Defense Industrial Base Research Articles

President Sarkozy’s stimulus package for arms exports

‘This important book provides a comprehensive and much-needed analysis of French defence export policy, the first of its kind in more than 30 years. Lucie Béraud-Sudreau skilfully reconstructs the policy deliberations during the post-Cold War era, in the process shedding light on France's understanding of strategic autonomy. Her book will be essential reading for any observer of French defence policy.’Professor François Heisbourg, Senior Advisor for Europe, IISS‘French Arms Exports: The Business of Sovereignty is poised to become the go-to resource on the contemporary French arms trade. Not since the 1970s has there been such a carefully researched, historically rich and politically knowledgeable book about the French arms trade, and Béraud-Sudreau ably brings us from the Cold War to the modern day, using a wealth of original interview evidence. In doing so, she also offers important insights into the sources of continuity in French arms exports, amidst great political, economic and military change.’Jennifer L. Erickson, author of Dangerous Trade: Arms Exports, Human Rights, and International Reputation and Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston College‘This book is a must-read for anyone who wishes to understand French defence-export policy and its foundation in the broader policy conception of strategic autonomy. Taking a systematic deep dive, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau not only elaborates upon the relevant actors and internal power dynamics in the policy process, she also analyses the changes in policies and outcomes when France had to react to a shifting European and global political and industrial landscape.’Dr Christian Mölling, Deputy Director, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)Ever since the establishment of the Fifth Republic in 1958, France has believed its strategic independence to be predicated on self-sufficiency in modern weapons. In order to maintain the requisite defence-industrial base, in the context of limited domestic orders, successive governments have prioritised the export of French arms on a large scale.In this Adelphi book, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau provides a detailed, behind-the-scenes examination of the institutional arrangements that have underpinned France's relatively liberal approach to arms sales over the years. The narrative begins during the Cold War, when France offered customers an alternative to reliance on one of the superpowers for their arms purchases, and then charts how the French arms-export system has responded to international political developments and dramatic changes in the global arms market. The book shows that, in general, France's leaders and machinery of government have been resistant to the notion of restraining arms sales. It also looks to the future, arguing that France now faces a dilemma over whether to maintain its traditional course or accept a greater degree of export restraint as part of closer armaments cooperation with European partners.Lucie Béraud-Sudreau is Senior Researcher and Director of the Arms and Military Expenditure Programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Sweden.

President Hollande: continued backing for arms sales

‘This important book provides a comprehensive and much-needed analysis of French defence export policy, the first of its kind in more than 30 years. Lucie Béraud-Sudreau skilfully reconstructs the policy deliberations during the post-Cold War era, in the process shedding light on France's understanding of strategic autonomy. Her book will be essential reading for any observer of French defence policy.’Professor François Heisbourg, Senior Advisor for Europe, IISS‘French Arms Exports: The Business of Sovereignty is poised to become the go-to resource on the contemporary French arms trade. Not since the 1970s has there been such a carefully researched, historically rich and politically knowledgeable book about the French arms trade, and Béraud-Sudreau ably brings us from the Cold War to the modern day, using a wealth of original interview evidence. In doing so, she also offers important insights into the sources of continuity in French arms exports, amidst great political, economic and military change.’Jennifer L. Erickson, author of Dangerous Trade: Arms Exports, Human Rights, and International Reputation and Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston College‘This book is a must-read for anyone who wishes to understand French defence-export policy and its foundation in the broader policy conception of strategic autonomy. Taking a systematic deep dive, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau not only elaborates upon the relevant actors and internal power dynamics in the policy process, she also analyses the changes in policies and outcomes when France had to react to a shifting European and global political and industrial landscape.’Dr Christian Mölling, Deputy Director, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)Ever since the establishment of the Fifth Republic in 1958, France has believed its strategic independence to be predicated on self-sufficiency in modern weapons. In order to maintain the requisite defence-industrial base, in the context of limited domestic orders, successive governments have prioritised the export of French arms on a large scale.In this Adelphi book, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau provides a detailed, behind-the-scenes examination of the institutional arrangements that have underpinned France's relatively liberal approach to arms sales over the years. The narrative begins during the Cold War, when France offered customers an alternative to reliance on one of the superpowers for their arms purchases, and then charts how the French arms-export system has responded to international political developments and dramatic changes in the global arms market. The book shows that, in general, France's leaders and machinery of government have been resistant to the notion of restraining arms sales. It also looks to the future, arguing that France now faces a dilemma over whether to maintain its traditional course or accept a greater degree of export restraint as part of closer armaments cooperation with European partners.Lucie Béraud-Sudreau is Senior Researcher and Director of the Arms and Military Expenditure Programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Sweden.

The policy model for French arms exports

‘This important book provides a comprehensive and much-needed analysis of French defence export policy, the first of its kind in more than 30 years. Lucie Béraud-Sudreau skilfully reconstructs the policy deliberations during the post-Cold War era, in the process shedding light on France's understanding of strategic autonomy. Her book will be essential reading for any observer of French defence policy.’Professor François Heisbourg, Senior Advisor for Europe, IISS‘French Arms Exports: The Business of Sovereignty is poised to become the go-to resource on the contemporary French arms trade. Not since the 1970s has there been such a carefully researched, historically rich and politically knowledgeable book about the French arms trade, and Béraud-Sudreau ably brings us from the Cold War to the modern day, using a wealth of original interview evidence. In doing so, she also offers important insights into the sources of continuity in French arms exports, amidst great political, economic and military change.’Jennifer L. Erickson, author of Dangerous Trade: Arms Exports, Human Rights, and International Reputation and Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston College‘This book is a must-read for anyone who wishes to understand French defence-export policy and its foundation in the broader policy conception of strategic autonomy. Taking a systematic deep dive, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau not only elaborates upon the relevant actors and internal power dynamics in the policy process, she also analyses the changes in policies and outcomes when France had to react to a shifting European and global political and industrial landscape.’Dr Christian Mölling, Deputy Director, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)Ever since the establishment of the Fifth Republic in 1958, France has believed its strategic independence to be predicated on self-sufficiency in modern weapons. In order to maintain the requisite defence-industrial base, in the context of limited domestic orders, successive governments have prioritised the export of French arms on a large scale.In this Adelphi book, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau provides a detailed, behind-the-scenes examination of the institutional arrangements that have underpinned France's relatively liberal approach to arms sales over the years. The narrative begins during the Cold War, when France offered customers an alternative to reliance on one of the superpowers for their arms purchases, and then charts how the French arms-export system has responded to international political developments and dramatic changes in the global arms market. The book shows that, in general, France's leaders and machinery of government have been resistant to the notion of restraining arms sales. It also looks to the future, arguing that France now faces a dilemma over whether to maintain its traditional course or accept a greater degree of export restraint as part of closer armaments cooperation with European partners.Lucie Béraud-Sudreau is Senior Researcher and Director of the Arms and Military Expenditure Programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Sweden.

Introduction

‘This important book provides a comprehensive and much-needed analysis of French defence export policy, the first of its kind in more than 30 years. Lucie Béraud-Sudreau skilfully reconstructs the policy deliberations during the post-Cold War era, in the process shedding light on France's understanding of strategic autonomy. Her book will be essential reading for any observer of French defence policy.’Professor François Heisbourg, Senior Advisor for Europe, IISS‘French Arms Exports: The Business of Sovereignty is poised to become the go-to resource on the contemporary French arms trade. Not since the 1970s has there been such a carefully researched, historically rich and politically knowledgeable book about the French arms trade, and Béraud-Sudreau ably brings us from the Cold War to the modern day, using a wealth of original interview evidence. In doing so, she also offers important insights into the sources of continuity in French arms exports, amidst great political, economic and military change.’Jennifer L. Erickson, author of Dangerous Trade: Arms Exports, Human Rights, and International Reputation and Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston College‘This book is a must-read for anyone who wishes to understand French defence-export policy and its foundation in the broader policy conception of strategic autonomy. Taking a systematic deep dive, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau not only elaborates upon the relevant actors and internal power dynamics in the policy process, she also analyses the changes in policies and outcomes when France had to react to a shifting European and global political and industrial landscape.’Dr Christian Mölling, Deputy Director, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)Ever since the establishment of the Fifth Republic in 1958, France has believed its strategic independence to be predicated on self-sufficiency in modern weapons. In order to maintain the requisite defence-industrial base, in the context of limited domestic orders, successive governments have prioritised the export of French arms on a large scale.In this Adelphi book, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau provides a detailed, behind-the-scenes examination of the institutional arrangements that have underpinned France's relatively liberal approach to arms sales over the years. The narrative begins during the Cold War, when France offered customers an alternative to reliance on one of the superpowers for their arms purchases, and then charts how the French arms-export system has responded to international political developments and dramatic changes in the global arms market. The book shows that, in general, France's leaders and machinery of government have been resistant to the notion of restraining arms sales. It also looks to the future, arguing that France now faces a dilemma over whether to maintain its traditional course or accept a greater degree of export restraint as part of closer armaments cooperation with European partners.Lucie Béraud-Sudreau is Senior Researcher and Director of the Arms and Military Expenditure Programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Sweden.

Conclusion

‘This important book provides a comprehensive and much-needed analysis of French defence export policy, the first of its kind in more than 30 years. Lucie Béraud-Sudreau skilfully reconstructs the policy deliberations during the post-Cold War era, in the process shedding light on France's understanding of strategic autonomy. Her book will be essential reading for any observer of French defence policy.’Professor François Heisbourg, Senior Advisor for Europe, IISS‘French Arms Exports: The Business of Sovereignty is poised to become the go-to resource on the contemporary French arms trade. Not since the 1970s has there been such a carefully researched, historically rich and politically knowledgeable book about the French arms trade, and Béraud-Sudreau ably brings us from the Cold War to the modern day, using a wealth of original interview evidence. In doing so, she also offers important insights into the sources of continuity in French arms exports, amidst great political, economic and military change.’Jennifer L. Erickson, author of Dangerous Trade: Arms Exports, Human Rights, and International Reputation and Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston College‘This book is a must-read for anyone who wishes to understand French defence-export policy and its foundation in the broader policy conception of strategic autonomy. Taking a systematic deep dive, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau not only elaborates upon the relevant actors and internal power dynamics in the policy process, she also analyses the changes in policies and outcomes when France had to react to a shifting European and global political and industrial landscape.’Dr Christian Mölling, Deputy Director, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)Ever since the establishment of the Fifth Republic in 1958, France has believed its strategic independence to be predicated on self-sufficiency in modern weapons. In order to maintain the requisite defence-industrial base, in the context of limited domestic orders, successive governments have prioritised the export of French arms on a large scale.In this Adelphi book, Lucie Béraud-Sudreau provides a detailed, behind-the-scenes examination of the institutional arrangements that have underpinned France's relatively liberal approach to arms sales over the years. The narrative begins during the Cold War, when France offered customers an alternative to reliance on one of the superpowers for their arms purchases, and then charts how the French arms-export system has responded to international political developments and dramatic changes in the global arms market. The book shows that, in general, France's leaders and machinery of government have been resistant to the notion of restraining arms sales. It also looks to the future, arguing that France now faces a dilemma over whether to maintain its traditional course or accept a greater degree of export restraint as part of closer armaments cooperation with European partners.Lucie Béraud-Sudreau is Senior Researcher and Director of the Arms and Military Expenditure Programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Sweden.

The Arab Gulf defense pivot: Defense industrial policy in a changing geostrategic context

Arab Gulf countries have been trying to set up a local defense industrial base for decades. Recently, these efforts have become much more serious due to a changing geostrategic context, local transformation, and the striving for a more active foreign policy role beyond the region. Today's Arab Gulf defense pivot rests on four pillars: broadening the traditional defense-supplier base; establishing indigenous defense industries; setting up a defense-industrial network within and beyond the region; enlarging foreign policy clout by way of defense exports, defense-material donations, and third-country defense funding. Despite progress, challenges regarding strategic and financial stability and local skill sets remain.

Why is there no Joint European Remotely Piloted Aircraft System Project under the Common Security and Defence Policy?

The European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has often been a paper tiger lacking the required tools to translate the EU’s goals and objectives into action on the ground. At the core of this problem is an enduring expectations–capabilities gap rooted in the meagre results of joint military capability development of CSDP member states. Many actors in the field, who work under conditions of hierarchical interaction favouring nation states over other actors, hamper the execution of joint projects. Those planned are jeopardised by a lack of shared strategic culture. Christian Küsters argues that a functioning European defence and technological industrial base is essential to underpin the CSDP.

PANORAMA ATUAL E PERSPECTIVAS FUTURAS DE UMA LOGÍSTICA DE DEFESA INTEGRADA NA AMÉRICA DO SUL: OPORTUNIDADES PARA A INDÚSTRIA REGIONAL DE DEFESA

This work aims to analyze the current situation and future prospects of an integrated defense logistics in South America, with emphasis on the defense industries of South American countries. To do so, it was made a wide bibliographical and documentary review on the subject in question. The South American Defense Council (SADC), established in 2008, has as one of its objectives the creation of an integrated defense industrial base in South America, in order to achieve greater regional autonomy and reduce the costs of R&D and production of defense products. However, while analyzing the literature, it is observed that currently there is still a shy interaction between countries, summing up to a few bilateral agreements or arrangements between small groups. On the other hand, when picturing the future scenario, it appears that the rhetoric is likely to be realized, which would benefit the entire region, with the possibility of real political and economic gains to the States. There seems to be room for integration and the development of a regional synergy, for which it becomes critical that the larger countries support smaller countries, disadvantaged economically, but still with great potential and consumer realities and close geostrategic threats.

Development in Adversity: South Africa’s Defence Industrial Participation in Perspective

Defence industrial participation (DIP) is a form of countertrade and falls in the sub-category of (defence) offsets. The South African DIP programme played a developmental role in the country’s defence industrial base (DIB), arresting its steady decline since the 1980s. This article discusses the perceived non-achievement of the 1997 DIP objectives and the reality of its manifestations over a 12-year period (2000–2012). It is argued that the DIP tripled the gross national product and improved the economy through the retention of some 58 000 jobs. However, the 2014 Defence Review paves the way for a new defence industrial dispensation. Notwithstanding, there is a need to explore the concomitant ambiguity that exists between perceptions of countertrade and offsets as trade-distorting practices and as value-adding prospects, and to ascertain how this reciprocal trade mechanism could be used better to promote the developmental aims and objectives of governments.

Turkey’s strategic choice: buy or make weapons?

Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. As with other developing countries, Turkey’s motivations for investing in national defence industries can be boiled down to the pursuit of defence autarky, economic benefits and international prestige. However, after 40 years of investment, Turkey is unable to reach the primary goals of defence industrialisation. We argue that three factors are important to understanding Turkey’s persistence in these primary goals. First, Turkey believes that there is an overall improvement in its defence industrial capabilities and the goal of autarky is still reachable. Second, increased defence exports support the belief that Turkish defence industries have become sustainable and the trend will continue in the future. The third reason, perhaps most important of all, has to do with the domestic political gains of defence industrialisation: the AKP uses defence industry and indigenous weapon systems for prestige and, therefore, garners broader support.

Is the European goal for defence research and technology expenditure attainable for small countries?

<i>EU Defence Ministers have adopted a joint Strategy on Defence Research & Technology (R&T) that includes a 2 % goal for defence R&T expenditure. Th is paper discusses the feasibility of such a goal for a small country, including the motivations for undertaking defence R&T work in small countries, and asks are they diff erent from the large countries?</i><br><br> <i>New and improved weapons systems that create a technological advantage in the battlefi eld are grounded on research in technology. However, as capability models demonstrate, there are also other aspects of military capability than the materiel which can therefore be a topic for research. Th rough reviewing a selection of strategy documents from large and small European countries, the fact that only large countries have fi nancial possibilities for major weapons system development and production is highlighted, while in small countries, this link from R&T through development to production and operation is broken. Both defence research and defence industrial base fi gures support this view. Small countries may still have a number of other reasons to engage in R&T in either technology or other areas, but these appear not to be able to suffi ciently motivate R&T expenditure even close to the 2% level.</i>

Beyond LAVs: corruption, commercialization and the Canadian defence industry

ABSTRACTThe Trudeau government’s decision to uphold a 2014 contract to sell CAD $15 billion worth of military equipment to Saudi Arabia has attracted considerable controversy in Canada, garnering both opposition and support. Yet public discussion of the Canada–Saudi light armored vehicle (LAV) contract has sidestepped the most serious problems raised by Canada’s escalation of its involvement in the international arms market through this sale: the violence and corruption of the international arms trade, to which this sale contributes; the subordination of Canadian foreign policy and of international peace and security to commercial aspirations and the short-term interests of electoral politics, which this contract evinces; and the questionable importance of the Canadian defence industrial base, upon which arguments in favor of this contract rely. Given both the political and economic salience of defence industry jobs in the 2015 election and the export-driven nature of Canada’s defence industry, Canadians should not be surprised by the Canada–Saudi LAV deal. The real question, however, is whether Canada should support its own defence industrial base, whatever the costs and contribution to corruption – or not.

(The Role of Offset Agreements when Obtaining New Technologies)

Bulgarian Abstract: В настоящият доклад се разглежда възможността за изпълнение на програми за компенсиране в България, подробно са разгледани приоритетните продуктови области, съгласно Стратегията за развитие на българската отбранителна и технологична индустриална база. Разработен е обширен анализ и подробно сравнение на действителната технология и нейните приложения. English Abstract: The following report examines the possibility of implementing programs for offset in Bulgaria, detailed are the priority product areas, according to the Strategy for Development of Bulgarian defense and technological industrial base. An extensive analysis and detailed comparison is made on the actual technology and its applications.

The Anglo-French defence partnership after the “Brexit” vote: new incentives and new dilemmas

Since the signing of the Lancaster House Treaties in 2010, the bilateral partnership between Paris and London has been a key axis for both countries’ involvement in Europe’s security and defence affairs. What impact can the result of the “Brexit” vote have on this rising partnership? This contribution argues that while the partnership will undoubtedly remain central in Europe, the two parties will in the future both face contradictory incentives. While London will have new incentives to invest in its relationship with Paris, it might also try to discourage further defence integration in the EU. On the contrary, France – which had been more forward leaning, and concerned with Britain’s lack of commitment to a bilateral relationship they considered central – will be tempted to look elsewhere. Indeed, the ambition for a militarily active European Union with a strong defence industrial base may prove contradictory with an investment in the bilateral partnership with London.

Performances of the defense industrial base in France: the role of small and medium enterprises

This paper employs an economic and statistical approach to get an overview of the defense industrial base (DIB) in France. It allows us to identify its main characteristics and to measure the role of small and medium enterprises (SMEs). An original data-set was built, thanks to the information from the Ministry of Defense (MOD), the French Customs Central and National Administration, the Organization for Joint Armament Cooperation (OCCAR), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and all the most relevant organizations specialized in the development, production or maintenance, repair, and overhaul of military goods in France. Overall, the DIB turns out as being composed of about 1800 enterprises in France (subcontractors included), of which three-third are SMEs. Along with high market concentration ratios, these enterprises are characterized by a significant military/civil duality, high labor productivity rates, and intensity in Research and Development.

European defence research in crisis? The way towards strategic autonomy

Defence research, in the form of both research and development (R&D) and research and technology (R&T), are important factors in achieving long-term European strategic autonomy. The present paper analyses this debate from a comparative perspective. The first part discusses the inputs provided by the group of personalities report from February 2016 on defence related R&T research, and the corresponding report by the European Parliament (EP) from March 2016 on the future of EU defence research. In the second part, I compare the conclusions drawn in these two reports with defence research developments in China and Russia respectively. By comparing defence research activities in these two non-western states with the European efforts to establish a European defence technological and industrial base (EDTIB) we will be in a better position to answer questions such as: is European defence research in a state of emergency? And, which means should the EU develop so as to mitigate the downward trend in European defence research? An important input to this comparative analysis is the US Defense Innovation Initiative (DII). As this paper stresses, priority given to European defence research is necessary both to cover one’s own defence needs, but also to preserve and further develop the transatlantic security community as well.

Defense policy in Brazil: bridging the gap between ends and means?

This article aims to analyze the Brazilian Defense Policy in terms of its ability to reduce the gap between ends and means. Since 2003, the Brazilian defense policy has evolved along with Brazil’s increased role in the international system. Sustaining this process depends on institutional, economic, and operational conditions that are yet to be fully guaranteed. They require negotiations, reforms, and strategic perspective. By identifying specific challenges emerging from the national security institutional framework, the combat capability building process, the budgetary cycle, as well as from the defense industrial base, we sought to explain their rationale and to offer concrete policy pointers to overcome obstacles. As a general conclusion, the Brazilian defense policy was strengthened by the 2008 National Defense Strategy (END) due to its clearer strategic goals. Bridging the gap between those ends and the proper means is a continuous effort for any given country, but in the case of Brazil it has been addressed with firmer steps since the END, even in the face of harder economic and political conditions.

Military-Industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy

This paper aims to analyse the military-industrial aspects of Turkish defence policy. A sophisticated and profitable defence industry is a useful tool for a state’s foreign and security policy. It not only supplies the armed forces with the necessary weapons and military equipment, but can also bring political influence on the international arena through arms transfers and military-industrial cooperation. These realities are not lost on Turkish decision makers. That is why they have made the nurturing of an indigenous defence-industrial base a distinct state policy. In this paper, the defence industry’s functions in the framework of Turkish defence and security policy are defined, the condition and structure of Turkish defence and aerospace sector is analysed and conclusions regarding its future prospects are presented. This provides the basis for a wider analysis of the defence-industrial aspects of Turkish defence and security policy.

European defence-industrial cooperation: from Keynes to Clausewitz

The European Union is still far from having a consolidated defence market but the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) has emerged as a policy framework through which to liberalize and regulate defence markets, protect and sustain jobs and to improve the interoperability of Europe's armed forces; all at the EU level. This article argues that a purely economic rationale for defence-industrial cooperation is being reformulated to include also questions of strategic relevance. Indeed, by charting the transition from a past policy framework called the European Defence Equipment Market (EDEM) to the EDTIB, the article examines the European Commission's role as a key driver in this policy evolution. This article shows how the European Commission is using dual-use technologies to increase its policy relevance in the defence-industrial policy milieu, but it also reaffirms the enduring role of the member states and the importance of national interests.

Mineração nas fronteiras, desenvolvimento sustentável e base industrial de defesa

The development of the subject aims to provide an overview about the current laws and doctrinal insight and analysis of studies conducted regarding the Brazilian mining on their borders and barriers. Specifically, the work will trace doctrinal and legal lines. As for the laws, demonstrate that the current legislation is outdated and obsolete in the face of economic globalization and the challenges that must be faced in the future. Existing mineral deposits in the border ranges are strategic assets of National Security. The work aims to show that Brazil needs to adapt and rethink their policies for sustainable development within their borders, because of the world shortage of power. The stimulus and encouragement for the betterment of our Defense Industrial Base (IDB) will provide the country the surveillance of our territory, the expansion of living frontiers and sustainable development of the environment through modern laws and public policy