, candidates, and strategic decision-making within political parties. In a context of growing digitalization and the transformation of democratic processes, these mechanisms operate in increasingly hybrid settings that blend traditional practices with digital actions. Methodology: This article reviews the existing literature as well as various experiences in different political systems over the past few decades. Conclusions: The proposed framework contributes to the standardized study of intra-party democratization and offers analytical tools to assess the impact of digitalization on internal party life. Originality: To address the disparity in the operationalization and analysis of these phenomena, this article proposes an integrative classification of primaries and intra-party consultations based on their degree of digitalization (format) and inclusiveness (selectorate). It also presents a set of indicators for the comparative analysis of both types of processes.

Managing Election-Related Violence in Nigeria: Focus on the Use of Technologies in the 2023 General Elections

Election-related Despite the introduction of technological innovations such as the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal, Nigeria’s 2023 general elections were still marred by persistent electoral violence. These technologies aimed to enhance transparency, credibility, and reduce malpractice. This study critically examined their application in mitigating election-related violence in Akwa Ibom State. Using the frustration-aggression theory as its analytical framework, the research adopted a qualitative approach and conducted thematic analysis. Findings revealed that political rivalry, thuggery, and intimidation by candidates and their supporters were major drivers of violence, especially in opposition-dominated areas. These acts created a climate of fear and significantly reduced voter turnout. Although BVAS and IReV were designed to promote electoral integrity, their effectiveness was compromised by reliability issues and a lack of public trust. The study concludes that technological innovations alone are insufficient in addressing systemic democratic deficits. It recommends the establishment of an independent “Electoral Offences Commission” with prosecutorial powers to investigate, arrest, and prosecute perpetrators of electoral violence and technological sabotage. Enforcing accountability is crucial to ending impunity, strengthening the rule of law, and building a more credible and peaceful democratic process in Nigeria.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AUTONOMY; A WAY OF DISCOURAGING POLITICAL APATHY AMONG THE ELECTORATES IN NIGERIA

This study examines the role of local government autonomy in addressing voter apathy in Nigeria, focusing on the relationship between grassroots governance and electoral participation. Despite the significant increase in registered voters from 1999 to 2023, voter turnout has steadily declined, reflecting deep-seated political disengagement. Local government autonomy, which emphasizes decentralization and grassroots engagement, is pivotal in bridging the gap between governance and citizens. However, systemic challenges, including state government interference, financial dependence, and administrative inefficiencies, undermine local councils' ability to function independently, leading to voter disillusionment. Using a qualitative approach, the study integrates secondary data to explore this phenomenon. Thematic analysis was employed to identify trends and uncover the socio-political factors driving voter apathy. Findings revealed that empowering local governments with financial and administrative autonomy enhances service delivery, rebuilds trust, and fosters greater electoral participation. Moreover, the study highlights the importance of addressing systemic barriers such as corruption, logistical inefficiencies, and voter suppression, which exacerbate political disengagement. By emphasizing the connection between responsive grassroots governance and voter turnout, the research underscores the critical role of local government autonomy in revitalizing Nigerias democratic processes. It concludes with actionable recommendations, including constitutional reforms to ensure financial independence, enhanced civic education campaigns, and improved transparency in electoral systems. These findings contribute to the broader discourse on decentralization and its potential to foster inclusive governance, reduce voter apathy, and strengthen democratic participation.

Deliberative democracy in Habermas

Habermas always proposes public discussion among all citizens as the fundamental element of the deliberative democratic process. From his point of view, the fundamental is always the search for democratic legitimacy, through the participation of the entire citizenry in the broadest and most deliberative way possible, only in this way must political-legislative decisions once approved be obeyed by all citizens, because they are perceived as right choices. He argues that for there to be a true democracy, it is not enough for political decisions and laws to simply result from the votes of the majority of citizens or, as is the case today in parliamentary democracies, their elected representatives. Indeed, he proposes, in his theory of participatory and deliberative democracy, that decisions can only be considered legitimate insofar as they result from a rich and articulate process of citizen participation in a public discussion, which takes place mainly in informal contexts, in public opinion, in the media and not only in parliaments. Only the passage through these filters (and not just the normal elections provided for in democratic states) authorises what Habermas calls a presumption of democratic-participatory reasonableness for the whole citizenry to share in the results and laws finally arrived at. Ultimately, he proposes a major reform of all democratic systems that we know so that they actually make citizens participate, making them feel like creators of the rules they obey.

Democratic duties. Why we should vote to rectify political injustice

ABSTRACT This paper argues that voters have duties of political justice to rectify imperfections in the democratic process, specifically unjust exclusions from the suffrage. The basis for such duties is that voters benefit from unjust suffrage exclusions and therefore have special duties to rectify them. In order to show that these duties apply to all voters, the paper explains the relevant sense in which all voters benefit from unjust exclusions from the vote. Next, the paper specifies the claim that benefitting from injustice grounds rectificatory duties, how this applies to voters, and how they can discharge their duties through the vote, either by restituting electoral injustices, compensating their victims or by disgorging the benefits they unjustly derive from electoral injustice.

Proactive budgeting: choosing a development vector in the context of digitalization

The article examines the features of the development of proactive budgeting, officially introduced in the Russian Federation 10 years ago, in the context of digitalisation with consideration to regional and municipal specifics. In pursuit of the goals of involving citizens in the budget process and increasing their role in managing local finances, initiative budgeting projects have extensive practice in terms of the introduction and application of various management and information technologies. A competitive approach in the selection of the projects based on evaluation according to specified criteria allows them to be flexible and adaptable to local needs. The possibility of applying differentiated approaches to the proactive budgeting allows authorities to develop regional models, the effectiveness of which also depends on coordination of efforts between these bodies of power, public organisations and citizens with consideration to the local peculiarities. The article focuses on the analysis of advantages and risks of introducing digital technologies into the process of forming and implementing initiative projects. The key types of risks, including social, technological, political, economic, legal, organisational and reputational ones, are identified, and measures to minimise them are proposed. The article highlights the need for an integrated approach, including modernised digital infrastructure, better transparency and process security as well as improvement of the regulatory framework with consideration to Russian practices. The introduction of a balanced approach to digitalisation of the proactive budgeting will strengthen democratic processes, increase the efficiency of budget use and create conditions for equal participation of citizens in decision-making at the municipal level.

NATO Self-Defense – Is Article 5 the Right Framework for Responding to Sub-Kinetic Cyber Aggression?

Cyber aggression presents a significant challenge to traditional frameworks of collective defense, particularly under Article 5 of the NATO Washington Treaty, which obligates member states to respond collectively to an "armed attack." While NATO has acknowledged that cyber incidents may trigger Article 5, ambiguity persists over what constitutes a cyber "armed attack," especially in the absence of kinetic effects. This uncertainty complicates NATO’s ability to address increasingly prevalent sub-kinetic cyber threats, such as economic disruption, data manipulation, and interference in democratic processes. Unlike conventional military threats, cyber operations often fall below the traditional threshold of armed conflict while still exerting strategic effects that can destabilize states and alliances. This paper critically examines whether Article 5, in its current form, is adequate for responding to modern cyber threats. Through an analysis of legal thresholds, strategic challenges, and real-world scenarios, it highlights how sub-kinetic cyber aggression blurs the line between peace and conflict, testing NATO’s existing frameworks. A key challenge is the lack of a universally accepted definition of what constitutes a cyber "armed attack," leading to inconsistencies in how NATO member states interpret and respond to cyber threats. Additionally, the difficulty of attribution in cyberspace further complicates collective defense efforts, as adversaries often employ proxies, obfuscation techniques, and false flag operations to mask their identities. Key findings underscore that without clearer definitions and adaptive strategies, NATO risks undermining its collective defense principle. To enhance its cyber defense capabilities, NATO must establish precise thresholds and cumulative criteria for cyber aggression, ensuring that sub-kinetic threats do not go unaddressed. Strengthening deterrence mechanisms, improving intelligence-sharing, and fostering consensus among member states will be critical in maintaining NATO’s credibility and cohesion. Furthermore, NATO should develop a flexible response framework that considers the cumulative impact of cyber operations rather than relying solely on isolated incidents. By modernizing its collective defense strategy to meet the realities of cyberspace, NATO can better deter and respond to cyber threats, ensuring that Article 5 remains an effective instrument of alliance security in the digital age. This study provides actionable insights into how NATO can navigate the evolving cyber threat landscape while reinforcing its commitment to collective defense.

Exploring Electoral Discrimination Through an Ethics of Office Accountability

ABSTRACT Electoral discrimination (ED) in democratic settings occurs when majority voters, influenced by their personal, cultural, or religious biases, favour majority candidates, consequently diminishing support for minority candidates. We discuss ED’s alignment with a normative ethics of voting grounded in office accountability, asking whether ED is compatible with the democratic mandate of voters. Our normative discussion shows that ED is compatible with the open terms of a voter’s mandate. We recognise, however, that there are empirically grounded reasons not to overlook the negative repercussions of ED for minority candidates’ political participation. We address these concerns by exploring how institutional design could mitigate the negative outcomes of ED, fostering critical reflection on the democratic electoral process.

How gesture shapes political identity: A multimodal analysis of adverbs of negation and modals in the discourse of Nigel Farage and Reform UK

By stating their ideology and policies, new parties are able to affirm their authority as legitimate participants in the democratic process. Defining the political party’s identity through affirmation means also acknowledging the boundaries of this identity. This can be identified through markers of negation. Socially, a community’s identity can be defined not only by what it is, but also by what it is not. Linguistically, the use of negative structures implies that there is a corresponding affirmative statement. Gesturally, it has been argued that negation involves specific types of gestures. The verbal and visual markers of negation can therefore be transposed on to the discursive interface. This article focuses on two speeches given by Nigel Farage, the leader of the political party Reform UK. It argues that negation serves an important role in the construction of the new political party’s identity by facilitating the process of identifying the available and desirable options for identity construction. Gesture analysis is integrated into the linguistic analysis of the adverbs of negation not , -n’t and never in the verbal group, with a focus on the force-dynamic properties of modal auxiliary verbs in relation to negation.

ИНСТРУМЕНТ АВТОМАТИЗАЦИИ ОПРОСОВ В КОРПОРАТИВНОЙ ИНФРАСТРУКТУРЕ

This article presents a project to develop a bot for creating and managing polls and voting on the Mattermost platform, implemented in the Go programming language. The project is aimed at optimiz-ing the processes of interaction in organizations. The article also examines the architecture of data storage using Tarantool and PostgreSQL, which guarantees the security and integrity of information. The bot's functionality includes creating polls, voting, viewing results, and managing polls, making it intuitive for users. The project not only improves teamwork, but also promotes a more democratic and transparent decision-making process

Thuggery And Local Politics in Indonesia: A Legal Political Analysis of The Involvement of Individuals in Power

This study examines the phenomenon of thuggery involvement in local politics as a form of informal power practices that threaten the integrity of democracy and the rule of law in Indonesia. Thuggery is not only present in the form of physical violence, but also in campaign security, mass mobilisation, and intimidation that are systematically used by political elites to maintain power. This study aims to analyse the dynamics of thuggery involvement in local political practices and evaluate the effectiveness of national legal policies in dealing with this phenomenon. The legal political approach combines normative legal and sociological legal perspectives to understand the interaction between formal regulations and informal power practices. The research method is qualitative with descriptive-analytical analysis techniques that utilize primary legal materials in laws, regional regulations, and election regulations, as well as secondary materials such as scientific journals, media reports, interviews, and case studies. Initial findings indicate that existing legal policies tend to be weak and indecisive in controlling the role of thuggery, which leads to distortion of the democratic process and serious challenges to the principles of the rule of law and good governance. This research provides an analytical basis for legal policy reform that prioritises enforcement aspects, strengthens regulations and transparency, and empowers civil society to suppress informal power practices in local politics. Thus, this research opens up space for more effective and equitable legal policy improvements in the context of Indonesian democracy.

Social Capital and Political Efficacy: A Review of Theories and Applications in the Context of Cambodian Youth

This Cambodia’s political landscape has been shaped by its post-conflict recovery and democratic transition, yet youth engagement in formal political processes remains limited. As young Cambodian people under the age of 30 make up more than 60% of the population, understanding the factors that enhance their political participation is critical for democratic development. This theoretical review examines how social theory can explain political efficacy among Cambodian youth, addressing the question of how Community-Based Organizations (CBOs) influence political beliefs and actions. Social capital, defined as the networks, trust, and norms that facilitate collective action, is explored through the foundational frameworks of Robert Putnam, Pierre Bourdieu, and James Coleman. This inquiry discusses three dimensions of social capital: bonding (close ties with family and peers), bridging (connections across diverse group), and linking (relationships with institutions and power structures), and how each dimension contributes to internal political efficacy (confidence in understanding the politics), and the external political efficacy (belief in political responsiveness). By synthesizing regional and global literature, this academic explanation demonstrates that Cambodian youth who are embedded in strong familial and community networks tend to develop higher political efficacy and a greater propensity for civic engagement. However, structural barriers such as limited political trust family or community restricted access to formal institutions continue to hinder broader participation. The conducted study concludes that strengthening social capital through grassroots initiatives, civic education, and youth engagement programs can empower young Cambodians to participate more meaningful in democratic processes. It calls for more context-specific and longitudinal research to fully capture the evolving relationship between social capital and political efficacy in Cambodia’s dynamic social-political environment.

Islamism between Moderation and Hegemony: Politics of Constitution Making in Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey (2011–2013)

Abstract Despite assuming lead roles during the critical constitution making stage of power transitions, Islamist parties in Turkey, Tunisia, and Egypt adopted very different strategies in the process, which produced very different outcomes. Using insights from regime transition literature, this article undertakes an empirical analysis of the observed behavior of Islamist political parties in these countries to address the question of Islam, human rights, and constitution-making. In doing so, the article treats constitution-making as a key stage of democratization and challenges the commonly held assumption that conflict is undesirable for democratization in general and constitution-making in particular. The article demonstrates that consensus is not a prerequisite of democracy, as is commonly believed, but rather a by-product of the democratization process. Moreover, it argues that a serious conflict during the high-stake process of constitution-making may even be necessary. The findings suggest that the outcome of constitution-making does not depend upon the presence or absence of cleavages and entrenched conflict, but rather the approach of the key political actors to conflict in terms of its elimination, management or avoidance. The article utilizes process-tracing methods to compare and analyze the strategies of Islamist political parties within the Tunisian, Turkish, and Egyptian political contexts. Specifically, this article advances a two-pronged thesis. First, the outcome of constitutional processes in these three countries is closely related to the different strategies of conflict management practiced by Islamist political parties: Turkey’s Islamists employed a strategy of delaying constitution-making to ensure they had maximum leverage over the process – what I call a politics of hegemony. Egyptian Islamists, feeling in a “use it or lose it” type of moment for shaping the future of the country’s politics, played a game of chicken vis-a-vis the army and secular civil society activists – an approach that can be called a politics of confrontation. The Tunisian Islamists demonstrated pragmatism and moderation in the constitutional process to survive the increasingly unified opposition from the civil society and other political parties, which can be called a politics of compromise. Such divergence of Islamist politics raises the question of how Islamists form their strategies. The second prong of this article’s thesis is that the specific distribution of power among the actors constrains or enables Islamist actors to act in hegemonic, confrontational, and pragmatic ways. Political contexts with a stable balance of power among the state, political society, and civil society are more likely to produce politics of compromise, whereas unstable power distribution leads to a politics of confrontation, and uneven power distribution leads to a politics of hegemony. By treating constitution-making as a stage of regime transition, this study offers insights that bridge the literature on democratization and constitutionalism, and by examining variation in Islamist politics it contributes to the debate on human rights promotion in the Muslim world. The lessons from this earlier period of power transitions also shed light on the reasons for the fragility of gains in democratization and dynamics behind authoritarian backsliding during the following decade.

The Impact of Social Media on Political Engagement

This paper examines the complex relationship between social media platforms and political engagement among youth and citizens globally. Drawing from studies conducted in Kenya, Nigeria, and broader historical contexts, the research highlights the dual nature of social media: while it offers a dynamic space for political participation, information sharing, and mobilization, it also fosters misinformation, superficial debates, and political disengagement. The rise of platforms like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube has reshaped political campaigning and voter turnout strategies, offering both opportunities and threats to democratic processes. Through an exploration of user behavior, platform characteristics, and the evolving nature of political communication, the paper analyzes how social media both amplifies civic participation and challenges traditional modes of political engagement. The findings suggest that while social media is a powerful tool for political mobilization, its true impact is contingent on the nature of citizen engagement and platform dynamics, emphasizing the need for critical media literacy and innovative political strategies. Keywords: Social Media, Political Engagement, Voter Turnout, Political Campaigns, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, TikTok, YouTube.

Parenting According to Human Rights

Abstract This research explores whether parenting expectations in Norwegian and Romanian legislation align with the cosmopolitan human rights of children and parents. Departing from normative theories about human rights, we constructed an analytical framework that we applied using process tracing to analyse the historical evolution of the two countries’ legislation on the cosmopolitan standard of what nation states can expect from parents. This research found that, while both countries have turned comprehensively towards human rights, they have yet fully to realise legislative frameworks that align with the human rights standard of what nation states can expect concerning parenting. While Norway’s slow-paced, democratic processes keep the country on track, Romania’s political processes risk getting the country off track towards cosmopolitanism.

Apocalyptic Democracy

Apocalyptic consciousness, which is now common in campaigns on climate change as well as in theological political movements, is often understood as incompatible with a commitment to democracy. However, in this article, I contest the straightforward opposition between the apocalypse and democracy. It is first argued that democratic anti-apocalypticism, whereby democratic processes are protected by encouraging people to abandon their apocalypticism, is not viable. Instead, what is required is a form of apocalyptic democracy, in which the two terms come together to the mutual benefit of both. To develop this claim, I focus on three political thinkers: Percy Bysshe Shelley, W. E. B. Du Bois and Roger Hallam. These theorists use the apocalypse to, on the one hand, identify the irredeemable corruptions of current political institutions and, on the other, posit new forms of democracy established through the struggles of people in the face of apocalyptic threats.

Integrating participatory evaluation and epistemic network analysis to enhance vocational education of young adults in Kenya

PurposeConstructivists propose that engagement and perspective in active learning experiences influence learning. Participatory evaluation (PE), rooted in constructivism, offers insights into how participant feedback can shape studies and eliminate the risk of perpetuating mistakes, biases, hindering results, momentum and traction within the intended community.Design/methodology/approachThis report covers two studies pertaining to tertiary education in rural Kenya: Study A and its successor, Study B. In 2023, Study A aimed to develop a tertiary education model for economically vulnerable students in rural Kenya. Study A converted qualitative transcribed interview data from Kenyan mentors and educators into quantitative data informing the tertiary model. Despite the implementation of this tertiary model in Kenya, economic instability persisted among the enrolled tertiary students. In 2024, a follow-up, Study B, engaged the same Kenyan mentors and educators who participated in the initial study to evaluate the findings of Study A.FindingsThe democratic process of PE revealed previously overlooked issues, enriching understanding and highlighting areas for improvement. Study B unearthed salient issues missed in Study A, including issues of funding and political challenges crucial for the sustainability of tertiary models and subsequent tertiary schools.Originality/valueThis study showcases the application of ENA and PE to enhance educational models, unveiling hidden connections and refining existing frameworks. This paper seeks to describe how epistemic network analysis discourse networks can be evaluated through PE to strengthen or modify existing models and explore the possibility of very salient unseen and also notable connections.

The Issue of Confessional Affiliation Concerning the Construction of Ethnic Identity: The Example of Macedonians with Islamic Religion

This article examines the relation between ethnic/national identity and religion, i.e. confessional affiliation of the individual or of the group/community at the Balkans, focusing upon the situation In the Republic of Macedonia. The emphasize is put upon the terms “Macedonian Muslim”, “Islamized Macedonian” and “Torbesh”, in cases where they are used either as a ethnic name or an exonym, and upon their transformation during the last two decades in the Macedonian political discourse. The text also speaks about the role of religion in the (re)construction of Macedonian identity, as well as the way in which this relation shaped the change of the discourse. The issue of the Macedonian, examined from the aspect of ‘otherness’ and ‘the self’, as someone “radically Other”, or “insufficiently One’s own”, or “insufficiently Ours”, are issues that lead to emphasizing differences in a negative connotation, making them available for politicization. The role of the global changes related to confessional affiliation and its relevance in the construction of ethnic affiliation are also important factors, examined in this text. If contemporary society finds that the democratic process is insufficiently representative if it does not reflect the versatility of the population, first of all through qualitative representation, as well as implementing its core interests and its subcultures, one can expect that each isolation and neglect opens a possibility for the emergence of constructions/politicization of different kind, especially of ones that are related to religion.