Elements Of Democracy Research Articles

Victims and Voices: Journalistic Sourcing Practices and the Use of Private Citizens in Online Healthcare-system News

ABSTRACTThe opportunity for non-elite actors to share their opinions and experiences is often cited as a key democratic element of the media, developing in recent years alongside a rethinking of the audience as active contributors. Yet, given many of the temporal and resource-related newsroom pressures, the reliance on information subsidies and official or elite voices remains pervasive. This study focuses on coverage of healthcare and health policy, drawing on 14 weeks of news reports (n = 896) from five Irish websites. As well as recording the prevalence of private citizens, a novel methodology allows a deeper understanding of how journalists obtained these contributions, such as through “cannibalising” quotes from other media reports. While private citizens have salience in the news, this may primarily be due to journalists’ reliance on easily accessible information, rather than more fundamental democratic shifts in news reporting practices. Further analysis shows private citizens rarely appear as detached, informed commentators, but typically as victims with direct negative healthcare experiences. The findings and discussion reinforce the idea of news sourcing as a social system that is continually reproduced, steered by structural forces to do with signification, legitimation and available resources.

Employing wayang kancil storytelling as democratic pedagogy in elementary social studies classroom

Indonesia new curriculum of 2013 which emphasized character education supports teachers to implement creative pedagogy in their classroom. Yet, elementary school teachers have used text-book based instruction in social studies. This study aims to employ wayang kancil, or mousedeer puppets as democratic pedagogy in fourth grade social studies in Universitas Negeri Semarang laboratory school. This qualitative analysis used Miles & Hubermann. Using interdisiplinary approach, this study integrated wayang kancil storytelling in social studies. Results of the integration emerged five democratic concepts: (1) mutual acceptance, (2) living together in differences, (3) respect for others, (4) responsibility, and (5) being fair. Encountering with these democratic elements through wayang kancil as medium of instruction promotes students’ understanding of democracy.

At the Outer Limits of Democratic Division: on Citizenship, Conflict and Violence in the Work of Chantal Mouffe and Étienne Balibar

This article’s guiding thesis is that the theory of radical democratic citizenship is built on a tension between a radical, conflictual element and a democratic element. As radical democrats, these philosophers point to the intimate relation between conflict and both emancipation and democracy. But as radical democrats, they also propose different methods that prevent conflict from breaking up the polis—the common ground that makes democratic conflict possible. I look at two radical democrats’ way of dealing with this tension: Chantal Mouffe and Etienne Balibar. My claim is that the former ends up overemphasising the danger of division in her later democratic works and is therefore unable to account for more intense forms of democratic resistance (such as riots). In the work of Balibar, however, we find a way of dealing with this tension.

Právne reflexie antického pojmu ἐκκλησία v zriadení ranej Katolíckej cirkvi

It is evident that despite the originality of the institution of the Catholic Church even its representatives had to reflect in some way then realia and exerted traditions of the antic world. This fact found its reflection also in the area of law when not only the original reception and incorporation of several legal institutions occurred, but also the inspiration by Greek-Roman institutes and the ways of its functioning. Therefore some monarchic, aristocratic and democratic elements reasserted soon in the organization of Catholic Church, which were reflected during the process of establishing of early Christian communities by the Apostles, by their direct successors respectively, whereupon, are respected until nowadays. The main goal of the article is to point out the mentioned facts within the context of antic term ἐκκλησία (ecclesia) that presumably influenced the legal institution of primary Church, namely in the period of pneumatic democracy, partly also in monarchic episcopacy.

The Features of the Domestic Political Development of Mauritania during the Reign of Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz (2009–2019)

This article is devoted to the study of domestic political development of Mauritania during the ten years President Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz’s reign (2009–2019). The author focuses on the main challenges to the regime supported by the military junta, as well as on the key reasons for its preservation, despite the presence of sharp contradictions within the state. The army, entrenched in power structures, had to face such problems as terrorism from Al-Qaeda, the Arab spring, and the assassination attempt on the president. At the same time, the country’s authorities were able to address these problems through a tough fight against extremism. One cannot fail to note the introduction of the practice of expanding the circle of parties loyal to the president and the national dialogue with the opposition, which not only contributed to the legitimization of Abdel Aziz’s personality, but also continued his political activity. This occurred while most regimes in the Arab East either fell or were faced with lengthy civil wars. In addition, the author notes that the elections and referendum, as elements of democracy, have been used more than once by Abdel Aziz to advance his interests, despite protests and criticism from opposition parties. In fact, in 2017, the country’s leadership was able to rewrite the constitution for itself and subjugate the legislative and judicial branches of the government. It is worth stating that Abdel Aziz became the first head of state who, in the entire modern history of Mauritania, was able to ensure a peaceful transfer of power after the end of the second presidential term. This decision did not force citizens to experience another coup d’état and political instability. In general, the author comes to the conclusion that the rule of Abdel Aziz had two main features: the desire to retain all the levers of power and, if political instability is brewing, to initiate negotiations with the opposition. These contradictions were not resolved, and the pendulum constantly swung depending on the domestic political background in the country.

描述還是規範，政治還是倫理？——大疫當前的思考

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.In response to Ruiping Fan’s paper, I argue that his attribution of the relative success of East Asian states in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic to Confucian culture is problematic in many respects. Some of his normative discussions based on Confucianism are too “thick” to be universal. His defense of the significance of ethics in the age of science, especially the appeal to the concept of synchronicity, and the use of filial piety to reject herd immunity are questionable. I argue that a Confucian hybrid regime that embraces liberalism and combines democratic elements with meritocratic elements may lead to better decision-making and that the Confucian’s New World System is a better alternative to globalization led by nation-states.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 5 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

EU Political System’s Resilience in the Age of Politicization: Lessons From the 2019 European Parliament Elections

The democratic deficit problem in the EU polity is becoming more relevant in the context of the multifaceted crisis and the politicization of European integration. Taking into account that the category of resilience is actively used in the official EU discourse as a system’s ability to reform and to counter threats, it is interesting, from a research point of view, to consider the use of resilience as an analytical optics to view the current EU internal political development. This article analyzes, in terms of resilience, the attempts of the EU’s mainstream actors to improve the democratic elements of the EU’s institutional structure during the European Parliament (EP) elections 2019 and their relationships with the agents of EU politicization – right-wing populist actors. The main findings suggest that (1) EU politicization exacerbates the problem of the democratic deficit and forces mainstream actors to seek strategies to increase the resilience of the whole system; (2) in order to preserve their own subjectness in the face of growing populism and the politicization of European integration, mainstream actors choose a strategy of depoliticization, which has decreased the EU resilience; (3) right-wing populist actors are agents of politicization, they play an ambivalent role in relation to EU resilience, being a resource and a threat.

Saudi Model of Development for the Islamic World: Peculiarities and Limits

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Saudi model of development for the Islamic world, which Riyadh started actively promoting after the “Arab Spring”. The popular protests in the Middle East and North Africa countries, which led to the changes in the ruling regimes, opened up prospects for the states of the region to transform their own models of statehood. In this regard large regional actors such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey proposed their own models as an example for possible changing political systems and foreign policy of countries affected by unrest. The relevance of the topic of this study is determined by the fact that the current struggle for leadership in the Middle East, unfolding between Saudi Arabia and Iran, has reached a level where the rivals could influence the choice of development path of other countries, such as Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. In this regard, it is extremely important to assess the models proposed by Riyadh and Tehran, to determine the prospects for their implementation. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of the development model for the Islamic world proposed by Saudi Arabia, as well as to assess the limitations of this model. The author used both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and methods of historical science (concrete historical, comparative historical, historical genetic methods) and religion studies (causal analysis). In addition, the methodology of political science and economics was widely used. A special focus was done on the quantitative analysis of the amount of aid sent by Saudi Arabia to implement various projects in the countries of the Islamic world as part of international development assistance programs, with the aim of forming a ranking of recipient states from Riyadh. As a result of the study, the author came to the conclusion that Saudi Arabia pursues a pragmatic foreign policy strategy, in fact, not relying on Islamic principles. However, Riyadh is devoting significant financial resources to implementing programs to promote the development of the Islamic world and religious diplomacy, in which the promotion of its own “version” of Islam - Wahhabism, and more precisely Salafism, plays an important role. Among the main limitations of the Saudi model the author identified oil as the basis for modernization, since not all states have this resource and can develop their own economy on its basis; Wahhabism as a “small-town” doctrine, which can hardly be borrowed by the countries of the Islamic world, in which more moderate religious schools have traditionally dominated; absolute monarchy as a form of government, even with elements of democracy.

PEACEFUL CAMPAIGN IN ELECTION AL-HUJURAT VERSE 11 PERSPECTIVE

Democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The popularity of the democratic system is arguably at its peak. This is proven by the many uses of the democratic system in modern countries in the world. Indonesia as a country that runs a democratic system does not give authority to the authorities to monopolize votes in an election. Because security and freedom for every citizen, free to choose as a representation of the sovereignty of the people. But on the side that democracy often happens is seen as freedom so that there are some elements mixing elements in democracy that actually damage democracy itself. Call it when campaigning for a candidate to hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates so that damage the good name in the eyes of the community. As reported in Detik.com in 2016, the National Police stated that there were 2,018 cases of hate speech that occurred. Then it increased by 44.99% in 2017 to 3,325 cases. Furthermore, in 2018 reported in January 2019 there were 3,884 cases of hate speech that occurred. This proves that in campaigning the candidates cannot be said to campaign peacefully, fairly and competitively. Whereas Allah s.w.t. It has been said in Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. Based on the description above the writer is interested in discussing and studying more about the campaign in the Elections in Indonesia and campaigning peacefully perspective of Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. This is important to discuss given the rampant hate speech cases that conducted by candidates in campaigning. This study aims to contribute knowledge to the candidates so that in campaigning, they do not utter hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates.

O estigma dos não alfabetizados e a democracia brasileira: a inelebigibilidade dos “excluídos de dentro”

O presente estudo realiza análise dos pressupostos rousseaunianos que preconizam a democracia participava, diante da impossibilidade de elegibilidade dos não alfabetizados brasileiros sob à égide do conceito “excluídos de dentro” proposto por Pierre Bourdieu e Champagne frente a perspectiva democrática. O exercício da cidadania não está restrito ao sufrágio. No bojo do Estado Democrático de Direito encontra-se a representatividade da pluralidade de indivíduos que compõe a sociedade. A imposição de limites à participação política, enquanto direito fundamental, seja na capacidade eleitoral ativa ou passiva é um paradoxo do processo permanente de democratização. A não alfabetização, per si, é falha macrossistêmica. Este estudo se respalda na epistemologia da pesquisa quanti-qualitativa, do tipo analítico-crítico, desenvolvido a partir da utilização de multimétodos no exame da práxis da democracia representativa, com lentes interdisciplinares. Analisam-se dados disponibilizados pelo sítio eletrônico do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE), bem como os conceitos políticos, jurídicos e antropológicos presentes na bibliografia corrente e a legislação referente à temática, visando responder: em que medida a pseudoinclusão dos não alfabetizados no sistema eleitoral brasileiro os tornaram “excluídos de dentro” em uma democracia participativa? Nessa conjuntura, objetiva-se analisar a compatibilidade dos princípios da igualdade e da soberania popular diante da inelegibilidade dos não alfabetizados com fulcro na sistematização de elementos democráticos essenciais. Conclui-se que para o rompimento da estigmatização dos não analfabetos no sistema democrático é necessário a elegibilidade e o incentivo a formação educacional destes.

Evaluation on the Political Philosophy of Dasan(茶山) Jeong Yakyong(丁若鏞) by the Democratic and Republican Elements

Evaluation on the Political Philosophy of Dasan(茶山) Jeong Yakyong(丁若鏞) by the Democratic and Republican Elements

Efficiency versus social justice? Teachers’ roles in the epoch of globalisation

The literature portrays globalisation as a ‘Janus-like phenomenon’, implying that it has two ‘heads’ like the mythical giant Janus; beyond the rise of hyber-liberalism, xenophobia and socio-economic inequity, globalisation has also humanistic and democratic elements. In this context, a global agenda of social justice and equity of educational opportunity appears to be counteracted by global discourses of neoliberalism, which are embedded in international performance indicators, and international tests and scores. Apparently, teachers in the era of globalisation are assigned with diverse, and often ‘unbalanced’, social and professional roles. In such a context, this article aims to address the following question: What roles are teachers called to play in the epoch of globalisation? In this article, we acknowledge that global preoccupation with efficiency and performance has contributed to the development a managerialist model of education causing the de-professionalisation of teachers. Such model has in turn restricted teachers’ opportunities to mediate social justice. Nonetheless, what we conclude is that teachers are not ‘trapped’ in a trade-off between efficiency and equity. Even if we accept that neoliberalism is an inevitable top-down policy framework, neoliberal settings can still provide spaces for teachers to act as democratic agents by developing autonomous, active and collegial professional identities. However, this article concludes that teachers working in solidarity in local/global coalitions may counteract the hegemony of neoliberalism by bringing bottom-up structural transformation towards social justice, equity and diversity recognition.

People as the Roots (of the State): Democratic Elements in the Politics of Traditional Vietnamese Confucianism

Abstract In this paper, the concept of “people as the roots” (of the state) is explored through its myriad expressions in Vietnamese history: the emphasis of Vietnamese feudal rulers on fulfilling the people’s will, loving the people, and ensuring peace for the people. From these historical examples, the authors argue that in the politics of Vietnamese traditional Confucianism, there has been the presence of democratic elements. Yet, they do not reflect a full-fledged democracy and should be seen only as signs of village democracy. This view holds an important implication for the process of democratization of modern Vietnamese society: while the concept of “people as the roots” is essential for a village democracy and is valuable for building a democracy, it does not necessarily mean a straightforward translation to a modern democracy. Here, the authors suggest that civil society will play an important role in making this transition smoother.

Democracy, Populism, and the Production of Superfluousness

Abstract Recent publications warn of populism’s threat to democracy. Largely absent is a critique of democracy itself. This article turns to Arendt’s Origins and her claims that democracy contains the preparatory elements realized by imperialism, elements that crystallize into the event of totalitarianism. To ignore these democratic elements, she argues, is to misidentify the real threat confronting us today, namely, the production of superfluity, of which populism is an effect. This article argues that Arendt’s understanding of political action contains a new principle of democracy, a principle of “enduring renewal,” that addresses the superfluousness at the heart of modern democracy.

A New Look at the Democracy–Environment Nexus: Evidence from Panel Data for High- and Low-Income Countries

This study is to investigate whether the multifaceted roles of democracy have a positive relationship with environmental quality. Using a panel data of 132 high- and low-income countries from 2014 to 2016, a random effect (RE) model is analyzed in comparison with cross-sectional analysis. To pursue the current research thoroughly, five elements of democracy that encompass the aspects of democratic institutions (election system, civil liberties, and government function) and the aspects of democratic culture (political participation and political culture) are selected. We find that elements of democracy are positively correlated with the environment in high-income countries. In low-income countries, on the other hand, it is found that the role of democracy in explaining the environmental quality appears to be very weak; only the effect of government function positively relates with the environment.

Povo e Elite no Republicanismo Clássico

No bojo do Republican Revival, há um renovado interesse pelo pensamento político romano. A teoria política tem se nutrido das formulações alicerçadas na tradição republicana de pensamento político desde que o argumento neorromano foi incluído no debate sobre o conceito de liberdade. Correlato a este movimento inicial, atualmente está sendo alargado o conjunto de dilemas que poderia contar com a sugestão republicana. Um tema debatido atualmente é o papel conferido pelo republicanismo ao elemento democrático em seus modelos políticos. A intenção deste paper é analisar três autores- -chave do pensamento político romano – Cícero, Salústio e Lívio – e suas respectivas compreensões sobre o papel que cabe ao povo e ao elemento democrático na dinâmica política de Roma. Pretendo convencer o leitor de que a crítica moderna pode estar cometendo um equívoco ao procurar, entre estes autores, justificativas para apontar o povo como protagonista do processo político.

Громадська організація як необхідний елемент демократичного управління

Здійснено обґрунтування інституції громадянського суспільства – громадської організації як необхідного елемента демократичного управління. Запропоновано характеристику означень організаційної сутності громадської організації в змісті перспектив розвитку громадянського суспільства в Україні. Акцентовано увагу на соціальному призначенні громадської організації, що походить від природного потягу громадян до колективної самоорганізації та самоврядування. Підтверджено, що організована інституція виконує функції, які є індикатором демократичного розвитку держави та суспільства.

Evolution of Shiite Clergy Role in Socio-political Development of Iran

The purpose of this publication is to analyze the historical, religious and socio-cultural background of the Shiite clergy place and role in the political process and the social changes in Iran in recent times. The main features of the connection between the Shiite doctrine and politics arerevealed. The author investigates the participation of the Shiite clergy in the process of building the Iranian political model. It is shown that the modern political system of Iran is characterized by the combination of Islamic principles with elements of democracy: the religion determines all spheres of life – politics, economy, culture, the clergy monitors the secular structures of power, but all the authorities are elected.Special attention is paid to the evolution of the Iranian modern political institutions and the process of representatives views transformation in the field of the ruling religious establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the context of internal political changes and external challenges. The possibilities of preserving Islamic rule in the conditions of further modernization of society are considered.

Jewish Communal History in Geniza Scholarship: Part 2, Goitein’s Successors

S. D. Goitein’s nuanced description of the structure, functioning, and administrative reach of the Jewish community, most fully articulated in the second volume of A Mediterranean Society, was enlarged on, revised, and challenged in the work of two subsequent generations of scholars. Addressing the mixture of hierocratic and democratic elements that Goitein identified within the medieval Jewish community, this growing body of scholarship has examined anew and in greater detail such issues as the balance of power between the centralized leadership and the local community, the extent of the Jewish community’s political autonomy, and the influential role in communal affairs played by wealthy and well-connected elites with access to the Muslim court.

Populist Peril to Democracy: The Sacralization and Singularization of Competitive Elections

In this article, I critically engage with the populism literature, and predicated on a conceptualization of modern democracy as a mixed regime (combining oligarchy and democracy), I provide a mechanism to connect populism-in-power to authoritarianism. As such, I elucidate a particular populist path to authoritarianism in a competitive setting by exploring two questions. First, what is the impact of populism-in-power on the modern democratic mixed regime? Second, what is the locus of populism in a modern democratic institutional framework? Utilizing the Turkish and Argentinean cases as illustrative examples of populism-in-power, I conclude that, first, unless a populist vision is accompanied by democratic institutions outside of the spectrum that modern democracy offers, when that vision which sacralizes and singularizes competitive elections becomes preponderant, it will lead to the opposite of its claim of making the people sovereign, and instead will make the rulers sovereign. Second, I argue that although there is no internal contradiction between modern democracy’s liberal or constitutional and democratic elements, there is still a paradox surrounding modern democracy. This paradox is found between the sources of its imaginative appeal and its practice as a mixed regime, and this is where we should place the perennial potential of populism.