Feature selection and democratic consensus metrics in large-scale group decision-making: A methodological integration

Abstract How do elections affect credit-claiming and blame-shifting patterns in times of crisis? To answer this so far unanswered yet relevant question for crisis management, this study analyses government crisis communication in Germany’s consensus democracy, where federal elections took place in the second year of the COVID-19 pandemic. Empirically, this study examines media conferences from January 2021 to December 2021, which reveal that the Minister of Health not only shifted responsibility and blame but also claimed credit – particularly before the election. He also opted for implicit rather than explicit forms of blame shifting within the political system and shifted responsibility to citizens. The strategies of citizen blaming and credit claiming were most frequent during the ‘federal emergency brake’ when responsibility was more centralised than in other moments of the pandemic. This research advances blame avoidance theory by combining situational factors (crisis and electoral pressure) and institutional moderators (form of government and governance structures) to explain credit-claiming and blame-shifting patterns. Overall, the findings of this study indicate that institutional factors can moderate blame games in particularly challenging situations when it is essential for political systems to address societal and underlying political problems instead of getting caught up in blame games.

ABSTRACT How do governments' discursive credit‐claiming and blame‐deflection strategies shape perceived policy legitimacy in times of crisis? Despite the importance of legitimacy in conflictual times, systematic analyses of officeholders' credit‐claiming and blame‐deflection strategies and their effect on perceived legitimacy are still rare. To fill this research gap, I operationalise perceived output legitimacy using media sentiments towards COVID‐19 crisis management over time. Through qualitative content analysis, I link media sentiments and responsibility attribution to credit‐claiming and blame‐deflection strategies used by the Swiss and German governments during media conferences. The findings indicate that perceived output legitimacy can be increased through credit claiming while excessive blame shifting decreases output legitimacy if societal problems remain unsolved. However, officeholders in consensus democracies with complex governance structures can shape the perception of responsibilities while increasing input legitimacy. These findings are relevant in the broader context of accountability and trust in governments.

Neo-consensual democracy is a political theory that stands in place of consensual democracy suggested by Kwasi Wiredu to replace majoritarian democracy. This theory seeks to balance in a complex contemporary African society the competing interests of different groups through a process of consensus-building. African societies with multi-ethnic groups practised consensual democracy in the pre-colonial era, which was replaced with Majoritarian democracy by the colonialists. Since the adoption of majoritarian democracy, Africa has faced different political issues ranging from political instability to ethnic and tribal clashes. These two major challenges are the result of the majority-minority dichotomy and the individualistic tendency created by majoritarian democracy. These challenges created division and poverty among Africans. Critics, however, argued that consensual democracy, as practiced in pre-colonial Africa, cannot fit contemporary Africa due to its complex nature. The majority of Africans no longer live in their villages as they used to in pre-colonial settings; rather, more people now live in urban cities. The ideas of lineage heads, village councils, and village heads are no longer obtainable in most contemporary societies. This paper provides the theory and practice of neo-consensual democracy, which is a modification of consensual democracy. This paper also examines its strengths, weaknesses, and applicability to contemporary political contexts. However, this idea is prone to further development in terms of practical applications.

ABSTRACTResearch on advocacy coalitions suggests that belief homophily—the tendency of actors to coordinate based on shared policy beliefs—drives coalition formation. However, coalition opportunity structures, which are shaped by institutional contexts, may influence the extent to which belief homophily matters. We argue that coordination dynamics differ between majoritarian and consensus democracies. While majoritarian systems promote moderate norms of compromise and open decision‐making processes, consensus democracies foster stronger norms of cross‐coalition cooperation. Consequently, belief homophily may be a stronger driver of coordination in majoritarian democracies than in consensus democracies, where broader cooperation is needed to introduce policy change. To test this hypothesis, we use data from climate change policy subsystems in nine countries and apply a multilevel structural equation model to examine coordination patterns. Our results show that the more majoritarian a country's institutions are, the more actors coordinate with like‐minded partners. Additionally, in majoritarian systems, coordination is more likely to involve influential actors, emphasizing power dynamics. Conversely, coordination in consensus democracies is less dependent on belief homophily, and broad‐based cooperation is more prevalent. These results underscore how institutional contexts shape advocacy coalitions and contribute to a comparative understanding of advocacy coordination.

The reappearance of the Spanish far right (Vox) in institutional politics has destabilized the conservatives’ (PP) hegemony on the right and has ended an apparent democratic consensus around gender issues, particularly among right-wing men. Through a qualitative and emic approach, this article aims to explore the negotiations, dilemmas, and contradictions within right-wing gender politics as expressed by their male voters. We conducted a focus group with seven Spanish right-wing men and analyzed their unique conversation from a conception of discourse as an interactional-social practice. The discussion evolved through different stages of censorship, negotiation, and conflict. This article shows how gender is at the core of politics and creates both connections and conflicts on the right.

ABSTRACT This study examines the institutional characteristics of deliberative mini-publics across various European democracies, utilising Lijphart’s, A. (2012. Patterns of democracy: Government forms and performance in thirty-six countries (2nd ed.). Yale University Press) framework distinguishing majoritarian and consensus systems. Through a comprehensive dataset of deliberative mini-publics, the research explores the interplay between institutional design features and broader democratic contexts. The findings reveal unexpected patterns: while more consensual democracies are expected to promote inclusivity and intensity in citizen engagement, evidence indicates that systems with majoritarian characteristics often exhibit more pronounced forms of participation and decision-making. This paradox suggests that centralised decision-making in majoritarian democracies may compel political elites to seek alternative channels of legitimacy through citizen involvement, particularly when traditional governance mechanisms appear inadequate. Furthermore, the study highlights the significance of elite preferences and institutional supply in shaping deliberative mini-publics, challenging the assumption that consensus democracies inherently facilitate more robust participatory processes. Overall, this research contributes to the cross-country comparative literature on deliberative mini-publics, offering insights into the complex dynamics between political systems and participatory governance mechanisms.

ABSTRACT In this article, I draw on the neglected tradition of African political and legal philosophy to address the sort of representative democracy suitable for twenty-first-century urban societies. In particular, I present and evaluate for a global audience consensualism about democracy, the view that some kind of unanimous agreement amongst elected legislators should normally be a necessary condition for a statute to count as valid law. After expounding this view, which is more or less the default in the African philosophical tradition, I present a new argument for it by drawing on a plausible communal ethic, contend that this argument is a better explanation of why consensualism might be justified than extant moral rationales, draw on the ethic to explain why consensualism might not be unconditionally justified and might be unjust in certain circumstances, and finally defend consensualism from major objections that have recently been made and remain as yet unaswered.

Political hereditary leadership is a political phenomenon that has been associated with governance since ancient times. All societies have experienced a specific type of political hereditary leadership, which may find justification within the social and cultural structure. The manifestations of hereditary leadership are clearly evident in monarchies, whether democratic or non-democratic. However, what is new about the phenomenon of political hereditary leadership is that it has spread to democratic republican regimes. This has raised questions about the extent to which hereditary leadership is compatible with the requirements of democracy, especially since this phenomenon has been present in most republics with established democracies and republican regimes with emerging democracies. Here, the question arises: Do the foundations of democracy provide the basis for political hereditary leadership, or are those who pursue hereditary leadership exploiting the requirements of democracy to justify their continued rule? And does political hereditary leadership have a positive or negative impact on political stability? It is worth noting that Iraq, since its founding in 1921, has experienced several types of political succession. It first witnessed a monarchy based on inheritance, then, during the republican era, transitioned to another type of succession restricted to the military establishment, then to a family in the previous regime. After 2003, Iraq witnessed a multi-factor political succession, shaped by the foundations of consensual democracy, on the one hand, and the foundations of the new regime drafted by the United States for Iraq based on sectarianism and nationalism. This led to the weakening of constitutional institutions, while familial ties are deeply rooted in the Iraqi cultural fabric, with external regional and international support and backing. This negatively impacted political stability in Iraq, and limited control over economic, social, and cultural resources was limited to a majority living in a state of powerlessness and poverty. Keywords: Political succession, democracy, republican systems, political stability

ABSTRACTPolicy process theories and institutional theories are two foundational strands in political science, both concerned with how people engage in politics. However, they differ in their focus, with policy process theories emphasizing the roles of actors, while institutional theories concentrate on the structures in which these actors are embedded. This paper bridges these two previously isolated strands, exploring how macro‐institutions influence policy processes. Specifically, we investigated how political institutions, such as decentralization and corporatism, relate to coalition opportunity structures (COSs), a key concept within the advocacy coalition framework (ACF); we also investigated the role of minority coalitions and subsystem collaboration. Empirically, we based our analysis on prototypes selected according to Aranda Lijphart's models of majoritarian and consensus democracies. Drawing on existing comparative ACF applications related to climate, water, and energy policy processes, we compared results from these studies to assess the impact of institutional settings on coalition dynamics. Our findings suggest that minority coalitions are more present—and sometimes more influential—in federalist than in unitary countries and that corporatism has a greater effect on collaboration within policy subsystems than consensualism.

The noken system is a unique cultural tradition in Papua that plays a significant role in organizing and facilitating political participation. This study aims to explore the cultural influence of the noken system on political engagement in Papua. Using a qualitative approach, data were collected through in-depth interviews and participatory observation in several regions. The findings reveal that the noken system functions not only as a symbol of social solidarity but also as a consensus-based democratic mechanism that enhances political awareness and citizen involvement. Communities that practice the noken system tend to be more politically active and exhibit greater trust in electoral processes. However, this study also highlights ongoing debates about the compatibility of the noken system with modern democratic principles and human rights, including concerns over potential vote manipulation and limited individual voting freedom. The research contributes theoretically to the understanding of consensus democracy and indigenous political systems, encouraging further discussion on democratic pluralism in local contexts. Thus, the noken system holds a strategic role in strengthening culturally grounded democracy in Papua.

This article is traced the causes and events that lead to forced mass migration in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and assessed the consequences and impact of this phenomenon on the development of the state and the region. In conditions of instability of the socio-political system such chronic problems of the DRC as lack of democratic consensus, corruption, ethnic and religious conflicts, etc. lead to acute domestic political crises. This article examines the waves of forced migration resulting from crises, which lead to the destabiliza-tion of refugee settlement areas. The consequences of this destabilization are assessed, including poverty, the spread of infectious diseases, discrimination and infringement of rights, etc. Considering and analyzing the mechanisms and responses of the Government of the DRC to migration challenges, the author assesses them as insufficiently effective, since at the present stage the problem of forced migration and its consequences re-mains acute and relevant for the state and the region and continues to negatively affect the development of the state and the region as a whole. The author concludes that at the moment and in the medium term, an effective solution to this problem can be found in methods combining an integrated approach and regional and interna-tional cooperation, in the long term – in improving the legal framework and the development of political and socio-economic initiatives.

The crisis over judicial reform in Israel in 2023 led to concerns that Israeli democracy was under threat from a government and parliamentary majority bent on radical change. From the standpoint of comparative political institutions, this crisis is a puzzle, because Israel is generally understood to be one of the prime examples of “consensus” democracy. We explain the puzzle of consensus-inducing institutions (parliamentary government and proportional representation) yet a “majoritarian” crisis as stemming from various behavioral changes in the party system, and the anomaly of a strong supreme court despite a constitution that is unentrenched (changeable by parliamentary majority). We show how judicial interventionism undermined the mechanisms of Israel’s consensus institutions. Erosion of consensus mechanisms supercharged the polarization and bloc formation which developed in Israel’s party system, and which further undermine consensus democracy. Despite the crisis, we suggest that Israeli democracy is resilient and that its consensus-promoting mechanisms are likely to reemerge.

Abstract Afro-communitarian thinkers have often pointed to consensual democracy as a valuable feature of traditional African societies. African philosophers, including Kwasi Wiredu and Bernard Matolino, have drawn attention to this pattern of political arrangement to consider what the political practice means for modern African politics. While Wiredu praissed consensual democracy and sought to explore how it could be relevant for contemporary African democratic development, Matolino finds it undesirable. In the book Consensus as Democracy in Africa, Matolino identifies several significant concerns with the theoretical and practical feasibility of consensual democracy, such as the concern with individual freedom. He rejects consensus as a viable democratic theory for modern African politics. In this article, I respond to Matolino's objection. My responses demonstrate a persuasion for a consensus-imbued majoritarian model of governance. While noting that consensus is conceptually reconcilable with party politics, I argue that a consensual orientation allows for expanded freedom of association that helps check abuse of party-political loyalty.

The paper argues that the decline of the figure of the worker within British politics following upon the Miners’ Strike of 1984-85 can be profitably viewed in relation to a concomitant renewed emphasis on immigration and the figure of the migrant in political discourse through the replacement of the post-war social democratic consensus with a narrowly inscribed vision of the nation.

This study aims to develop and implement a drone-based education program for 4th-grade elementary school students during school autonomous hours and to evaluate its impact on student agency. This involved surveys of the educational community and analyses of school infrastructure and characteristics. Using the ADDIE model, a 22-session program was developed. Pre- and post-tests measuring student agency were administered to an experimental group (17) and a control group (32). Additionally, reflections and self-assessment journals from the experimental group were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. The findings are summarized as follows: First, the democratic consensus within the educational community played a key role in the design and implementation of the program. By synthesizing the inputs from students, parents, and teachers, a drone education program aligned with environmental and sustainable development education was developed. The program’s activities included theory and piloting practice based on safety education, using drones to solve school problems, and lessons on career and ethics. This process contributed to a sense of responsibility and cooperation among all stakeholders, especially boosting student motivation and interest in learning while maximizing the program’s effectiveness. Second, the analysis of pre- and post-test results on student agency in both the experimental and control groups, as well as the progression reflected in self-assessment journals, revealed improvements across all four domains of student agency—community agency, learning interaction, purposefulness, and responsibility. Third, the study demonstrated the potential of the developed drone education program as a valuable resource for school autonomous hours. It provided a learning experience where students took the initiative to participate, reorganizing the drone utilization from a briefly covered topic in practical arts or creative classes into 22 lessons to cover related contents in depth and foster cooperation within the educational community. The study found that the developed program positively impacted elementary school students' agency. Moreover, the materials are expected to serve as useful references for developing drone programs for elementary school students and structuring autonomous school hours.

Abstract The article examines the interplay between the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), digital democracy, and open government in Ukraine in 2018 and 2020. The authors employ a mixed methods exploratory approach combining desk research with expert interviews. The study finds that during public consultations in Ukraine, the SDGs served as discussion themes, while the Open Government Partnership provided an executable platform. These e-consultations helped collect policy ideas, e-discussions facilitated policy drafting, and non-binding internet voting assisted in prioritising open government draft policies. The Agenda for Sustainable Development framework introduced policies with an education, youth, inclusion, and gender focus to open government. Public consultations increased awareness about the SDGs in Ukrainian civil society and prompted authorities to implement them. The combination of real-life, online, and hybrid consultation formats enabled elements of participatory, direct, and consensus democracy in post-revolutionary and pre-full-scale invasion Ukraine.

PurposeThe Delphi study Educate Northwest Helvetia is part of a multi-stakeholder approach to define common challenges and priorities for public schooling in a federal setting. This paper aims to take stock of the outcome of expert ratings and group discussions.DesignBased on a literature review of megatrends, 21st century skills and sustainable development goals, the study focused on four domains: digital change, economic change, sociocultural change and ecological change. Opinions of teachers, principals and other experts were collected in the first wave via an online survey (n = 707). In the second wave, findings of the survey were discussed in ten online workshops, and participants refined priorities for schooling 2030 via real-time online scoring. Quantitative data were analyzed using exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis.FindingsAnalysis of quantitative data shows an emphasis on soft skills, self-organization, equity and transversal competencies. The enhancement of computational thinking and teaching on sciences, technology, engineering and mathematics are important minority concerns.Practical implicationsThe study delivers a manageable set of 12 priorities addressed to cantonal ministries of education, teacher unions, associations of principals and other stakeholders.Research limitations/implicationsSince these priorities are rather abstract, qualitative in-depth research concerning uptake and impact is needed.Originality/valueThis study provides new perspectives for the dialogue on evidence-based policymaking in settings of consensus democracy. It also provides valuable pointers for school improvement and teacher education that can be further explored.

This journal intends to provide an overview of the reign of Bani Umayyah (661-750 AD), an important period in the history of Islamic civilization marked by a significant change in the system of government, from consensus democracy to absolute monarchy. Supported by Muawiyah bin Abi Sufyan as the founder, the dynasty succeeded in expanding Islamic territory to North Africa, Spain and Central Asia, and achieved advances in education, art and architecture, as seen in the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus. Although the dynasty experienced its peak during the time of Umar bin Abdul Aziz, who was known as a just and reformist caliph, the Umayyads also faced various challenges, including social tensions, class differences, and rebellions, which ended its originality. This research uses the literature study method to analyze the contribution and impact of the Umayyad Dynasty in the formation and development of Islamic civilization, as well as its continuing influence in subsequent Islamic history

After the political change in Iraq in 2003, and the transition from a totalitarian regime to a democratic regime, consensual democracy based on party quotas became the prominent feature in the structure and behavior of the political system and its institutions, through which some political parties and forces sought to achieve societal stability, then a means to ensure the participation of the components. All social issues, in the political system and process, However, the practical reality and political practice, in large part, led to results different from those desired and expected goals. Party quotas, which were relied upon to enhance societal harmony and fairly represent the components of society, alleviate the severity of social crises, with the participation of all sectors of society, to consolidate stability. Societal, it has become one of several reasons that have indirectly contributed to worsening societal stability, Especially in the first five years that followed the change, with its effects that led to political blockages, social crises, and the resulting economic consequences (despite the decrease in the intensity of societal tensions in the following years), which contributed to a significant degree in influencing societal stability. The system and the political process in general.