The problem that occurs in the process in Lamreudeup Dalam Village is the lack of women's involvement in politics, such as candidates for village heads as political positions from women who are promoted to village heads or Keuchik. Meanwhile, the village that will be led until 2025 is still led by a Keuchik, with details of 1 Keuchik, 1 Serdes, 4 Hamlet Heads and 4 heads of affairs. The purpose of community service in I Political Literacy Through Participatory Democracy Education based on Village Community, which was carried out in Lamreudeup Village, Baitussalam District, Aceh Besar Regency, Aceh Province was carried out on Tuesday, June 3, 2025, in Lamreudeup Village. The stages of the process of implementing activities carried out in Lamreudeup Village, Baitussalam District, Aceh Besar Regency with a Qualitative approach such as documents with descriptive Qualitative directly they felt happy that the activities carried out went well and in accordance with what was expected by the people of Lamreudeup Village, Baitussalam District, Aceh Besar Regency

This article aims to analyze public policies and national guidelines for the implementation of human rights education in higher education courses, seeking to identify whether Human Rights Education (HRE) has been implemented in undergraduate courses offered by the State University of Western Paraná (UNIOESTE), on the campus in the municipality of Marechal Cândido Rondon, Paraná. The problem addressed in this research lies in the fact that not all Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) comply with Resolution No. 1 of 2012 of the National Education Council and the Ministry of Education (CNE/MEC), which establishes human rights education as a special educational guideline for higher education courses. The results showed that only 6 of the 10 undergraduate courses offered by UNIOESTE on the Marechal Cândido Rondon campus offer or include human rights education content in their curricula, highlighting the strong inclusion of HRE in Literature courses. We can conclude that Human Rights Education is fundamental to the students' education, contributing to social change and transformation, since it values the dignity of the human person, equality of rights, recognition and appreciation of differences and diversity, democracy in education, transversality, experience, and globality. It is recommended that the Higher Education Institution (HEI) readjust its Course Pedagogical Project (PPC) and curriculum to include the subject of Human Rights Education in all undergraduate courses offered by the HEI.

To explore the role of science museums in shaping the public sphere and contributing to internal reconstruction, our research conducted a positive discourse analysis of the exhibits at the Time Science Museum as a representative case. The results indicate that the museum provides an open space for public discourse through spatial design and visual symbols, promoting the naturalization of ‘time’ as a technical concept and highlighting the power relations between the state and the scientific community. As a site of the cultural public sphere, the museum partially reconstructs the social fabric of the time-science field. However, its potential for democratic education has not yet been fully realized.

To date, it remains unclear how students position themselves within the tension between participation, achievement, and body norms in physical education (PE), as well as what role participatory structures play in this process. This paper, therefore, investigates the intersection of these dimensions by examining students’ experiences of participation in PE settings characterized by a high degree of diversity. Theoretically, the study is grounded in concepts of participatory and diversity-sensitive didactics, which serve as analytical frameworks for examining school practices. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with secondary school students across different grade levels. The data were analyzed using structured qualitative content analysis, yielding five main categories: moments of participation, self-positioning, understanding of the body, understanding of performance, and performance requirements. These categories are illustrated and interrelated through three exemplary student portraits. The findings indicate that participation in PE is a dynamic and negotiated process, shaped by teachers’ orientations and students’ agency, social dynamics, and prevailing body and performance norms. While some students benefit from inclusive practices, others encounter structural and symbolic barriers. The study highlights the potential of participatory, diversity-sensitive, and sensitizing teaching to foster agency, challenge exclusionary norms, and enable meaningful engagement for all students. These insights contribute to current debates on diversity, inclusion, and democratic education in PE.

This article reflects on the role of creative imagination in education for democracy in the 21st century. The concept, central to Rabindranath Tagore’s educational philosophy, is revisited through the lens of Martha C. Nussbaum’s critique of contemporary education. Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941) a Bengali writer, poet, essayist, and activist, developed the concept in the early twentieth century. In the 21st century, Martha C. Nussbaum (1947–), an American philosopher and activist, diagnoses a “silent crisis” in education, rooted in the prioritization of technical skills at the expense of humanistic values. The American trend to promote specialized technical education has become global and has also influenced Poland. Nussbaum sees Tagore’s vision as a compelling model for cultivating democratic and cosmopolitan citizenship. Tagore’s notion of creative imagination is discussed in a wider context of his theory and practice of education, in relation to the concept of the “citizen of the world,” and juxtaposes it with Nussbaum’s reflection on the role of education for democracy. The article explores their shared emphasis on empathy, critical thinking and holistic development, drawing on descriptive, hermeneutical, and comparative methods within a wide context of cultural and civilisational encounters. Both thinkers stress the need for education to foster critical thinking, empathy, and a holistic understanding of human relationships and the world, and Tagore further emphasizes spiritual freedom, man’s relation to the Infinite, and a connection with nature.

ABSTRACT This study explores how South Korean teachers navigate their professional obligations of political neutrality and their constitutional rights as citizens in implementing democratic citizenship education. Through in-depth interviews with 12 social studies teachers from two metropolitan regions with distinct educational contexts and classroom observations over one academic year, this study investigates teachers’ experiences, challenges, and strategies in managing these competing demands. The findings reveal three key themes. First, teachers demonstrate complex and evolving interpretations of political neutrality, shaped by their local contexts and institutional environments. Second, they develop sophisticated strategies for implementing citizenship education while maintaining professional obligations, adapting their approaches to different regional and policy contexts. Third, while teachers experience considerable professional vulnerability in navigating political neutrality, these challenges often lead to enhanced professional growth and stronger pedagogical practices. Thus, recognizing and protecting teachers’ civic identity and political rights as citizens may enhance their ability to maintain political neutrality and deliver effective citizenship education. These findings contribute to broader international discussions about teacher professionalism and democratic education in post-authoritarian contexts.

This article examines the historical constitution of the right to schooling for persons with disabilities in Brazil, highlighting the political, legal, and pedagogical transformations that shaped contemporary understandings of inclusive education. Through a bibliographic and documentary approach, the study revisits key national and international milestones – ranging from early segregated institutional models to the emergence of rights-based frameworks that affirm diversity as a cornerstone of democratic education. Brazilian legal markers such as the 1988 Federal Constitution, the Law of Guidelines and Bases of Education (1996), the National Policy on Special Education in the Perspective of Inclusive Education (2008), and the Brazilian Law for the Inclusion of Persons with Disabilities (2015) are analyzed in dialogue with international documents, including the Salamanca Statement (1994) and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (2006). The findings reveal that, despite significant legal progress, the effective realization of inclusive education remains challenged by structural inequalities, barriers to accessibility, and limitations in teacher preparation. The article concludes that consolidating the right to schooling for persons with disabilities requires not only robust public policies but also cultural and institutional shifts that recognize inclusion as a fundamental educational principle.

This article offers a critical analysis of the attack on General Basic Education (FGB) promoted by Brazil’s New High School Reform (NEM), using the state of Bahia as an empirical reference, with a focus on the disciplines of Sociology, Philosophy, and Arts. Framed within the context of neoliberal counter-reforms implemented after the 2016 coup, the article argues that curricular fragmentation and the imposition of formative itineraries undermine the critical, integral, and democratic education of working-class youth. The rise of entrepreneurial ideology reinforces individual responsibility and adaptation to precarious conditions, thereby eroding the role of public schools as spaces of emancipation. In response, the article presents Bill No. 25.595/2024, proposed in Bahia, as a concrete act of resistance by ensuring a minimum of two weekly classes for each FGB subject. This initiative is driven by the (IN)FORMA Extension Program, which, through popular communication and critical scientific dissemination, engages with teachers and students to construct counter-hegemonic educational alternatives. The article reaffirms the centrality of FGB as a strategic axis for rebuilding democratic public education and calls for collective mobilization toward an alternative model of high school education.

This article aims to describe the implementation of democracy education as a strategy for instilling the values of national defense while simultaneously shaping the identity of young generations. The background of this study lies in the importance of fostering youth awareness of national values, which not only encompass formal aspects of citizenship but also critical consciousness of their role within a democratic society. The method employed was the organization of an educational seminar for high school students in West Jakarta as a form of Community Service (PKM) activity. The seminar content focused on the interconnection between democracy, national defense, and youth identity, using an interactive approach to encourage active participation from the participants. The results indicated that students demonstrated strong interest in issues related to democracy and national defense and were able to relate them to their identity as the nation’s future generation. Post-seminar evaluations revealed an increase in participants’ understanding of democracy as a foundation for strengthening national defense, as well as the emergence of critical reflections on their role in safeguarding unity, diversity, and national identity. Therefore, democracy education through seminars can be considered an effective strategy for instilling the spirit of national defense and strengthening the identity formation of young generations.

Introduction: This paper introduces a new preliminary theory on the right to inclusive education to recognize the democratic State and non-discrimination of global diversity. The main objective is to study and analyze the research related to Galtung’s intellectual incorporation through social concepts toward a peaceful culture of inclusive education and the functioning of the democratic State. Method: The methodology was based on an interpretative-qualitative documentary review through different conceptual and experimental studies related to the global diversity, the universal educational system, and the inclusive society. Results: The new theory of the 3Rs model merges the intersection of the democratic State and inclusive education, incorporating peaceful mediation, depending on the multidimensionality —or several triangles— on human behavior and social policy to manufacture said inclusive culture. Discussion: The discussion corresponds to the three groups; they are analyzed and complemented with the theory of the 3Rs model, namely: i) peaceful teaching towards the future of the inclusive democratic State; ii) cost reduction and new creation of the fund for excluded students with multi-diversity; and iii) new proposal for a Constitutional Reform for inclusive educational democracy. Conclusions: In conclusion, there is a rule of the game to solve Johan Galtung’s theory on the right to inclusive education and the construction of an inclusive State offering important reflections that impact the need to address cultural violence through prejudices, stereotypes, and social discrimination.

Although democratic education is widely supported in theory, many instructors find its practical implementation in university classrooms unclear. This lack of clarity undermines the experience of pre-service teachers. The objective of this study is to explore strategies that can improve the practice of democratic classroom management and consequently reshape classroom management in schools. The study employs Participative Management Theory as a framework and is carried out within a transformative paradigm and participatory design. Semi-structured interviews are used to gather data from 15 participants, comprising 10 student teachers and 5 instructors from a selected university in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. Thematic analysis is employed to analyse the data. The study identifies four primary strategies for enhancing democratic classroom management: involving students in decision-making, promoting collaborative learning, fostering critical thinking and reflection, and creating inclusive and safe environments. The study proposes the "Democratic Classroom Engagement Model" as a framework to empower students, encourage teamwork, challenge assumptions, and ensure that every student feels valued. This collective effort aims to foster a democratic and engaging learning atmosphere.

The Merdeka Curriculum policy, initiated by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology (Kemendikbudristek), marks a significant paradigm shift in the Indonesian educational landscape. This curriculum emphasizes student-centered learning, flexibility, and the development of competencies according to students' interests and talents. This study aims to critically analyze the relevance of the philosophy of progressivism, pioneered by John Dewey, as a conceptual foundation for the implementation of the Merdeka Curriculum. Using a systematic literature review method on 15 Sinta indexed scientific journals (minimum Sinta 4) published between 2018-2024, this study examines the alignment between the core principles of progressivism such as experience as the basis of learning (learning by doing), the teacher's role as a facilitator, problem-solving, and democratic education and the essence of the Merdeka Curriculum policy. The analysis reveals a strong alignment between the two concepts. Project-based learning, content differentiation, and formative assessment within the Merdeka Curriculum are concrete manifestations of progressive ideas. However, this study also identifies implementation challenges, such as teacher readiness, school culture transformation, and resource availability, which can hinder the internalization of this philosophy at the practical level. It is concluded that a deep understanding of the philosophy of progressivism by stakeholders, especially educational managers and teachers, is crucial to ensure that the Merdeka Curriculum becomes not just an administrative change, but also a substantive and sustainable pedagogical transformation.

ABSTRACT The 1980s and early 1990s are viewed as a time of intense activism and street-level confrontation in South Africa, as well as a time of intellectual vibrancy and a search for alternatives. Intense debates explored new and creative ways of thinking about culture and education. Multiple organisations in the education space debated what democratic education looked like. A conference held just before South Africa’s first democratic election of 1994 articulated a vision for educational publishing. The conference papers and resolutions communicated a respect for the role of civil society, including business and educational publishers, as a partner in the education project. Now three decades into democracy in South Africa, the conference discussion and outcomes feel strikingly contemporaneous. Yet, the conference assumption of an equitable, collaborative partnership between educational publishers and the education ministry feels less contemporary—it reads as more aspirational, perhaps partially achieved but with some miles to go. This paper examines and interrogates the premises and promises of the 1993 conference on Publishing for Democratic Education in respect of the present position.

Higher education (HE) has become a central site where the relations between democracy, pedagogy and technology are being reshaped through algorithmic infrastructures. In this context, a specific tension becomes visible: as educational processes become intertwined with systems of classification, prediction and optimization, recognition risks becoming conditional on data legibility, while pedagogical judgement is redirected toward procedural efficiency. Against this background, this article investigates how subjectivity, recognition and pedagogical responsibility can be conceptually framed when formative encounters are mediated through pedagogical practice as well as through algorithmic operations. To address this question, it develops the DEA model (Democratic Education under Algorithmic Conditions) as a reflexive, education–theoretical heuristic grounded in educational theory, subjectivation research, democratic thought and critical data studies. The model positions education, democracy and digitalisation as interdependent fields and specifies three analytical dimensions: formative, normative and inferential. These are elaborated through relational vectors and framing structures that include societal discourses, institutional configurations, cultural imaginaries and biographical conditions. The reconstruction shows how pedagogical responsibility becomes vulnerable to displacement by optimization routines, how recognition is reorganised by regimes of data legibility and how didactic relations are reconfigured through automated feedback and recommendation systems. Rather than prescribing technical solutions, the DEA model offers a conceptual orientation for tracing how algorithmic mediation redistributes recognition, responsibility and legitimacy in HE, and for sustaining Bildung and democratic subject formation under digital conditions.

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the emergence of the global New Right and its assault on democratic education. Drawing on Frankfurt school critical theory and international studies of the far-right, the authors examine the structural, psychological, and educational preconditions that have enabled a far-right authoritarian wave across national contexts including the United States, Brazil, Hungary, Italy, and India. They argue that the New Right has taken advantage of the conjunctural crises of global capitalism and neoliberalism through ‘metapolitical’ strategies including appropriation of progressive-left concepts such as Gramscian cultural hegemony and decolonisation. Central to this effort is a global authoritarian assault on education and cultural institutions, aimed at dismantling critical literacy, academic freedom, and democratic subject formation. The article proposes an ‘antifascist metapolitics’ for educational studies that resists the instrumentalization of education under both neoliberalism and neofascism, and calls for pedagogical and political strategies that cultivate historical consciousness, pluralism, and democratic solidarity. The authors conclude by advocating for international counter-hegemonic alliances to confront the global resurgence of authoritarianism.

ABSTRACT The pressing global landscape with its tangible crises such as polarisation and ecological disruption exposes limits in Education for Democracy (EfD) frameworks that still emphasise cognition over emotion. We argue that Transformative Learning (TL) can offer a basis for EfD to respond to these challenges. Recent literature emphasises the significance of emotions in TL, proposing that emotional engagement is central for developing thinking skills and competences that are necessary for addressing ‘wicked problems’ and sustaining democratic cultures. We discuss using emotional work as a metaperspective of the emotional engagement in learning through which learners actively experience, optimally stay with, and reflect on discomfort while negotiating embodied and social dimensions of change. We explore aspects of the theoretical foundations and the dynamic interplay between emotions, reflection, TL and EfD. Our theoretical paper advocates for a more nuanced and holistic approach to EfD that fully embraces the emotional and embodied dimensions of learning. We discuss the inseparability of emotions from cognition, and how to understand them as embodied, socially constructed, and explicitly integrated into transformative educational practices. We conclude with suggestions for future research and pedagogical practices, incorporating emotional work, to produce more emotionally engaging learning environments supporting individual and societal change.

Introduction. The relevance of the research lies in the need of modern Russian pedagogical science to master the positive pedagogical experience accumulated by domestic education in previous historical periods. The aim of the study is to analyze and evaluate the pedagogical ideas of a prominent Russian democratic teacher of the second half of the 19th century, one of the founders of the methodology of teaching Russian language and literature in secondary school Vasily Ivanovich Vodovozov (1825-1886). Materials and methods. In the course of the research, the author used a comparative method and a method of retrospective analysis, an axiological methodological approach. The use of these research tools made it possible to identify the value content of Vodovozov's methodological and practical pedagogical activities. Results. The methodological and practical pedagogical activity of V. I. Vodovozov was of great importance for the development and implementation of advanced teaching methods of the Russian language and literature in the practice of the Russian secondary school. Russian methodologist Vodovozov was the first methodologist to substantiate the cognitive and educational importance of literature for the development of a student's personality. His works (textbooks, articles, etc.) became the fundamental basis for the development of methods of teaching Russian language and literature in Russian gymnasiums. Fruitful methodological work was carried out by him as a teacher and organizer of teacher courses. His wife E. N. Vodovozova made a significant contribution to the development of memoiristics, Russian preschool pedagogy and pedagogy of primary education. KEYWORDS Discussion. Leading Russian teachers (K. D. Ushinsky, D. D. Semenov, etc.) highly appreciated the importance of V. I. Vodovozov's personality and the influence of his works on the development of Russian pedagogy and schools. An objective, comprehensive analysis of the methodological and practical pedagogical activity of Vodovozov gives reason to conclude that it was progressive in nature and had an impact on the development of the professional pedagogical environment, which, in particular, explained his suspension from work at school and teacher courses under the tsarist regime. His most significant works, such as "Russian Literature", "Ancient Russian Literature", "Practical Slavic Grammar", "The Ideal of a national teacher", "A new plan for the organization of a national school", "Literature in samples and analyses with an explanation of the general properties of the composition and the main types of prose and poetry", "New Russian Literature", "Ancient Russian Literature", "Practical Slavic grammar", "The Ideal of a national teacher", "A new plan for the organization of a national school" and others were actively used in school practice; they had a certain impact on the development of Russian education and on the formation of methodology of teaching Russian literature in a Russian school. Conclusion. V. I. Vodovozov is one of the largest Russian methodologist teachers of the second half of the XIX century, the author of a large number of works that laid the foundations of the methodology of teaching Russian language and literature in secondary schools. His theoretical and methodological works remain, in general, relevant, and serve as an important source for studying the state of education in Russia. Their further study seems to be a rather urgent task of the modern Russian history of pedagogy.

The formation of democratic culture is considered one of the main challenges of contemporary social science. Democracy is understood not only as an institutional system but also as a process that requires active citizen participation, critical thinking, value orientation, and social responsibility. Education plays a decisive role in sustaining democracy by fostering both professional skills and civic competences essential for meaningful engagement in public life. The article examines theoretical approaches to the relationship between education and democracy as developed in the works of J. Dewey, P. Freire, R. Dahl, J. Habermas, M. Nussbaum, A. Sen, B. Barber, H. Jenkins, É. Balibar, G. Biesta, D. Allen, A. Gutmann, D. Held, and M. Levinson. The analysis highlights the importance of promoting critical thinking, communicative and civic competences, as well as the values of social justice and solidarity within democratic education.

Beyond the Human: Democratic Education Through the Ethics of Care and Carriance. A Response to “Reimagining Democratic Education with Care Ethics—Toward Care-full Democratic Education”

Reimagining Democratic Education with Care Ethics—Toward Care-full Democratic Education