Conflict In Afghanistan Research Articles

Following the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan and the seizure of power by the Taliban in 2021, terrorism in that country has drastically declined, down to the lowest level in two decades. This trend can be attributed both to the overall decline in the intensity of armed conflict in Afghanistan and to the Taliban’s antiterrorist efforts and ability to ensure the basic functionality of state power. Against this backdrop, the Afghan affiliate of the “Islamic State” (ISIS-Khorasan) has remained the main source of terrorist threats in Afghanistan. This group has also been linked to the deadliest terrorist act in Russia in the past 20 years – the March 22, 2024 attack at Crocus-City Hall, Moscow region. In this article, key trends in ISIS-Khorasan’s terrorist activity in the 2020s are identified, such as its further religious–ideological radicalization, the shift of its center of gravity to Pakistan, financial crisis, and its move underground and to an online mode. The main patterns of the Taliban’s efforts to confront ISIS-Khorasan are also explored, including special and military-grade counterterrorist operations, as well as measures to counter the Salafist ideology and terrorism financing. It is concluded that the Taliban authorities’ response to the ISIS-Khorasan challenge has proven faster and more efficient than expected and that, as of the mid-2020s, antiterrorism in Afghanistan has acquired a systemic nature. Analysis of open sources and statistics points at the “outlier” character of the terrorist attack at Crocus-City Hall that stands out of the general trends and patterns of not only ISIS-Khorasan’s terrorist activity, but also other ISIS terrorist attacks of varying type and scale, directed against Russia and its citizens inside the country and abroad. Inter alia, in contrast to the vast majority of terrorist acts carried out by ISIS-Khorasan, the Crocus attack did not display any clear, explicit motivation directly linked to the dynamics of armed struggle in Afghanistan and its surrounding/border areas; its direct perpetrators did not show a high degree of religious radicalization and indoctrination, typical for most ISIS terrorist attacks against Russia, etc. It is concluded that the main real goals of the Crocus attack were to provoke escalation of political tensions, destabilize public moods, and undermine socio–political stability in the Russian Federation. At the same time, it is argued that this was a multifunctional attack that could have been driven by a conglomerate of different forces and interests. In this sense, its “secondary” goals could involve an attempt to “remind” Russia of security threats emanating from its “southern underbelly” that includes Afghanistan and Central Asia, to aggravate these challenges, to affect Russia’s actions on the southern flank of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and to provoke a revision of Russia’s approach to Afghanistan. However, had the Crocus-City Hall attack had any impact on Russia’s Afghan policy – it has only spurred further rise in Moscow’s interest in increased functionality of central government and national stability in Afghanistan, and in more active dialogue and cooperation with its de facto authorities, especially in the fight against terrorism.

The Kurdish separatism issue has always been one of the major fault lines in the West Asian region, with the potential to be activated at any time. After the emergence of ISIS, the power vacuum in Iraq deepened to the extent that the Kurdistan Region assessed the situation as conducive for holding an independence referendum. Masoud Barzani, then President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, after years of effort, was ultimately able to garner considerable support among various Kurdish factions for implementing the scenario of establishing an independent Kurdish state. The successful execution of such a scenario could have triggered another wave of violence and instability based on ethnic differences in the West Asian region. The collapse of the bipolar world order led to two waves of regional instability globally. The first wave, occurring in the early 1990s, cast its shadow over the geographical areas south and west of the former Soviet Union, such as Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Balkans, and Eastern Europe. Gradually, these areas came under control and achieved relative stability. The second wave destabilized the Middle East, especially in the early 21st century, and continues to persist with increasing intensity. This instability stems from the confrontation between two major actors: on one side, an extra-regional actor, specifically the United States, aiming to control the affairs of this geographical space, and on the other side, regional actors comprising a collection of some states, nations, and organized groups that are not necessarily aligned or unified. This phenomenon partially reflects what Huntington referred to as the "clash of Western and Islamic civilizations." The outcome of this confrontation is the proliferation of crises in the Middle East and the transformation of its geopolitical processes. Specific examples of these crises include the Palestine-Israel-Lebanon conflict, the Kurdish issue, the Iraq crisis, the Afghanistan conflict, the security crisis in Pakistan, the Iran-U.S. confrontation, the legitimacy issues of governments, the spread of fundamentalist ideologies, the development of Arab-Turkish-Iranian rifts—or what can be described as the triangular rift—the crisis of insecurity and terrorism, among others. These crises have the potential to fuel further instability, insecurity, and transformation. This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of Iran and Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the Kurdistan Region’s independence referendum, offering a distinct perspective on the Kurdish issue in Iraq. Given the Kurdistan Region's geo-strategic and geo-political significance, any changes in the Kurdistan Region could have significant impacts on Iraq, Iran, Turkey, and the Middle Eastern policies of extra-regional powers.

The Melting Point by General (Ret.) Frank McKenzie provides an authoritative, first-hand examination of the United States Central Command (USCENTCOM), chronicling its historical evolution, key operational engagements, and future prospects within the broader context of the Great Power Competition (GPC). Drawing on his experience as a combatant commander, McKenzie provides insights into U.S. military strategy in the Central Region, focusing on civilian oversight, the combatant commander’s unique role, and leadership's impact on strategic decision-making. The Melting Point significantly contributes to scholarship on recent U.S. military interventions and the evolving global geopolitical landscape This review identifies five significant contributions of the book: (1) a historical analysis of USCENTCOM's area of responsibility (AOR); (2) a nuanced examination of Iran’s strategic role in the region; (3) key lessons drawn from the Afghanistan conflict; (4) an exploration of the Central Region’s strategic significance; and (5) an analysis of the future dynamics of Great Power Competition.

The paper examines how the media affects people's understanding of the war in Afghanistan. The study investigates how media outlets' coverage of events, framing of issues, and informational presentation have influenced how the public sees and understands the conflict. It investigates the impact of media bias, propaganda, and censorship on shaping public attitudes towards the war, providing alternative perspectives and challenging mainstream narratives. This paper aims to explain how the media affects how people see and respond to global events. However, more precisely, the method in which countries could sway public opinion on the Afghan conflict in favour of their objectives with the aid of media outlets after the 9/11 incident. Also, the political usage of CNN as a tool to shape public opinion is discussed. Keywords: Role of media, Public opinion, Afghanistan, 9/11, Taliban, CNN, Global War on Terror.

Many military veterans who experienced blast-related traumatic brain injuries in the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan currently suffer from chronic cognitive and mental health problems that include depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Male rats exposed to repetitive low-level blast develop cognitive and PTSD-related behavioral traits that are present for more than 1 year after exposure. We previously reported that a group II metabotropic receptor (mGluR2/3) antagonist reversed blast-induced behavioral traits. In this report, we explored mGluR2/3 expression following blast exposure in male rats. Western blotting revealed that mGluR2 protein (but not mGluR3) was increased in all brain regions studied (anterior cortex, hippocampus, and amygdala) at 43 or 52 weeks after blast exposure but not at 2 weeks or 6 weeks. mGluR2 RNA was elevated at 52 weeks while mGluR3 was not. Immunohistochemical staining revealed no changes in the principally presynaptic localization of mGluR2 by blast exposure. Administering the mGluR2/3 antagonist LY341495 after behavioral traits had emerged rapidly reversed blast-induced effects on novel object recognition and cued fear responses 10 months following blast exposure. These studies support alterations in mGluR2 receptors as a key pathophysiological event following blast exposure and provide further support for group II metabotropic receptors as therapeutic targets in the neurobehavioral effects that follow blast injury.

Limb trauma remains the most prevalent survivable major combat injury. In the First World War, more than 700,000 British soldiers received limb wounds and more than 41,000 underwent an amputation, creating one of the largest amputee cohorts in history. Postamputation pain affects up to 85% of military amputees, suggesting that up to 33,000 British First World War veterans potentially reported postamputation pain. This qualitative systematic review explores the professional medical conversation around clinical management of chronic postamputation pain in this patient cohort, its development over the 20th century, and how this information was disseminated among medical professionals. We searched The Lancet and British Medical Journal archives (1914-1985) for reports referring to postamputation pain, its prevalence, mechanisms, descriptors, or clinical management. Participants were First World War veterans with a limb amputation, excluding civilians and veterans of all other conflicts. The search identified 9809 potentially relevant texts, of which 101 met the inclusion criteria. Reports emerged as early as 1914 and the discussion continued over the next 4 decades. Unexpected findings included early advocacy of multidisciplinary pain management, concerns over addiction, and the effect of chronic pain on mental health emerging decades earlier than previously thought. Chronic postamputation pain is still a significant issue for military rehabilitation. Similarities between injury patterns in the First World War and recent Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts mean that these historical aspects remain relevant to today's military personnel, clinicians, researchers, and policymakers.

Abstract We provide evidence on the mechanisms linking resource-related income shocks to conflict, focusing on illegal crops. We hypothesize that the degree of group competition over resources and the extent of law enforcement explain whether opportunity cost or contest effects dominate. Combining temporal variation in international drug prices with spatial variation in the suitability to produce opium, we show that higher prices increase household living standards and reduce conflict in Afghanistan. Analyzing shifts in conflict tactics and using geo-referenced data on drug production networks and territorial control highlight the importance of opportunity costs, and reveal heterogeneous effects consistent with our theory.

IntroductionThis is the fourth phase of a longitudinal cohort study (2022–2023) to investigate the health and well-being of UK serving (Regulars and Reservists) and ex-serving personnel (veterans) who served during...

Over the past 20 years, U.S. military conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have been marked by high rates of combat and wartime killings. Research on Vietnam-era service members suggests that the type of killing (i.e., killing a combatant vs. noncombatant) is an important predictor of later mental health problems, including posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The present study aimed to update these findings by exploring the impact of type of killing on PTSD symptoms using a sample of postdeployment active duty U.S. Army personnel (N = 875). Using multiple regression analysis, we found that the act of killing a noncombatant was significantly associated with PTSD symptoms, B = 7.50, p < .001, whereas killing a combatant was not, B = -0.85, p = .360. This remained significant after controlling for demographic variables, depressive symptoms, and general combat experiences. These findings support the need for thoughtful postdeployment screenings and targeted clinical interventions.

Introduction. The paper investigates interactions between memory projects — both all-Russia ones and those implemented in regions bordering Kazakhstan. Special attention is paid to the unfolding narratives underlying annual commemoration ceremonies in Orenburg and Volgograd oblasts for Yestekbay Batyr (hero of war against Dzungars) and for soldiers/officers who participated in the Great Patriotic War, military conflicts in Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Special Military Operation in Ukraine. Goals. The work aims to describe memorial objects associated with individuals who performed exploits for the sake of their compatriots, and to analyze commemorative practices carried out by local communities. Results. The article focuses on activities of local Kazakh communities of Orenburg and Volgograd oblasts aimed at memorializing war heroes collected by our research group during field studies of places sacred to Kazakhs, summarizes the authors’ observations and stories recorded from informants. Acts of commemoration for warriors are somewhat re-readings or re-inclusions of the past into the present-day agenda. Such venerations articulate significant ethnic values, norms, and behavioral patterns. The work traces a certain trend towards ‘militarization of consciousness’ in commemorative practices associated with particularly revered places of memory relating to the Great Patriotic War — and in sacralizing names of soldiers/officers who have taken part in local military conflicts.

Background: Veteran status (~6% of U.S. population) is an independent risk factor for cardiovascular disease (CVD). High blood pressure (BP) increases CVD risk for older Veterans. Less is known about BP levels and trajectories for younger Veterans. Objective: Assess sex- and racial/ethnic differences in longitudinal BP trajectories for young Veterans accessing the Veterans Affairs (VA) healthcare system. Methods: We used national 2001-2016 Veterans Health Administration data for Veterans who served in conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq. Systolic (SBP) and diastolic (DBP) BP were collected from the first to most recent outpatient visit. Linear mixed effects models estimated annual rate of change in BP. Models adjusted for sociodemographic, behavioral, and clinical factors included a time*sex, time*race/ethnicity interaction term. Results: We included 764,652 Veterans (13% women; median age 29.5 years) with 14,788,864 BP measurements over a mean of 6.1 years. There was a significant interaction by sex and race/ethnicity ( P &lt;0.0001). In sex-stratified models, women vs. men had lower initial SBP (113.3 vs 120.9) and DBP (70.1 vs 73.0), but women had a markedly rapid BP increase over time (SBP rate of change= 0.36 vs 0.10 mmHg/year; DBP = 0.46 vs 0.31; Figure ). For women, Non-Hispanic (NH) Black women had the highest initial BP and annual rate of change (SBP/DBP: 0.46/0.50). Conclusion: Younger Veterans’ have normal BP when ending military service, but there are sex, racial, and ethnic differences in BP patterns over time. NH Black women Veterans show the greatest rate of BP increase. Targeted interventions may be needed to reduce disparities in trajectories to reduce future CVD risk.

BackgroundOptimal child-rearing practices can help mitigate the consequences of detrimental social determinants of health in early childhood. Given the ubiquity of personal digital technologies worldwide, the direct delivery of evidence-based information about early childhood development holds great promise. However, to make the content of these novel systems effective, it is crucial to incorporate place-based cultural beliefs, traditions, circumstances, and value systems of end users.ObjectiveThis paper describes the iterative approach used to develop the Thrive by Five child-rearing app in collaboration with Afghan parents, caregivers (eg, grandparents, aunts, and nannies), and subject matter experts (SMEs). We outline how co-design methodologies informed the development and cultural contextualization of content to meet the specific needs of Afghan parents and the content was tested and refined in collaboration with key Afghan stakeholders.MethodsThe preliminary content was developed based on a comprehensive literature review of the historical and sociocultural contexts in Afghanistan, including factors that influence child-rearing practices and early childhood development. After an initial review and refinement based on feedback from SMEs, this content was populated into a beta app for testing. Overall, 8 co-design workshops were conducted in July and August 2021 and February 2022 with 39 Afghan parents and caregivers and 6 SMEs to collect their feedback on the app and its content. The workshops were audio recorded and transcribed; detailed field notes were taken by 2 scribes. A theoretical thematic analysis using semantic codes was conducted to inform the refinement of existing content and development of new content to fulfill the needs identified by participants.ResultsThe following 4 primary themes were identified: child-rearing in the Afghan sociocultural context, safety concerns, emotion and behavior management, and physical health and nutrition. Overall, participants agreed that the app had the potential to deliver valuable information to Afghan parents; however, owing to the volatility in the country, participants recommended including more activities that could be safely done indoors, as mothers and children are required to spend most of their time at home. Additionally, restrictions on public engagement in music required the removal of activities referencing singing that might be performed outside the home. Further, activities to help parents reduce their children’s screen time, promote empathy, manage emotions, regulate behavior, and improve physical health and nutrition were requested.ConclusionsDirect engagement with Afghan parents, caregivers, and SMEs through co-design workshops enabled the development and refinement of evidence-based, localized, and contextually relevant child-rearing activities promoting healthy social, emotional, and cognitive development during the first 5 years of children’s lives. Importantly, the content was adapted for the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan with the aim of empowering Afghan parents and caregivers to support their children’s developmental potential despite the security concerns and situational stressors.

The short shelf-life of liquid-stored platelets (LP) at 20-24°C poses shortage and wastage challenges. Cryopreserved platelets have significantly extended shelf-life, and were safe and efficacious for therapeutic transfusions of bleeding patients in the Afghanistan conflict and phase 2 randomized studies. Although hematology patients account for half of platelets demand, there is no randomized study on prophylactic cryopreserved platelet transfusions in them. We performed a phase 1b/2a randomized cross-over study comparing the safety and efficacy of cryopreserved buffy coat-derived pooled platelets (CP) to LP in the prophylactic transfusions of thrombocytopenic hematology patients. A total of 18 adults were randomly assigned 1:1 to CP and LP for their first thrombocytopenic period (TP) of up to 28-days. A total of 14 crossed over to the other platelet-arm for the second TP. Overall, 17 subjects received 51 CP and 15 received 52 LP. CP-arm had more treatment emergent adverse event (29.4% vs. 13.3% of subjects, 9.8% vs. 3.8% of transfusions) than LP-arm but all were mild. No thromboembolism was observed. Both arms had similar bleeding rates (23.5% vs. 26.7% of subjects) which were all mild. Subjects in CP-arm had lower average corrected count increments than LP-arm (mean [SD] 5.6 [4.20] vs. 22.6 [9.68] ×109 /L at 1-4 h, p < .001; 5.3 [4.84] vs. 18.2 [9.52] ×109 /L at 18-30 h, p < .001). All TEG parameters at 1-4 h and maximum amplitude (MA) at 18-30 h improved from baseline post-CP transfusion (p < .05) though improvements in K-time and MA were lower than LP (p < .05). During shortages, CP may supplement LP in prophylactic transfusions of thrombocytopenic patients.

The private military industry emerged in the initial years of the twentieth century, driven by three factors: the end of the Cold War; transformations in the nature of warfare that blurred the lines between soldiers and civilians; and a general trend towards privatisation and outsourcing of government functions worldwide. The dominance of State authority over the military is now under stress, and the professional and private elements—in the form of private military companies (PMCs)—are gaining ground. As the PMSCs become omnipotent and omnipresent, it becomes more difficult to hold the State accountable for its military activities. To further complicate the issue, the present international humanitarian law (IHL) does not consider PMCs as soldiers or supporting militias since they are not part of the defence force and often consist of a large number of people of different nationalities. Due to the above, this paper investigates Private Military companies and emerging Jurisprudential issues under international humanitarian law. This work discussed the emergence of private military companies, mercenaries, and combatants as war prisoners and the human rights violations perpetrated by PMSC personnel. This work used the US-based Black Water, CACI, L-3 Services, and DynCorp, the South African Meteoric Tactical Systems, as well as the Russian Wagner Group contractors, as case studies. This work also draws some lessons from the Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, And Ukraine conflicts. This work shows that Human rights violations perpetrated by PMSC personnel are rampant and often violate international humanitarian law. This work proposes that framers of international humanitarian laws should propose laws that will regulate the use of PMCs in conflict situations.

Pakistan continues to face multiple sources of internal and external conflicts. Its all-powerful military is engaged in a subterranean battle to maintain its power. Economically, the country persisted in troubled waters as it has been for most of its recent history. In domestic politics, the failed experiment of a hybrid regime under Ex-Prime Minister Imran Khan forced the military to part ways with Mr Khan and install a coalition government of 13 political parties through a no-confidence vote in parliament in April 2022. Mr Khan’s political party is facing a severe crackdown in Pakistan after he accused the powerful military of his ouster from power. At the regional level, a favourable outcome in Afghanistan in the shape of the Taliban’s takeover has not yielded any significant positive results for Pakistan. After concluding the Afghan conflict on a favourable note, paradoxically, the military establishment hints at a desire to shift away from geo-security to geo-economics in its foreign policy goals. At the extra-regional level, the military is walking a tightrope to balance its ties between the USA and China to offset any adverse consequences arising from its strategic partnerships with China over China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). In this article, we explain a series of issues confronting Pakistan currently—including a deep economic crisis, political paralysis, and a resurgent terror threat—focusing on the military’s ambitions in the region and beyond.

BackgroundNumerous challenges have crippled the Afghan healthcare system on individual, organizational, and societal levels. The Afghans have acknowledged that an evidence-based perspective is paramount to enhancing medical training capacities across the country, which may, in turn, best ensure appointing highly competent authorities to address health system problems on such multiple levels.ObjectivesThis study assessed current Afghan senior medical students’ perceptions, and experiences of their medical education and their future professional intentions.MethodsWe conducted this cross-sectional study at seven public and private Afghan medical institutes from March to April 2022. We invited 665 senior medical students through an anonymous survey using the Google survey online forms via social-media platforms, such as WhatsApp Messenger. Descriptive statistics were employed for the data analyses.ResultsThe mean age (± SD) of the students was 23.7 (± 2.2) years and males constituted 79.9% (510) of the study sample. About 22.6% of them rated their medical training as excellent, and nearly a third of them (37%) said that it is good. Nearly half (48.7%) of the students would prefer to stay in Afghanistan. The leading motives for moving overseas were to obtain more advanced and quality education (69.9%), and a decent personal life (43.9%). Nearly two-thirds (67.4%) of them asserted that current political and armed conflicts in Afghanistan may have influenced their professional choices.ConclusionThis study epitomizes that the quality of medical education in Afghanistan has room for growth and development to meet the standards set on regional and global grounds.

This over fifty years, Afghans have sought refuge in various countries due to the lack of security in their homeland. The recent Taliban takeover in August 2021 led to a significant influx of asylum seekers. Afghanistan's persistent instability and conflicts have transformed it into a major source of asylum seekers worldwide. This essay delves into Iran's policies towards Afghan refugees, with a specific focus on the shifts that have occurred since 1989. The analysis employs the framework of public choice theory, highlighting policymakers' prioritization of interest maximization. The essay's first section studies geostrategic importance of Afghanistan and its impact on neighbThe proximity of Afghanistan to Iran makes regional stability a crucial national interest for Iran. Moreover, Iran has had to recalibrate its asylum seeker policies to address potential challenges posed by the influx of Afghan refugees.The second section, examines the evolution of Iranian policies towards Afghan asylum seekers over the past few decades. It analyzes the distinct approaches taken by five Iranian presidents: Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mohammad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Hassan Rouhani, and Ebrahim Raisi. The analysis takes into consideration economic, political, social, and cultural factors that influenced these policy shifts.In conclusion, this essay evaluates the shifts in Iranian policies towards Afghan asylum seekers and their ramifications for both Iran and the Afghan refugees. Public choice theory's lens illuminates the motivations behind policy changes, highlighting the delicate balance between national interests and humanitarian considerations.

The U.S. fought its history’s longest war to defeat the “Taliban” insurgency, one strategy for doing so involved winning the “hearts and minds” of Afghans. However, the U.S it failed in its stated objectives. The United State could have done more to try to defeat the insurgency and counter terrorist groups in Afghanistan as well as to achieve state building and peace building objectives if they could have convinced the region, especially Pakistan to cooperate towards these aims Afghan problem. The poor governance, vast corruption, lack of regional cohesion in defeating “Taliban’s” insurgency especially Pakistan’s frequent negative interference in Afghanistan and lack of legitimacy of the Afghan Government has undermined the United States counterinsurgency efforts in past two decades in Afghanistan. To elaborate on the failure of the U.S. counterinsurgency campaign, it is important to understand the essence of theory and practice. D.Galula’s theory of “counterinsurgency” is a mixture of military, political and social actions under the resilient control of a single authority. This observation leads us to one of the critical hypotheses of this research which is that by ignoring Indigenous government– as one the most significant precondition for winning counterinsurgency – resulted in the return of the “Taliban” insurgency and prolongation of the Afghan conflict. Using the interventionist theory, this paper briefly analyses the cause and consequences of the U.S. counterinsurgency efforts and its peace and state-building failure in Afghanistan.

It is indicated that the presence of large number of refugees in the world indicates numerous problems in the peaceful coexistence of states in various regions of the planet, including, unfortunately, in Europe, where more than 10 million Ukrainians have already become refugees as a result of full-scale brazen Russian aggression, in addition, there are many refugees in Europe, also in Ukraine, from areas of conflicts in Afghanistan, Somalia, Syria, Iraq, Georgia, Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh. As a result of objective circumstances, all these people were forced to leave their native homes and become refugees. The presence of millions of refugees from the different parts of the world proves the need for radical reforms of the UN, which is increasingly finding it difficult to ensure international law and order and conflict resolution, and also shows the urgent need to improve the mechanism of protection of the human rights at the universal level.It is proved that the evolution of the concept of "refugee" continues for a long time. Currently, the main emphasis in this field in legal science is aimed at unifying the understanding of the concept of "refugee" in international law, primarily at the universal level. The full-scale aggression of russian federation in Ukraine caused the largest wave of refugees in the history of Ukraine, currently only in the EU, according to official UN data, there are already more than 8.1 million citizens of Ukraine, of which 4.9 million citizens of Ukraine have already received refugee status or asylum.It is noted that in order for a person to be recognized as a refugee under international law, he must meet the following conditions: stay outside the country of his citizenship or permanent residence (if the person is stateless); the presence of well-founded fears of becoming a victim of persecution based on race, religion, belonging to a certain social group, citizenship, political beliefs; unwillingness or inability to use the protection of this country; does not belong to the category of persons not covered by the Convention. The simultaneous operation of the UNHCR Charter, the 1951 UN Convention about Status of Refugees and the 1966 Protocol on the Status of Refugees led to the emergence of the such a problem as the emergence of two types of refugees: "mandatory" and "conventional".

This research focuses on Indonesia's role in resolving the conflict in Afghanistan through soft power, specifically through cultural and religious equality approaches. The study highlights that the conflict in Afghanistan has had a negative impact on the country's development and stability. Indonesia's special attitude towards foreign policy activities involving Muslim countries is influenced by its large Muslim population and ties with other Muslim countries. The study utilizes qualitative methods, specifically a descriptive-analytic approach, to analyze the subject matter. The research subjects range from books, documents, regulations, meeting minutes, diaries, and historical artifacts. The findings indicate that Indonesia's soft power approach through cultural diversity and tolerance, as well as religious similarity, have contributed to its role as a mediator in the Afghan conflict. The research highlights the Indonesian government's efforts as well as the involvement of Afghan people in Indonesia and moderate Islamic organizations such as the Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. Overall, this study sheds light on Indonesia's significant role in resolving the conflict in Afghanistan through soft power approaches.