Creative Intelligentsia Research Articles

Peculiarities of evidence in the course of investigation of criminal offences under parts 1, 2 of Article 111-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine

The scientific search for the peculiarities of evidence in the course of investigation of criminal offences under Parts 1 and 2 of Article 111-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine is due to the fact that with the beginning of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation, collaborationism at the level of national legislation, scientific doctrine and higher legal education has acquired a fundamentally new meaning. It is also advisable to take into account the fact that the historical basis of collaboration is treason, the normative consolidation of which has its roots in Roman law. Information and psychological operations, dissemination of relevant narratives to the formation of attitudes and orientations among the population, which may later become the basis for committing criminal offences under Parts 1, 2 of Article 111-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. At the level of changes in the criminal procedure legislation, current trends and approaches to pre-trial investigation, the basic principles and features of pre-trial investigation of collaboration activities have been rethought. It is substantiated that in modern conditions, evidence in the course of investigation of criminal offences under Parts 1, 2 of Art. 111-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine is inseparable from taking into account the features of modern equipment which can be used for information transmission, analysis of computer information and information from correspondence, channels and groups in social networks containing valuable information, samples of signatures, seals and other details of documents which reflect information about the collaboration activities of individuals and groups. Other relevant features of evidence in the course of investigation of criminal offences under parts 1, 2 of Art. 111-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine include: the need to conduct as many investigative (search) and procedural actions as possible, including specific forensic examinations, of which one of the most common is the technical examination of document details; interaction of pre-trial investigation bodies and the public in the course of exchange of orientation information of investigative and inquiry units with volunteers, local activists, representatives of NGOs, writers, representatives of the scientific and creative intelligentsia, i.e. conscious and patriotic citizens who refused to cooperate with the occupation administration during the occupation and actively resisted it. Such interaction in the specific security conditions of martial law does not necessarily require face-to-face communication. Public messages on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and TikTok, which may contain information about persons involved in collaboration activities, their relationships with local residents and/or the occupation administration, etc., have significant potential for providing orientation information.

The poetry of Maria Konopnicka in the context of belarusian-polish literary connections.

The purpose of the article is to study the artistic features of the lyrics of Maria Konopnicka, analyze the ideological and aesthetic foundations of her creative method and poetic style, as well as scientific understanding of the place and role of this bright representative of Polish positivism literature within the Belarusian cultural and historical paradigm. The introduction substantiates the novelty and relevance of the study of the poetic heritage of M. Konopnicka in the context of Belarusian-Polish literary ties. In the main part, on the example of individual poems, the ways of artistic comprehension by the poetess of a number of aesthetic, philosophical and socio-political ideas that are relevant both among the Polish and Belarusian creative intelligentsia are shown. This fact led to the emergence of literary followers, translators and interpreters of M. Konopnicka’s work, one of which is Yanka Kupala, the first national poet of Belarus. Also, the genuine interest of Belarusians in the Polish writer is explained by common cultural and historical values and traditions, a similar orientation towards representatives of the previous era (Adam Mitskevich, Juliush Slovatsky and some other Polish-Litvinian romantics). In summary, conclusions are formulated about the ideological and aesthetic searches of M. Konopnicka, as well as about the place of her poetry in the system of realism and the context of Belarusian-Polish literary ties.

S.V.Rachmaninov and his circle on the Southern Coast of Crimea: new pages of the history of Russian musical culture of the late XIX – early XX century.

The subject of the study is the personal history of the outstanding Russian composer S.V. Rachmaninov and other representatives of the national musical culture of the late XIX – early XX century in the historical space of the Southern coast of Crimea. The literature has repeatedly suggested that composers and musicians played a significant role in the formation of the "cultural landscape" of the Crimea of the late XIX – early XX century. However, as the authors of the article have seen studying the history of country resorts formed on the Southern Coast at the beginning of the XX century, there are still a lot of "white spots" on this "historical and cultural map". The elimination of these gaps makes it possible to fill in both the history of the Southern Coast of Crimea and biographical information about cultural actors. With the help of complex work with historical sources – documents from the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea, reference and bio-bibliographic literature, ego documents (memoirs, correspondence), including ones that have been poorly introduced into historiographical circulation, the history of S.V. Rachmaninov's stay on the Southern Coast of Crimea is reconstructed, his visits are placed in the context of the historical space in flux. The circumstances of S.V. Rachmaninov's stay on the Southern Coast of Crimea in the late XIX – early XX century have been clarified or re-established, and related historical monuments and places in Simeiz, Mishor and Yalta have been identified. The reconstructed pages of life and creative activity on the Southern Coast of Crimea by S.V. Rachmaninov, M.A. Stankevich (Golostenova), F.I. Chaliapin and their circle of colleagues, relatives, friends and acquaintances from among the creative intelligentsia, South Coast summerfolk, patrons and patrons of cultural life undoubtedly complement the picture of a rich cultural life in the historical space of the Southern Coast Crimea in the late XIX – early XX century, contributing to understanding Crimea as a important place of "historical memory" of Russia.

Реформирование системы силовых органов в СССР при Н.С. Хрущеве и его отражение советской интеллигенцией в киноискусстве

This article is devoted to the analysis of the results of reforming the system of law enforcement agencies of the USSR under N. S. Khrushchev, as well as to the understanding of their image by the Soviet intelligentsia in film art. The study expands our knowledge of how the key institutions of the Stalinist socio-political regime (security and law enforcement agencies, judicial and penitentiary systems, as well as the Armed Forces) were disman-tled and modernized in 1953–1964. and what kind of their image was constructed by the Soviet creative intelli-gentsia in cinema, which had a broad impact on the mass consciousness of Soviet people. The study is meth-odologically based on the provisions of institutional theory, the theory of bureaucracy, the theory of civil-military relations and the theory of the new class. The analysis carried out in the work allows us to conclude that the preservation of the system of party leadership of law enforcement agencies, mechanisms for the nomenklatura placement of management personnel and the command-administrative model of management determined the incomplete nature of the modernization of the system of ensuring national security and law enforcement under N. S. Khrushchev. The contradictory nature of Soviet security institutions, in which patriotism and decency coexisted with betrayal and lawlessness, is reflected in cinema.

Order of the Presidium of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to all provincial emergency commissions No. 54 (dated April 29, 1920) on provincial commissions “for the protection of monuments of art and antiquity”

Bodies of the Cheka — GPU — OGPU for many years collected and analyzed information about the processes that took place in various social strata, national, confessional, professional groups (in certain regions and across the country as a whole). The efforts of the Chekists were aimed at curbing covert and open opposition to Soviet power on the part of political opponents of the regime. Among other things, the authorities were interested in the mindset among civil servants, as well as among the scientific and creative intelligentsia. On April 29, 1920, the Presidium of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission issued order No. 54, addressed to the territorial bodies of the Cheka, with instructions to collect data on the activities of the provincial commissions “for the protection of monuments of art and antiquity”. The Chekists, first of all, were interested in information about the connections of museum employees with the clergy and teaching staff of the former religious educational institutions. Below is a list of information provided by employees of the Novgorod provincial Cheka and sent by them in parallel to the Secret Department of the Cheka and to the VIII Department of the People’s Commissariat of Justice of the RSFSR. The publication is carried out according to the original copy deposited in the A-353 fund of the State Archive of the Russian Federation. The document is accompanied by detailed comments, in particular, information about the employees of Novgorod museums: A. V. Nikiforovsky, S. K. Matveevsky, V. A. Kvashonkin and others. Particular attention is paid to the ups and downs of the biography of N. G. Porfiridov, a landmark person in the and one of the defendants in a large-scale criminal case initiated in January 1933 by employees of the Plenipotentiary Representation of the United State Political Directorate in the Leningrad Military District against a large group of people, including museum workers and local historians.

УКРАЇНСЬКА ДІАСПОРА У СУСПІЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНОМУ ЖИТТІ КАНАДИ В 1970-Х – 1980-Х РОКАХ (ЗА ДОКУМЕНТАМИ КДБ УРСР)

In the struggle to revive Ukrainian statehood, the activities of the large Ukrainian community in Canada played a significant role. This community tried to oppose the Soviet regime, seeking support from Canadian legislative and executive authorities. Therefore, this article aims to highlight, based on materials from the State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, the efforts of the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada in the fight for the restoration of Ukrainian statehood, its interaction with Canadian state institutions, and the counteractions from Soviet special services. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the fact that secret archival documents of the KGB, which scholars have not previously utilized in the context of the proposed issue, are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The methodological basis of the research includes methods of historical archival studies, as well as problem-chronological and analytical methods for working with primary sources. Conclusions. The article analyzes and publishes (in the appendices) archival documents from the State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, shedding light on the relationships between Ukrainian organizations in Canada and the government through the lens of how these processes were perceived and reacted to by Soviet special services. Several Canadian government officials and parliamentarians (including Prime Ministers D. Diefenbaker (1957–1963) and J. Clark (1979–1980)) actively supported the Ukrainian movement. At the same time, another trend was evident among some Canadian officials, primarily from P. Trudeau’s team (Prime Minister from 1968–1979 and 1980–1984), who sought to avoid conflicts with the USSR and thus attempted to limit the anti-Soviet actions of Ukrainian organizations. Notably, the KGB systematically tried to provoke or deepen these contradictions through provocative actions. Ukrainians in Canada successfully participated in parliamentary elections and were included in the government, as seen in 1979. The struggle between Canadian Ukrainians and the Soviet regime also extended to cultural issues and religious matters. The KGB attempted to persuade representatives of the Ukrainian creative intelligentsia in the diaspora to collaborate. Conversely, conscious Ukrainians in Canada seized every opportunity to advocate on humanitarian grounds, such as the fight for freedom of religion in Ukraine during events marking The Millennium of Rus’-Ukraine.

Агитрейс на Чукотке: «Энергию планов и замыслов – в энергию дел». К 90-летию фотографа Н.Н. Боброва

The article examines a unique phenomenon of the Soviet era - the so-called agitreis. These were marches through the coastal Chukotka villages, which pursued the usual goal for a Soviet citizen, a person of that time - political educational work among the newcomers and indigenous population of the Chukotka Peninsula. Ag-itreises combined mobile and stationary in a special way. Soviet correspondents, photographers, and representatives of the local creative intelligentsia took part in the propaganda campaigns. The authors reveal the essence of this Soviet-era phenomenon through the example of a specific agitreis, which took place in the summer of 1985, and passed along the coast of Chukotka on the ship “Captain Sotnikov” from Anadyr to Uelen. Using a microhistorical approach, the authors propose to look at the events through the lens and memories of direct participants of the agitreis in Chukotka - photographers N.N. Bobrov and V.V. Sertun. The article reconstructs the route, participants and key events of the Chukotka agitreis of 1985. This agitreis performed not only the function of informing, but also allowed for operational monitoring of the processes and changes taking place in Chukotka. The cruise participants had the opportunity to compare the progress of the village improvement process, find out plans for the future, understand the local context and identify specific problems. The authors declare no conflicts of interests.

К истории ответа А. Блока на анкету СДХЛ (1918): на материале переписки Ф. Сологуба, С. Кондурушкина и других

The article examines A. Blok’s response to a questionnaire of the Union of Fiction Figures (UFF), written in May 1918 for a one-day newspaper on the theme “The Ways for the Revival of Russia” (not published). The analysis of the state of the issue reveals insufficient study level of the history of the text and contradictory information about it in the research literature. The article proposes to analyze Blok’s note in the context of his attitude to the UFF in 1918 on the material of unknown correspondence between Union activists (F. Sologub, S. Kondurushkin, An. Chebotarevskaya, etc.). The published set of letters for the first time makes it possible to concretize the history of the making of UFF, to reconstruct the main idea of the newspaper, and the reasons that prevented its implementation. It turns out that in addition to objective reasons (closing of non-Bolshevik publications, problems with printers), there were also internal ones, in particular, the refusal of the newspaper editor to further edit because of the heterogeneity of the collected material. The article assumes that Blok’s note played no last role in this decision since the poet deliberately contradicted the main idea of the newspaper by replacing the survey question “What should a Russian citizen do now?” with the one “What should an artist do now?” The presented research proves that Blok’s “answer” was of polemical way, firstly, towards the creative intelligentsia protesting against the Bolsheviks; and secondly, towards the writers who declared a boycott of him after the publishing of his poem “The Twelve.”

Борьба за эстетическую монополию в первые годы советской власти

The article analyzes cultural development in the first post-revolutionary years. It examines a short but extremely meaningful period when, in an atmosphere of revolutionary enthusiasm, nihilists from art try to destroy the pillars of realism and create new, proletarian art. In the context of the revolution rejection and the emigration of the creative intelligentsia of tsarist Russia, as well as due to the involvement of RCP(b) leadership in the fronts of the civil war, the struggle for an aesthetic monopoly unfolds among artists of leftist movements.

ПОЛІТИЗАЦІЯ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ТВОРЧОЇ ІНТЕЛІГЕНЦІЇ УКРАЇНИ (1960-ті рр.)

The article examines the politicization of the cultural and educational activities of the creative intelligentsia of Ukraine in the 60s of the last century. It is noted that the general atmosphere of the considered era was the awakening of national consciousness in the field of creative intelligence. In a state where terror became a means of state policy, the very fact of the emergence of political dissidence was a phenomenal phenomenon. The regime introduced a whole system of the most ingenious means of neutralizing the opposition: surveillance, various provocations, as well as special psychiatric hospitals, traditional prisons and camps. However, all these means did not justify themselves. State terror only intensified political resistance, as the trials united and crystallized its core, strengthened the beliefs and tasks of Ukrainian dissidents. The dissidents agitated society, caused a conflict of worldviews, which was an outstanding achievement under the conditions of general unanimity. Their views can be accepted or denied, but do not ignore the reaction to the fact of their conscious self-sacrifice. With their position, the dissidents challenged the general mass, which had come to terms with its position, the system, which imposed its rules on every cell of the social organism. Against the background of the All-Union dissident movement, the defining feature of Ukrainian became the emphasis on the position that human rights cannot be fulfilled without ensuring the rights of the nation. Among the representatives of the creative intelligentsia of Ukraine, who have put forward a number of political conditions since the early 1960s, a special place belongs to the representatives of the Donetsk region.

Andrejs Dripe’s Journalism about the Federal Republic of Germany and Its Impact on Societal Change in the 1980s

This article examines travels outside the Soviet Union by Latvian writers who were recognized by the occupation regime and acclaimed by the public during the Brezhnev Era, as one of the privileges enjoyed by the so-called creative intelligentsia, and how those travels were reflected in their literary and journalistic writings. Journeys abroad elicited conflicting emotions, and writers had to be relatively affluent to travel. Still, they often experienced humiliation when confronted with the reality of their meager financial means outside the U.S.S.R. and the fact that they remained in imprisonment even in the free West. The surge in popularity of literary periodicals in the 1980s played a crucial role in shaping a new culture of the press and journalism, as they provided large masses of readers with essential information about living abroad. Notes on the travels include observations on the socio-economic situation, environment, and political events and documents that have facilitated trips to the West. The case study explores the travelogue by Andrejs Dripe from the 1980s. Dripe’s journalism records the rapid transition from the Brezhnev Era to Gorbachev’s perestroika. It becomes the first official source of information about the West only a few people among his readers have visited.

«Первый опыт гражданской панихиды»: траурное утро в МХТ 13 февраля 1910 г.

The article, which based on materials from pre-revolutionary periodicals, describes in detail and systematically analyzes the mourning meeting in honor of the memory of actress Vera Komissarzhevskaya. This meeting was organized and held on the morning of February 13, 1910 by the founders of the Moscow Art Theater - V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko and K.S. Stanislavsky. This memorial event, which took place in the foyer of the Moscow Art Theater, was named by V.I. Nemirovich-Danchenko "the first experience of a civil memorial service," during his opening speech. The event received such a definition, since no clergyman took part in it, due to a ban from the Moscow church authorities to serve a church memorial service for Komissarzhevskaya in the theater building in Kamergersky Lane. The article hypothesizes that the term "civil memorial service" (“grazhdanskaia panikhida”) was used for the first time at that time.Funeral and memorial ceremonies without the participation of the clergy were sometimes held in Russia before that (during the revolutionary events of 1905). The meeting on February 13, 1910 at the Moscow Art Theater, being an important milestone in the evolution of the Russian civil funeral rite, stood apart in this row. The civil memorial ceremony for Komissarzhevskaya had no direct internal connection with the current political conflicts (within the framework of which the atheistic worldview was already openly opposed to the religious worldview). It rather reflected the discrepancy in the perception of the status of dramatic art and the personality of the dramatic actor-artist (as well as personal creativity in general) between the church consciousness typical of that time and the consciousness of the creative intelligentsia, within the limits of a single Christian paradigm. "The first experience of a civil memorial service" is considered in the article not as an attempt to redesign, but as an attempt to strengthen the existing memorial rite in the therapeutic aspect, adapting it to the mental characteristics of the artistic community.

Частное коллекционирование в СССР и новая советская элита

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of private collecting in Soviet Russia. The author proceeds from the fact that the formation of the Soviet system, which led to certain changes in the social structure of society, led to the emergence of a new Soviet elite, not alien to collecting. Restrictions of a political and ideological nature imposed on any form of commercial activity and the almost closed art market predeter-mined the uniqueness of private Soviet collecting: ways of folding collections, the possibility of their preser-vation, exchange, fate, etc. The proposed typology of collectors of the Soviet period depends on the financial possibilities, the goals of collecting art objects, the aesthetic and cultural level, as well as the socio-cultural environment where collecting was carried out. In total, six conditional types of Soviet collectors were identified, among them the scientific and creative intelligentsia, Red Army officers, veterans of the Soviet special services, the state party elite, the “former” - the remaining representatives of the nobility in the country. The historical facts testifying to the complex relationship between private collectors and the Soviet state based on the command and administrative economic system are given. Many archival materials and documents have not revealed yet, which makes it difficult to study some aspects of private collecting of the Soviet era. The study of private collections and methods of collecting is the most important material source for studying the history of the country.

Russia-Europe: What we have in common and what distinguishes us: the answer to the question of Russian philosofas, historians and writers

Russia–EU relations are going through difficult times now. By its actions on the eve and during the Ukrainian crisis, the European Union has called into question its reputation as a reliable partner of our country. A serious blow to the relations was infl icted by unilateral sanctions decisions of the European Union, adopted to the detriment of mutual economic interests in the name of promoting the same geopolitical goals. The events of recent months have shown that the dynamically developing trade and economic ties between Russia and the EU have not yet developed into a genuine strategic partnership based on the principles of equality, indivisibility of security and mutual respect for interests. The outdated confrontational stereotypes of the Cold War, which instilled in the minds of European leaders the possibility of isolating Russia and abolishing Russian culture, are still making themselves felt. This article contains an answer to the question about the relations between Russia and Europe, which was previously heard from the lips of prominent representatives of the Russian creative intelligentsia, whose opinion is relevant today.

The Place of Ukrainian National Motifs in the Art Culture of the Ukrainian SSR: 1960’s – 1970’s (the Theater and the Cinema Art Case Study)

The focus of this article is the study of the place of Ukrainian national motifs in the art culture of the Ukrainian SSR during the 60’s – 70’s of the 20th century on the example of theatre and cinema art, demonstration of protest of the Ukrainian intelligentsia against russification and denationalization of the indigenous people of Ukraine. Research methodology. During the research, such scientific methods as analytical-logical, historical-systemic, explanation, search, synthesis, comparison, complex selection were applied. The work also used the method of analysis is to find out the level of growth of national consciousness of Ukrainians. Scientific novelty. It was found that the beginning of the 1960’s was characterized by a certain rise of Ukrainian issues in art culture, however since the second half 60’s and during the 70’s of the twentieth century the Ukrainian national motives began to be actively pushed out of the movie screens and theatrical stages of the USSR etc. It is argued that the opposition of the Ukrainian creative intelligentsia to the Soviet totalitarian system resulted in cultural and artistic nonconformism. Conclusions. Despite oppression and repression by the ruling communist elite, Ukrainian artists sought to promote Ukraine’s past, reveal the multifaceted national culture of the indigenous people of the USSR, and demonstrate to the world its uniqueness and right to exist. The process of revival of the national face of Ukrainian culture, return from the depths of folk art, the relationship between national and spiritual was becoming irreversible. The spirit of free thought, moral and aesthetic innovations, struggle rights to indigenous art filled the activities of young talented Ukrainians.

Ideological campaigns of the Soviet totalitarianism in the field of science (based on materials of the Western Kazakhstan)

An article focuses on the historical realities that took place in the field of science in 1945-1980. On the one hand, there were successes in the opening the Academy of Sciences and their branches. But, on the other hand, political campaigns began. Lysenkoism forbade the practice of genetics. Bearers of ideas of a “bourgeois-nationalist” nature were found in all regions, including in the west of Kazakhstan. Ideological campaigns in research institutes, higher education institutions, and in groups of creative intelligentsia intensified suspicion, fear, the psychology of obedience and denunciation.

National and Patriotic Aspects of Cultural and Artistic Heritage of the Ukrainian Creative Intelligentsia in the Years of Khrushchev’s «Thaw» and the Unfolding of Brezhnev’s «Stagnation»

The article proves that the main layers of the Ukrainian cultural heritage of the 60s – 70s of the 20th century were filled with national content. The right to free national development of Ukrainians was defended in their writings by masters of the pen – poets, novelists, publicists, writers. Identification of Ukrainianness was carried out by them on the basis of national faith, language, traditions and other means of ethno-affirmation. It was revealed that the Ukrainian song in the conditions of the comprehensive policy of Russification became a means of implementing the national language practice in the lives of Ukrainians. Film artists and theater groups of the time also tried to distance themselves from the ideology of the Soviet system and preserve the national orientation in their work. During the difficult period of statelessness, the Ukrainian ethno-art tradition was also picked up and creatively assimilated by progressive artists. Among the creative intelligentsia, there was a growing interest in the folk as an expression of the national. There have been noticeable positive changes in the restoration of the functioning of the forgotten types of Ukrainian folk art. Even in the 1970s, the Ukrainian creative elite managed to preserve its national potential.

Intentional dialogue as an effective impulse to creativity in the life of F.I. Chaliapin

The object of the study is Fyodor Ivanovich Chaliapin and his stage of entry into the world of art, which involved an intentional dialogue with recognized masters. This type of dialogue is characterized by mutual interest on the part of the interlocutors and a deep directional impact on the individual, encouraging emotional and intellectual self-development. Intentional dialogue, forming a space of participation, teaches to be awareness of being and inspires creativity. Disposed to conduct an intentional dialogue F.I. Chaliapin communicated with creative intelligentsia, quickly assimilating knowledge and adopting experience. Processed through the prism of his own creative self, he demonstrated his mastery at concerts and on the opera stage, winning recognition from audiences worldwide.

ЕВРАЗИЙСКАЯ АССОЦИАЦИЯ УНИВЕРСИТЕТОВ: СТАНОВЛЕНИЕ, ОСНОВНЫЕ ЭТАПЫ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ, БЛИЖАЙШИЕ ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ (К ВОПРОСУ О СОХРАНЕНИИ КУЛЬТУРНО-ИСТОРИЧЕСКОЙ ОБЩНОСТИ И ЕДИНОГО ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНОГО ПРОСТРАНСТВА ЕВРАЗИИ)

The article is about the activities of the Eurasian Association of Universities throughout its history, from 1989 to the present. The author emphasizes an importance of the activities of such an institute of interaction among leading universities in the post-Soviet space, aimed at preserving both the common heritage and the concrete results of the cooperation of the university community of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries as well as the experience exchange and joint efforts in the field of scientific developments and teaching methods in higher education, bilateral and multilateral scientific and educational programs and research projects. The article pays special attention to the work of the Association’s Congresses, its activities on the preparation and holding of bilateral and multilateral forums for rectors of the CIS universities, the organization of international scientific and practical conferences “Universities and Society”, as well as support for major research programs such as the Vernadsky Interuniversity Consortium, Forums of Scientific and Creative Intelligentsia in the Commonwealth of Independent States, Science Festivals, Student youth forums, interaction with the Russian Union of Rectors, etc. The author emphasizes publication activity (in particular, the publication of monographs that highlight the key vectors of cooperation) as a special area for activity of the Eurasian Association of Universities, which is developing in the context of educational integration in the Eurasian space.

The Recent Belarusian Exodus Seen against the Background of Earlier Belarusian and Russian Emigrations

In this article the recent exodus of members of the creative intelligentsia from Belarus is reviewed in loose comparison with that from Russia in the early 1980s, a period of oppressive stagnation. A further background presents the earlier emigrations from both countries due to revolution and the aftermath of war. The moving scene of destinations for displaced poets, prose writers, playwrights as well as some journalists, presents a picture of, on the one hand, generosity of the host countries and, on the other hand, the resourcefulness and enterprise of those who have escaped from the cruel boorishness of Lukašenka and from the ruthless destructiveness of Putin’s war. This article was written in an age of world mass migration and the author attempts to describe the emigration of Belarusian poets, prose writers and other cultural figures in the early 2020s, taking the Third Wave of emigration from the Soviet Union in the early 1980s as a background for comparison. These two large and diverse groups share the common feature of the loss of high quality poets and writers – both countries are deprived of an important element in the literary process. Poland has proven to be very hospitable during the recent exodus, particularly the Bielaviezha region, Wroclaw, Warsaw and Poznan, the first of which has opened its borders to such distinguished writers as: Niakliajeu (b. 1956), Arlou and his wife Aksak (both b. 1953), and another fierce opponent of Lukashenka’s regime, Jeva Viezhnaviec (pen-name of Sviatlana Kurs b. 1972). The author uses the historical, literary and comparative methods in the article.