Democratic Consolidation Research Articles

ABSTRACT This study investigates how the level of democracy influences climate change adaptation readiness across 188 countries from 1995 to 2020, using selectorate theory to explain variations in leaders’ incentives to provide public goods. Employing a country‑year panel framework with fixed‑effects regression models, the analysis isolates the impact of democratic governance on adaptation readiness while controlling for economic and institutional factors. The results show that higher levels of democracy – characterized by broader winning coalitions – enhance leaders’ incentives to invest in long‑term public goods, particularly climate change adaptation readiness. Conversely, in less democratic regimes with narrower coalitions, political survival depends on distributing private goods to elites, leading to underinvestment in adaptation capacity. Nested analysis of case studies of Bhutan and Venezuela illustrate how democratic consolidation strengthens adaptive governance, whereas democratic erosion weakens it. These findings highlight that the level of democracy fundamentally shapes the political incentives underpinning national readiness for climate change adaptation.

This study explores the impact of post-conflict elections in Sierra Leone from 2002 to 2018, with a critical focus on whether these electoral processes have truly furthered sustainable peace, inclusive development, and democratic consolidation. Elections are frequently presented as crucial instruments for post-war recovery—especially through the lens of the liberal peacebuilding framework—but their long-term effectiveness within fragile societies remains contentious. The research aims to move beyond the surface-level restoration of political order by assessing the deeper, more enduring consequences of electoral interventions. Employing a qualitative case study approach, the study analyses data from elections, government documentation, and existing scholarly literature to evaluate the political, social, and economic effects of five post-conflict electoral cycles in Sierra Leone. Situated within the broader context of liberal peace theory—which places particular emphasis on democratization through elections—the work also engages with critical perspectives that caution against the risks associated with premature or externally imposed democratic practices in post-war environments. The findings indicate that although elections in Sierra Leone did succeed in re-establishing state legitimacy and averting a return to armed conflict, significant core problems persist. Issues such as youth marginalization, pronounced regional inequalities, and entrenched elite dominance have remained largely unaddressed by electoral processes alone. These structural barriers continue to obstruct wider goals of peacebuilding and development. In conclusion, the study argues that electoral processes, while necessary, are by themselves insufficient for realizing substantive transformation in post-conflict contexts. It advocates for a more sequenced, context-sensitive strategy—one that effectively integrates electoral reforms with measures for socio-economic inclusion and institutional strengthening. For lasting peace and development in post-war societies, a comprehensive approach to peacebuilding that goes well beyond the mere act of voting is essential.

In 2018, a mass uprising, known as the Velvet Revolution, ousted an unpopular semi-authoritarian government in Armenia. The new government vowed rapid democratization through ambitious reforms. Key civil society actors enthusiastically supported the shift in the political atmosphere, embracing the post-uprising window of opportunity to engage with the new government and push for democratic consolidation in their respective areas of expertise. This paper examines anti-corruption and judicial reforms in post-revolutionary Armenia, focusing on the role of civil society actors in maintaining the pro-democratic momentum. The paper investigates the following research question: “What was the role of civil society organizations in anti-corruption and judicial reforms in Armenia after the 2018 Velvet Revolution?” We rely on document analysis and qualitative interviews with civil society representatives, policy experts and government officials to argue that the strength of civil society and availability of allies partially explain the differences in anti-corruption and judicial reform processes and outcomes. In the anti-corruption case, the main actors (the government, prominent civil society organizations, and the EU) were more or less “on the same page.” In the case of the judicial reform, there were strong divisions of opinion among civil society organizations, local and international experts. The findings contribute to broader understanding of the role of civil society in the early years of democratic transition.

Purpose. This study aims to provide an in-depth empirical assessment of the relationship between the density and structure of civil society organizations (CSOs) within selected Ukrainian territorial communities and citizens’ perceptions of their performance. The research explores whether the quantitative presence of CSOs correlates with higher levels of civic engagement, public trust, and satisfaction with cooperation with local authorities. The analysis also seeks to identify systemic challenges affecting informal and financial support mechanisms and to determine the conditions under which CSOs can effectively contribute to strengthening participatory governance and local development. Design/methodology/approach. He study is based on a structured empirical design, combining quantitative and comparative approaches. Primary data were obtained from surveys conducted among residents of four territorial communities, focusing on their evaluation of CSO activity, quality of informal support (informational, consultative, and organizational assistance), and financial support mechanisms. Descriptive statistics were used to determine distributions, and cross-community comparison allowed for the identification of correlational patterns between CSO density and perceived quality of interaction. The findings were synthesized to generate a set of analytical generalizations regarding the relationship between civil society capacity and citizen participation. Findings. Empirical evidence indicates that a greater number of CSOs does not necessarily translate into higher levels of civic participation or more favorable public evaluations of CSO activities. Respondents most frequently reported a moderate level of both informal and financial support, whereas consistently high ratings were rare. Limited financial assistance emerged as a critical barrier, suggesting that many CSOs operate with resource constraints that restrict their ability to scale activities and broaden community outreach. The results also highlight the significance of organizational focus and relevance of activities as decisive factors shaping public trust and engagement, thus underscoring the importance of aligning CSO agendas with local needs and policy priorities. Practical implications The research provides actionable insights for policy-makers, municipal administrations, and donor institutions. Recommended measures include the development of targeted funding instruments, capacity- building programs for CSO leadership, and institutionalized platforms for dialogue between civil society and government stakeholders. Implementing these measures may lead to improved public participation in decision- making processes, enhanced accountability of local authorities, and the creation of a more resilient civic ecosystem, particularly relevant in the context of Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction and democratic consolidation. Originality/value. This paper contributes to the literature by offering micro-level empirical evidence on the relationship between CSO density and civic engagement, moving beyond the traditional focus on national- level aggregates. By integrating community-level survey data with comparative analysis, it generates new insights into the structural and financial determinants of CSO performance. The study’s results have direct policy relevance and can inform both local and national strategies for strengthening civil society, reducing disparities in access to participation, and promoting inclusive local governance.

Tribal Political Parties in Tripura: Agents of Democratic Consolidation or Fragmentation?

This study assesses the delayed democratic consolidation in The Gambia following the 2016 election impasse. Even though the Gambia received significant support from ECOWAS, progress in democratic governance has remained at best slow. A significant regression of civil liberties, institutional reforms, and political inclusion has been witnessed in many fronts of the country’s democracy. This study employs a qualitative case study to examine how institutional lapses and the role of elites weaken democratic consolidation in the Gambia. The study found that the democratic governance trajectory of the Gambia revealed troubling youth and gender underrepresentation. The study adapted a qualitative method used thematic content analysis as the main data analysis method revealed that anti-corruption efforts in the country have been weak, with limited or no enforcement powers to prosecute offenders. The finding tells a disconnect between normative aspirations of democracy and the empirical outcome. The study argues that external support to the Gambia’s democracy is not sufficient without greater political and institutional will from the government of the Gambia. The paper recommends stronger institutional reforms and civic empowerment for a sustainable democratic outcome.

The study critically analyzes the political and institutional trajectory of Dilma Rousseff, examining her historical relevance as a symbol of resistance in Brazil’s democratic consolidation. The central question investigates to what extent her actions, from militancy against the civil-military dictatorship to her presidency of the New Development Bank (NDB/BRICS), reflect structural tensions among memory, democracy, and gender inequality. The hypothesis adopted is that Rousseff’s political experience embodies a continuous process of resistance which, despite attempts at erasure and delegitimization, particularly during the 2016 impeachment, reaffirms the role of memory as an instrument of institutional reconstruction. This qualitative and exploratory research is based on bibliographical review and documentary analysis of academic, institutional, and journalistic sources. The results indicate that Rousseff’s trajectory transcends the biographical field, constituting a narrative of democratic reconstruction and reconfiguration of female power spaces. It concludes that the “woman of tomorrow” represents the persistence of political resistance as a form of active memory and the projection of a new paradigm of female leadership in the national and globais arenas.

This paper argues that since 2016, amid the Anglophone Crisis, the Cameroonian state’s co-optation of traditional authority in the Northwest and Southwest regions has reinforced a patronage-based political order that obstructs democratic consolidation. Chiefs have been transformed into political intermediaries, mobilizing electoral support in exchange for state patronage. Through the selective creation and recognition of chiefdoms, the regime rewards loyalists and suppresses dissent. This politicization erodes traditional governance, fragments communal identity, and intensifies regional tensions. Yet, some chiefs actively resist state encroachment, invoking ancestral legitimacy and ritual authority to assert autonomy. The instrumentalization of chieftaincy thus sustains authoritarian resilience while provoking localized forms of agency and resistance.

With an emphasis on the interaction of institutional meddling, popular opposition, and political engineering, this paper examines the political and electoral processes surrounding Pakistan's general elections in 2024. The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) was systematically suppressed throughout the pre-election period, with its leadership being legally disqualified, its electoral symbol being denied, and media blackouts occurring. Notwithstanding these initiatives, independent candidates supported by the PTI won a sizable number of seats, indicating that voters, particularly young people, are becoming more politically aware and defiant. Disparities in vote tallying, delayed result statements, and internet shutdowns were among the anomalies that plagued the election day. Perceptions of electoral fraud were heightened when a coalition government was formed after the election that did not include candidates supported by the PTI. The study's qualitative thematic analysis shows that, although institutional bias and elite influence continue to limit Pakistan's democratic framework, a politically active and technologically mobilized populace is posing a growing threat. In order to achieve true democratic consolidation in Pakistan, the paper's conclusion suggests improvements in the areas of media freedom, judicial independence, electoral transparency, and civil-military balance.

ABSTRACT This study examines the transformation of Turkey’s opposition politics between the May 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections and the 2024 local elections. Following the ruling party’s victory in 2023, political capital within the opposition shifted from formal party structures to influential metropolitan mayors operating outside party hierarchies. This trend, reinforced by the local election successes of Ekrem İmamoğlu and Mansur Yavaş, challenged President Erdoğan’s preferred model in which strong party institutions sidelined prominent mayors, as before the last presidential race. The opposition’s 2023 defeat revealed the limitations of a party-centred strategy in confronting incumbents, weakening institutional control and enabling mayoral figures to emerge as potential presidential contenders. The paper analyzes this decline of party dominance, the rise of mayoral autonomy, and Erdoğan’s strategic response – marked by judicial interventions against municipalities and the CHP, including İmamoğlu’s imprisonment – highlighting how electoral gains paradoxically triggered authoritarian recalibration rather than democratic consolidation.

Electoral crimes remain a persistent challenge in Indonesia’s democratic system. Despite constitutional guarantees under Article 1(2), Article 18(4), and Article 28D of the 1945 Constitution (UUD 1945), as well as statutory frameworks such as Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections, Law No. 10 of 2016 on Regional Head Elections, the KUHP, and the ITE Law, weak regulatory provisions, inconsistent sanctions, and ineffective enforcement mechanisms continue to undermine the legitimacy of elections and the democratic process. This study seeks to analyze the weaknesses in Indonesia’s legal framework on electoral crimes and to reconstruct penal provisions and enforcement mechanisms to ensure justice, integrity, and transparency in electoral processes. The research adopts a doctrinal legal approach, examining primary legal sources such as the 1945 Constitution, electoral laws, the KUHP, and Constitutional Court decisions, supplemented by secondary sources including academic analysis and international comparative perspectives. The study finds that Indonesia’s enforcement of electoral criminal law remains fragmented and often influenced by political interests. The study recommends key reforms include: (1) harmonizing electoral crime regulations into a coherent legal framework; (2) strengthening penal sanctions to improve deterrence; (3) establishing a special judicial mechanism dedicated to electoral crimes; (4) improving coordination among law enforcement agencies; and (5) expanding civic and legal education to promote electoral integrity. The Study concluded that, Elections are the foundation of democratic legitimacy in Indonesia, yet their credibility depends on effective enforcement of electoral laws. Current frameworks inadequately prevent or address electoral crimes, risking erosion of public trust and weakening democratic consolidation. Reconstruction of electoral crime regulations, guided by constitutional principles of justice and people’s sovereignty, is thus imperative to ensure that elections serve as a fair, transparent, and democratic mechanism for leadership selection.

This paper has examined how the rule of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) affected the Pakistani democratic institutions, with an examination of the political, constitutional, and religious policies that the leader changed the governance system in the country. The study was intended to learn the way the regime of Zia re-invented a new political order in Pakistan with authoritarian rule and Islamization that led to institutional falling apart in the long term. The study is based on the Institutional Decay Theory (Huntington, 1968; North, 1990) and it explored how formal institutions (parliament, judiciary and political parties) lost their autonomy and legitimacy once turned into a tool of personal and ideological expediency. The research design used by the study is the qualitative research of historical analysis and descriptive analysis. The secondary sources were used in order to gather data that included academic articles, books, government documents and newspapers that were associated with the regime of Zia. The data was grouped together to form around the major themes constitutional manipulation, political centralization, Islamization, and institutional weakening and interpreted within the theoretical framework in order to follow the patterns of authoritarian continuity. The results show that the Zia regime systematically reformed the system of democracy in Pakistan by centralizing power in the executive, legalizing authoritarianism via the Eighth Amendment, and politicizing the judiciary, as well as the bureaucracy. His Islamization project was a tool of politics to justify military supremacy and not a moral reform in actual sense and made religion a part of state institutions and quashed any opposition. The findings highlight the long term impacts of the Zia policies such as low parliamentary sovereignty, judicial reliance, weakly established political parties and the merging of religion with the conditions of governance that persist to this date to impede democratic consolidation in Pakistan. The work of political and historical literature include the connection between the Zia period and the continuing weakness of Pakistani democracy and how institutional decay can be replicated generation after generation as a result of constitutional structure and ideological domination. It highlights the necessity of institutional reform, depoliticization, and separation of state power and religion so as to bring democratic equilibrium.

ABSTRACT After the third wave of democratisation, many countries underwent reforms of decentralisation to consider the heterogeneous preferences of voters across different localities. However, contrary to the expectation that decentralisation would boost local electoral participation, local voter turnout has been low. Still, voter turnout does vary across different localities. Leveraging variations in voter turnout within a single country, I argue that the fiscal dependence of local governments on government transfer, which has been inevitable for most localities, weakens the link between local governments and their voters while increasing the central government’s relative importance. Further, I contend that fiscal independence, by enabling local governments to deliver public goods and services, can increase voter turnout. Using data from South Korean local elections between 2014 and 2022, the paper finds supportive evidence, underscoring the role of fiscal autonomy in promoting local political participation and bottom-up democratic consolidation.

Corruption in public infrastructure is one of the most deeply entrenched barriers to democratic consolidation, effective governance, and equitable development in the Philippines. While numerous reform initiatives and anti-corruption campaigns have been launched over the decades, weak accountability systems, politicized budget allocations, collusion in procurement processes, and bureaucratic inefficiencies persist, eroding public trust and exacerbating inequality. This article investigates the task of the educated—scholars, policymakers, professionals, and engaged citizens—in combating corruption by advancing beyond fragmented or reactive approaches. It argues that the educated class holds both the intellectual capacity and moral responsibility to lead transformative change by framing corruption not only as a legal or administrative problem but also as a cultural and structural phenomenon.

Political party defections commonly termed “cross-carpeting” in Nigeria have become a recurring feature of the country’s democratic experience since the return to civilian rule in 1999. Persistent switching of allegiance by elected officials undermines ideological coherence, destabilizes legislative coalitions, and raises questions about the institutional strength of Nigeria’s multiparty system. This study provides a longitudinal analysis of political party defections in Nigeria, examining their causes, frequency, and regional dynamics over a twenty-four-year period. Employing a historical comparative research design, the study draws on official records of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), National Assembly proceedings, party membership registers, and major national newspapers. Data were coded by electoral cycle and geopolitical zone and analyzed using descriptive statistics, trend analysis, and qualitative content interpretation to capture both temporal and spatial patterns. Findings reveal that defections cluster around critical political moment’s especially party primaries and the months preceding general elections indicating strong electoral-cycle effects. Institutional factors such as constitutional loopholes, weak internal party democracy, and factional leadership crises emerge as primary drivers, reinforced by personal ambitions, patronage networks, and ethno-regional calculations. Regionally, the North-West and South-South zones record the highest rates of switching, reflecting local political cultures and shifting alliances. The study concludes that persistent defections weaken party system institutionalization, erode voter trust, and impede democratic consolidation. Strengthening internal party governance, clarifying constitutional provisions, and enforcing anti-defection laws are recommended to build stable, ideologically coherent parties capable of sustaining Nigeria’s democratic trajectory.

This study aimed to analyze scientific papers published between 2020–2025 in the Scopus and SciELO platforms focused on inclusive governance in subnational governments. A total of 12 articles from these databases were selected and reviewed. It was found that the SciELO database presents a limited number of studies specifically addressing inclusive governance in local or regional contexts, although it provides valuable insights adapted to Latin American realities. On the other hand, Scopus shows broader coverage and a greater volume of publications, reflecting its international scope and the diversity of research settings that contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of inclusive governance at the subnational level. In conclusion, the evidence highlights the importance of strengthening inclusive governance mechanisms in local governments, emphasizing policies, institutional frameworks, and participatory strategies that foster social equity and citizen engagement. This requires a multidisciplinary and context-sensitive approach capable of addressing cultural, institutional, and political barriers, thus contributing to democratic consolidation and sustainable territorial development.

The creation of Pakistan on August 14, 1947, was the realization of a separate homeland for Muslims, yet from its inception the country has remained entangled in crises, both political and constitutional. The internal structure of Pakistan was destabilized not only by socio-political challenges but also by repeated unconstitutional interventions carried out by usurpers in power. The Constitutions of 1956, 1962, and 1973 were frequently suspended and violated, and such extra-constitutional measures were legitimized by courts under the doctrine of state necessity. This judicial validation of coups and unconstitutional actions created a dangerous precedent that undermined constitutionalism, rule of law, and democratic consolidation for decades. The doctrine of necessity provided a legal cover for usurpation of power and perpetuated a cycle of instability, weakening institutions and eroding public trust in judicial impartiality. However, the political crisis of April 2022 marked a significant departure from this troubled legacy. When the government of Prime Minister Imran Khan was removed through a constitutional process, the Supreme Court of Pakistan was called upon to adjudicate the matter. Exercising its suo motu jurisdiction, the Court annulled the unconstitutional dissolution of the National Assembly and restored Parliament, thereby ensuring continuity of democratic governance. This research examines the historical evolution of the doctrine of necessity in Pakistan, its legitimizing role in constitutional breakdowns, and the precedents it established. It then critically analyzes the events of April 2022, where the Supreme Court rejected the misuse of necessity and reinforced constitutional supremacy. The decision is hailed as a landmark development in Pakistan’s judicial history, symbolizing the burial of the doctrine of necessity and laying the foundation for constitutional harmony and democratic resilience in the future.

This study investigates the state of judicial independence in Nigeria during the Fourth Republic and its impact on the consolidation of democracy. The research addresses persistent challenges which includes Persistent encroachment by the executive branch which undermines judicial autonomy, particularly in appointments and removals of judges, Corruption and Lack of Accountability, Financial Dependence and Inconsistent Adherence to Constitutional Provisions. The study also explores the relationship between judicial autonomy and democratic stability, and proposes actionable reforms. The research employs a qualitative research design, utilizing content analysis of secondary data sources, including legal documents, scholarly articles, and reports. Landmark cases and reforms since 1999 are reviewed to assess the judiciary’s role in democratic consolidation. The research is anchored on the theory of Separation of Powers, emphasizing the necessity of distinct and independent branches of government for democratic sustainability. The framework posits that an autonomous judiciary is critical for checks and balances, protection of rights, and the legitimacy of democratic institutions. The study revealed the followings that, there is infinitesimal judicial independence in Nigeria, The judiciary’s effectiveness in arbitrating political disputes has contributed to periods of democratic stability, yet its compromised independence has also enabled electoral manipulation and undermined public confidence, Efforts such as the establishment of the National Judicial Council (NJC) and executive orders on financial autonomy have yielded some improvements, but enforcement remains inconsistent and vulnerable to political interests. The study provides some salient recommendation such as the followings, there is the need to Strengthen Financial Autonomy, vest the power of appointing and removing judges in an independent judicial commission, minimizing executive and legislative interference, Implement robust ethical standards, regular assessments, and disciplinary measures to combat corruption and restore public trust and Invest in training and capacity-building for judicial officers to uphold integrity, professionalism, and resilience against external pressures among others

The study investigates the complex linkage between democracy and regional economic inequality in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, emphasizing marked inequalities between the Northern and Southern regions. Irrespective of Nigeria’s status as one of Africa’s largest economies, economic benefits remain unevenly distributed, exacerbated by historical, socio-cultural, and governance factors. In terms of methodology, the study adopts a mixed-methods approach involving 1,536 questionnaires, focus group discussions, and key informant interviews across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. The study found significant regional inequality hinged heavily on governance quality. The findings show that poor institutional transparency, elite patronage, and weak democratic institutions perpetuate inequality, particularly disadvantaging the Northern zones. Crucially, respondents affirm that well-designed, context-specific public policies can efficiently and substantially reduce these inequalities if accompanied by governance reforms promoting accountability and inclusiveness. The study’s inevitable conclusion points to the fact that addressing regional economic inequality requires integrated policy approaches crafted to Nigeria’s diverse socio-political landscape to promote balanced development and strengthen democratic consolidation. Recommendations echos region-focused development, governance reforms, and participatory policy formulation to support inclusive growth and social stability.

ABSTRACTThis study investigates Thai citizens' and policymakers' perspectives on democracy following the 2023 general election. Drawing on 24 focus groups across eight provinces and ten semi‐structured interviews with policymakers, the research explores regional and generational cleavages in democratic attitudes. Findings reveal widespread disillusionment with the electoral process, particularly among younger citizens, who feel betrayed by the failure of the election‐winning Move Forward Party to form a government. While most respondents prefer a democratic regime, concerns over “dark power,” institutional interference, and economic stagnation contribute to skepticism about Thailand's democratic trajectory. Policymakers express cautious optimism about democratic consolidation but acknowledge persistent structural barriers. The paper highlights the enduring influence of authoritarian legacies and underscores the role of political education, electoral integrity, and institutional trust in shaping democratic resilience. These insights have implications for policy reforms aimed at strengthening democratic legitimacy and youth political engagement in transitional regimes.