Delimitation Commission Research Articles

Spomini nekega pogajača: delovanje Franceta Kutina v jugoslovansko-italijanskih razmejitvenih komisijah 1947–1980

The complex issue of determining the definitive delimitation between Yugoslavia and Italy after World War II was a lengthy process that took place practically throughout the entire existence of the second Yugoslav state. The federal state’s external borders were the domain of the federal authorities, mainly the Ministries/Secretariats of Foreign Affairs, the Interior, and Defence. However, given that the entire border ran along the Slovenian territory, the participation of the Slovenian political structures in the delimitation processwas always vital. In this context, France Kutin, a representative of the “republic’s interests”, played a crucial role in most delimitation commissions between 1947 and 1980. However, his perception of the entire process deviates from the idyllic image of the unity of Yugoslav political and negotiating positions painted by the official communiqués.

Beyond Diplomacy: The Demarcation of Montenegrin-Ottoman Borders (1879–1881)

In the 19th century, several factors influenced the development of Montenegrin-Ottoman borders: European experts’ stereotypes and limited knowledge of the Balkans, the Great Powers’ interests, and local populations’ conceptions of their own territories and societies. This article considers how these factors interacted in the demarcation of Montenegrin-Ottoman borders between 1879 and 1881 by not only studying the profiles, statements and actions of regional ‘experts’ at the Congress of Berlin in 1878 but also of the delegates to the Commission for the Delimitation of Montenegro and of the members of the Albanian League. Through critical readings of documents produced by the delegates of ‘secondary’ powers, such as the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, it argues that the effectiveness of the border-demarcation was undermined by the failure of the Delimitation Commission, the Great Powers’ misperceptions and lack of knowledge, which was shaped by poor expert advice, and finally, by the resistance of local populations.

Evolving rationales of boundary making in India: beyond states

ABSTRACT Academic scholarship on boundary making in India is disproportionately concentrated on state boundaries. Isolated attention given to other areas fails to adopt a holistic framework. The present paper traces the evolving rationales of delimiting district boundary, scheduled area boundary, and parliamentary constituency boundary. It further attempts to find a common thread to organize the boundary making principles in different arenas. Since its inception, India has embarked on a path of steady decentralization. Initially, the State reorganization commission and several constituency delimitation commissions tried to implement a pan-Indian objective. Ethnic diversity was gradually recognized in boundary making from 1970 onward, most notably in the Northeast. A drive toward ever smaller states and districts is observed under the “small is better” paradigm since 1990s. Overall, boundary making in India is intricately intertwined with political agenda and is increasingly being used for electoral expedience over achieving cardinal visions.

NORTH AFGHANISTAN COLONIZATION AND ENGLISH BOUNDARY COMMISSION

The present study examines the question of Abd al-Rahman Khan’s colonization of the northern regions of Afghanistan in the 1880s. The colonization process was aimed at resettling people from areas with scarce land and water resources to the northern regions, which provided largely favourable conditions for agriculture and transhumance, restoring economic life through increase in production capacity with additional workforce and ensuring the security of the northern border. At first, these measures were directed at the inhabitants of the region itself, but they came to reach the national level after a while. The appearance of the Afghan Delimitation Commission in these areas during this period had a certain impact on the decisions of the Afghan authorities. Members of the Commission began to discredit the indigenous people of the region in the eyes of the leadership of their own state and before the emir as unreliable subjects and suggested relying exclusively on the Pashtuns. While the emir wanted primarily his fellow tribesmen to settle in the areas, the British pushed for the settlement of representatives of the warlike Ghilzai tribe there. Tens of thousands of households eventually settled in the northern territory but given that large segments of the local population migrated outside the country, the total number of the population did not undergo any significant change. Nevertheless, the number of the Pashtun households has noticeably increased in the regions. The discontent over the resettlement policy expressed by the indigenous population and the position of the authorities on this issue further exacerbated the already tense inter-ethnic relations. The economic aspects of the issue faded into the background while the emir's attention focused solely on the political elements within the region. By exterminating local influential people and their chiefs and by confiscating their land ownership rights, Abd al-Rahman Khan finally managed to suppress the resistance and opposition forces of Tajiks, Uzbeks and other ethnic groups and tribes. Looking through the prism of its rivalry with Russia, England regarded these unfolding events and processes as an outcome of the weakening of the position and influence of its longtime opponent in this Afghan region.

Question of the “Monastery of Saint-Naoum”, Referring to the Advisory Opinion of the Permanent Court of International Justice

One of the most important issues for the Albanian country in the period 1922-1925 has been that of the north and north-east frontier with the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Monastery of Saint Naoum. Referring to the historical facts, the area of St. Naoum was occupied by Serbian troops in 1913. During World War I, they were forced to flee from there (1917). During the period when Commission (of delimitation) had visited the monastery they found there, only two priests, one of whom spoke English, the other Serbo-Croatian. From a geographic standpoint monastery had no particular value, while in terms of religious side he had a lot of great importance for all surrounding regions making up for them a religious pilgrimage site. The problem that had arisen during the fieldwork of Delimitation Commission stood on the fact that the Protocol of London of 1913 expressly stated that "up to the Monastery of Saint Naoum", thus leaving unclear that the word "until" will include or leave abroad it. This problem was brought to the attention of the Conference by a note of September 27th, 1922, from the British Embassy, through which it asked the Delimitation Commission to furnish all the information which might assist the Conference in reaching a decision. The issue spanned a period of several years and took importance because Albanian politics tried to save the limits set in 1913 by the Conference of Ambassadors in London, as well as not to create to the neighboring countries the opportunity to extend their hand to distract from "existing Albania" even a single inch of land. However, the happenings will take different shades because they were held in difficult years of turbulence in Albania and will begin to receive solution only when King Zog returns to power with help of Serbia in December 1924. DOI: 10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n3s1p354

Appearing of the Borderland

The Treaty of Stolbovo (1617) was only the first step in making peace between Sweden and Muscovy at the end of the Time of Troubles. The delimitation process ended only in August 1621. This article describes the circumstances of the first stage of delimitation in Ingria in 1617–1618 that occurred at the same time that the “Lithuanian” menace directly threatened Moscow itself. Old residents, mostly local peasants, supported both the Swedish and Russian delimitation commissions. The result of that delimitation was a clear and transparent borderline that existed for more than eighty years.

Was the Delimitation Commission Unfair to Muslims?

In the Sachar Committee report, a report from 2006 about the socio-economic status of Muslims in India, it was stated that a number of constituencies (electoral districts) reserved for Scheduled Castes (SCs) have a high proportion of Muslims and a low proportion of SCs, while there are many general (unreserved) constituencies with fewer Muslims and more SCs. Some have interpreted this as an allegation that the Delimitation Commission in the 1970s willfully assigned constituencies reserved for SCs to areas with a high Muslim population. Since this delimitation was in force for more than 30 years (1974–2007), this could have seriously undermined the representation of Muslims in India. In this article I use archival evidence from the Election Commission records as well as unique statistical data of the Muslim population across Indian constituencies in the 1970s to show that there is no evidence that such a systematic discrimination took place. Looking at data from 14 Indian states, I show that the Muslim population is on average lower in reserved constituencies than in general ones. This is mainly due to the fact that reserved seats by construction have a high concentration of SCs, and therefore a lower concentration of other groups. On comparing reserved and general constituencies with similar proportions of SCs, I find that there is no statistically significant difference in the proportion of Muslims in reserved and general areas. These results do not suggest that Muslims have been adequately represented in Indian politics, but simply that it is unfounded allegation that Muslims have been over-represented in reserved constituencies.

Colonial Flotsam: The Zululand Squatters and the Zululand Lands Delimitation Commission 1902–1904

Colonial Flotsam: The Zululand Squatters and the Zululand Lands Delimitation Commission 1902–1904

Maps, Fields, and Boundary Cairns: Demarcation and Resistance in Colonial Cyprus

An important component of the administration and control of a colony by an external power is the demarcation and classification of the land and its people. This was certainly the case in Cyprus under British colonial rule (1878–1960), as three case studies demonstrate: the topographical survey of the island by H. H. Kitchener in 1878–83; the cadastral survey of 1909–29; and the work of the Forest Delimitation Commission from 1881 to 1896. This was not achieved without resistance on a variety of levels. Ironically, part of the opposition came from the structure of the colonial demarcation and classification project itself.

A century of constituency delimitation in India

Abstract Constituencies are de jure apportionment of space for the purpose of electing representatives of people living in the territorial limits of a democratic state. The elected representatives represent not only the people but also their respective segments of territory, the constituencies. These two — the land and the people — and the prevailing law of the country provide the basis for constituency boundaries and their delimitation. The laws concerning constituencies can have two dimensions. The first is related to the laws of enfranchisement as to who among the population have the right to vote. This gives the total number of electors and the number of representatives to be elected. The other aspect of constituencies is the actual drawing of boundaries and enclosing people within the constituency framework. This is indeed a sensitive issue for several reasons. First, a lack of understanding of the human geography of the area can divide up people who may in effect lose their representation or voice in the legislature. Second, the division of space into constituencies can be so organised that it may carve out either a safe support base for a party or a candidate, or create a combination of societal forces which are opposed to a particular party or candidate. This task should be assigned to impartial and non-partisan persons. Thirdly, a new boundary can change the pattern of electoral representation in the legislature. The degree of involvement of those who are largely to benefit from it varies from country to country according to its electoral laws. It varies from the largely neutral British case through slight party involvement in New Zealand to the total party involvement in the USA (Gudgin, G. & Taylor, P.J. (1979) Seats, votes and the spatial organisation of elections (p. 11), Pion Ltd, London). In South Asia, it varies from Sri Lanka where the Delimitation Commission consists purely of persons who are entirely out of politics, to India where the Delimitation Commission comprising of three persons (two of whom have generally been judges of the Supreme Court and State High Courts, and the third member has been the Chief Election Commissioner, ex-officio) associates in its deliberations nine politicians of different political shades in each state. Of these, four belong to the Lok Sabha (lower house of Indian parliament) and five to the Vidhan Sabhas (lower house of state legislatures) (Chandidas, R. (1971) Electoral system and political development. In: L.M. Singhvi et al., Elections and electoral reforms in India (p. 114). Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs, New Delhi). But the Commission's verdict is final and can not be challenged even in the Supreme Court. In spite of the involvement of politicians, there have however been no or little reports of gerrymandering in India because of the constitutional safeguards. Nevertheless, it is also a fact that no study of the actual delimitation of constituency boundaries and its effect on electoral outcome and the geography of representation in India could be carried out due to the secrecy and non-availability of delimitation commissions' reports on the actual considerations for delimitation of constituency boundaries. Even though concepts of democracy, representative institutions, limitations on the arbitrary powers of the rulers, and the rule of law were practised in ancient India, and some of the representatives bodies like Gram Sanghas, Gram Sabha or Panchayats have survived up to now (Kashyap, S.C. (1994) Our constitution (p. 7), National Book Trust of India, New Delhi), the experience of electoral participation in a representative democracy in this country is hardly one century old. In fact, the twentieth century in India could be termed as the century of transformation from being subject of a British colony with no right to elect their own government to the largest democracy in the world. The electoral experience of India can be divided into two parts: selective enfranchisement in the colonial period and universal adult enfranchisement in independent India.

The Zanzibar delimitation commission 1885–1886

Using French and British archives, this article shows how and why Zanzibar was excluded from the Berlin conference through Bismarck's and Leopold's intrigues, and consequently had to submit its territorial rights on the mainland of Africa to adjudication by a delimitation commission appointed by Britain, France and Germany. Forced into giving an unfavourable report by Germany's blackmailing of France over the Comoros, the commission paved the way for a division of eastern Africa between the three powers in 1886, which was finalised by mutual agreement in 1890.

Labour Supply Problems of the Zululand Sugar Planters, 1905–1939

Acquiring a reliable and adequate labour supply was a continual problem for the Zululand sugar planters and the securing thereof featured prominently in their farming activities. When Zululand was opened to white settlement by the Zululand Lands Delimitation Commission in 1905 one of the principles accepted was the granting of small farms (from 204 hectares for Class I farms to 448 hectares for Class III) to individuals under a system of personal occupation and leasehold title. None of the big sugar or milling companies were allowed to obtain any land grants although they were permitted to establish sugar mills to serve certain concession areas, e.g. J.L. Hulett & Sons Ltd at Amatikulu. Consequently, all these small individual landowners in Zululand competed amongst themselves for labour. There was no combined or joint recruitment by Zululand planters as existed for the gold and coal-mining industries or such as the recruitment of Mpondo by commercial recruiters or labour organizations for cane-cutting in the Natal south coast regions. A further complicating factor and added restriction to the acquisition of an adequate labour supply was that the sugar growing areas of Zululand were in a malarial belt (the low-lying coastal area of Zululand stretching roughly from the Thukela River all the way north into Mozambique, which was also the area most suitable for sugar cane cultivation) and recruitment from outside of this region was for health reasons, from time to time, prohibited by government legislation.

Parliamentary delimitation in South Africa, 1910–1980

Parliamentary delimitation commissions have redrawn South African electoral constituencies at regular intervals, and according to strict instructions. The results have been severely criticized but provision for variations in the size of electorates is built into the statutes controlling the Commissioners. Bias of a territorial nature has been a marked feature of the system, but its extent is limited, suggesting that other causes must be sought for the markedly unequal contests in South African elections.

Revolt re‐examined: The 1878 insurrection in New Caledonia

(1975). Revolt re‐examined: The 1878 insurrection in New Caledonia. The Journal of Pacific History: Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 48-63.

Geographical Results of the Anglo-Portuguese Delimitation Commission in South-East Africa, 1892

Geographical Results of the Anglo-Portuguese Delimitation Commission in South-East Africa, 1892

The Anglo-Portuguese delimitation commission in East Africa

The Anglo-Portuguese delimitation commission in East Africa

Anglo-Portuguese Delimitation Commission

Anglo-Portuguese Delimitation Commission

III. The Zoology of the Afghan Delimitation Commission.

III. The Zoology of the Afghan Delimitation Commission.

A Summary of the Botanical Features of the Country traversed by the Afghan Delimitation Commission during1884–85

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The Botany of the Afghan Delimitation Commission

The Botany of the Afghan Delimitation Commission