Conflict In Afghanistan Research Articles (Page 1)

This article will try to analyze the strategy played by the Taliban insurgency group in the success of winning its insurgency in the Afghan conflict against the government and its international coalition, namely the US. The results of the study show that the success of the Taliban in winning the Afghan conflict is inseparable from the Taliban's ability to integrate various strategic instruments both military and non-military forces to support its insurgency. In this case, besides relying on military power, the Taliban cleverly launched a softer strategy (soft power) both by means of diplomacy, the use of social media to conduct propaganda and other softer ways. All of this was attempted for no other reason than to seek support for the legitimacy of the Taliban's insurgency movement.

ABSTRACT Pseudomonas aeruginosa sequence type (ST)-1047 is emerging globally as a carbapenemase-rich lineage, yet its evolutionary history and population structure are not known. Here, we performed a comprehensive genomic and epidemiological investigation of 141 ST-1047 isolates from 15 countries, integrating short- and long-read sequencing data with Bayesian phylogenetics and mobile genetic element analyses. Two clonal subpopulations were identified. Subclone 1, defined by bla VIM-11 carriage and loss of exoU , is proposed to have been imported to the United States following the medical evacuation of wounded service members from Afghanistan in 2005 and later seeded a nosocomial outbreak in Washington state. Subclone 2, carrying bla IMP-1 , is undergoing rapid clonal expansion due to nosocomial outbreaks in Ukraine hospitals where infection control is impaired by the war with Russia. Genomic islands resembling P. aeruginosa genomic island-97B mediated bla IMP-1 duplication and integration at multiple chromosomal sites, including between iron-regulated small RNAs PrrF1 and PrrF2. Outside these subclones, independent acquisitions of bla NDM-1 and/or bla DIM-1 occurred via diverse resistance islands. While plasmids were detected in some ST-1047 isolates, chromosomal integration of carbapenemase genes has promoted stability and driven the population structure. This global study reveals that, since its emergence in the late 19th century, the ST-1047 lineage showed an exceptional ability to acquire diverse carbapenemases, and that geopolitical conflicts influenced its global spread on at least two occasions. These findings underscore the need for sustained global surveillance and high-resolution genomic analyses to prevent further spread of this high-risk pathogen. IMPORTANCE Carbapenemase-producing Pseudomonas aeruginosa is a major cause of healthcare-associated infections worldwide and is associated with high mortality due to limited treatment options. In this study, we characterize the emergence and international spread of a previously underrecognized lineage of P. aeruginosa that has independently acquired and stabilized multiple resistance genes, including those encoding VIM, IMP, NDM, and Dutch imipenemase carbapenemases. Using genomic sequencing and evolutionary analyses, we show how this lineage emerged in the late 19th century and has since adapted by integrating resistance genes directly into its chromosome, promoting long-term stability and outbreak potential. Strikingly, we link its global expansion to population movements, soldier evacuations, and healthcare disruptions during armed conflicts in Afghanistan and Ukraine. This work reveals how political instability can drive the spread of multidrug-resistant bacteria and underscores the value of high-resolution surveillance to detect and contain emerging threats before they become dominant in clinical settings.

The prolonged social conflict in Afghanistan has caused its citizens to flee to various countries around the world. Asylum seekers from this country located in Central and South Asia often face challenges in legal protection, especially in asylum-receiving countries such as Indonesia. Although it does not have an official policy regarding refugees, Indonesia is one of the transit destinations for asylum seekers, including those who are refugees from the conflict in Afghanistan. The study aims to analyze the protection, challenges, and mechanisms of legal protection for asylum seekers from Afghanistan in Indonesia. A qualitative approach is used in the study that relies on literature reviews, such as books, scientific articles, institutional reports, and documents related to the protection of asylum seekers. Indonesia is a member of international legal instruments, such as the 1951 Refugee Convention, but does not yet have a clear national legal framework to protect the rights of asylum seekers. In Indonesia, asylum seekers from Afghanistan face legal uncertainty, limited access to basic services, and the potential risk of deportation to an unsafe country of origin

This study probes semi-strong market efficiency in leading altcoins by examining how various regulatory and international events impact the daily returns of altcoins. We aspire to contribute valuable insights into the behavior of altcoins market in response to external stimuli, highlighting the implications for investors and market analysts in the rapidly evolving landscape of digital currencies. Several events over the period of 2018 to 2024 are considered categorized in two distinct groups namely, crypto-regulatory events and international events, ranging from outbreak of global pandemics, geo-political events and wars, including COVID-19 waves, vaccines authorizations, imposition of lockdowns, BREXIT post 2018, US withdrawal from Afghanistan, Russia-Ukraine war and Israel-Palestine conflict. Subsequently the impact of these events on the daily returns of five leading altcoins is assessed using the Auto-Regressive Component GARCH-Mean model. Altcoins have been responding to both positive and negative regulatory as well as international events. However, the significance of cumulative abnormal returns in the event window indicates signs of semi-strong market inefficiency. The findings provide new insights into the response of cryptocurrencies to various events at a global level, contributing to the understanding of market behavior and market efficiency, particularly, in the leading crypto-assets other than bitcoin. The findings can help altcoin investors devise trading strategies and build investment portfolios in an optimal manner, thereby minimizing the risks involved.

This article outlines the key milestones in the development of the Research Laboratory of Military Therapy. The laboratory was founded in 1981 during the height of the armed conflict in Afghanistan, when a high incidence of morbidity (particularly infectious diseases), a large number of complications in the wounded, and the prolonged and recurrent course of somatic conditions resulted in sanitary losses equating to combat losses. In 1984, based on data obtained in Afghanistan, Professor Novitsky formulated and substantiated the fundamental concept of chronic adaptive overstrain syndrome, elucidated its mechanisms, and defined its clinical manifestations. One of the laboratory’s research areas was the study of the health status of individuals living in the areas of Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia contaminated with radioactive fallout from the Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster. In 1996, studies were conducted at the Luga Artillery Range to examine the effects of air blast waves of varying intensity on the physical performance and conditioned reflex activity of laboratory animals, enabling the assessment of the potential use of new actoprotective agents. In collaboration with the Department of Military Field Therapy, the laboratory’s staff investigated the characteristics of somatic conditions in individuals engaged in chemical weapons destruction. The Research Laboratory of Military Therapy staff developed and implemented a modern system for the medical examination of military personnel engaged in work with chemical weapons. Currently, the laboratory addresses research issues in areas such as improving the diagnosis, prevention, and treatment of injuries caused by highly toxic compounds; studying the chromosomal apparatus of cells in cases of occupational exposure to various chemicals and acute poisonings; and experimentally justifying the prevention and treatment of hepatotropic poisonings using glutathione disulfide- and inosine-containing drugs. In an organotypic culture model, changes in cell proliferation of various tissues under the influence of alkylating agents and the potential of using selected coded amino acids and oligopeptides to mitigate toxic effects were studied. In addition, organizational measures for preventing maladaptation disorders in military personnel serving in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation have been proposed. Furthermore, the laboratory has examined the state of cellular and humoral immunity in patients with novel coronavirus infection.

This study analyzes Pakistan's evolving threat perception within the complex and multifaceted security environment of South Asia. The paper first establishes the region's complex security foundation, tracing the roots of hostility from the Partition of British India and the subsequent wars with India, through the strategic alignments of the Cold War, and into the post-Cold War era marked by nuclearization. The core of the analysis focuses on Pakistan's central security concerns, categorized into: external threats such as; the sustained perceived danger from India and the long-term instability and cross-border spillover from the Afghan conflict. And internal threats such as; domestic challenges, including extremism, terrorism, and the destabilizing influence of non-state actors. The research examines how these perceptions translate into strategic and defense policies, encompassing Pakistan's nuclear doctrine, conventional force posture, and counterterrorism strategies. It further explores Pakistan's foreign policy, specifically its pivotal relationships with India, Afghanistan, China, and the United States. Finally, the study addresses contemporary security challenges, such as economic fragility, cybersecurity, and the growing concerns of environmental and human security. By synthesizing these variables, the paper concludes by summarizing key implications for regional stability and offering insights for future policy approaches in South Asia.

This study analyzes the memoirs of various categories of participants in the Afghan War (1979–1989) including soldiers, officers, special forces, KGB personnel in order to identify the features of how the war was perceived and represented in the historical memory of different social groups. The research is based on the examination and comparison of war memoirs written by Afghan War veterans. The study applies historical-genetic, compar-ative-historical, typological, and historical-systemic methods, along with the principles of scholarly objectivity and historicism. The analysis reveals both shared and distinctive elements in the war perceptions of different categories of participants. Special attention is paid to depictions of daily military life and combat experience. The findings offer deeper insight into the causes and consequences of the Afghan conflict and highlight the educational and cultural-historical value of personal war accounts. These materials may be effectively used in educational contexts, patriotic upbringing, and the development of scholarly research and textbooks on con-temporary Russian history.

The prolonged US war in Afghanistan presents a challenge to prevailing geographical explanations of imperialism. This article argues that a more robust understanding of this conflict, and contemporary imperialism more broadly, requires moving beyond dominant theoretical approaches within the discipline that tend to overemphasize cultural factors and rely on overly abstract conceptualizations. While existing geographic scholarship offers valuable insights into the spatial and discursive dimensions of the Afghan conflict, it often lacks a compelling explanation of the underlying material forces at play. Drawing inspiration from critiques of Edward Said's Orientalism , the article contends that an emphasis on cultural factors, as seen in works like Derek Gregory's The Colonial Present , risks obscuring the fundamental role of state power and capitalist interests. Examining the trajectory of the US occupation, the article critiques the limitations of both culturalist arguments and David Harvey's theory of a “new imperialism” when applied to this specific context, highlighting how both can lead to an unproductive level of abstraction. To move beyond these limitations, the article proposes a renewed focus on the capitalist state as the central actor in contemporary imperialism. It concludes that a more causally-minded approach, centered on the internationalization of state power and its internal logic, is essential for understanding the complexities of imperial projects and offers geography greater explanatory power in analyzing conflicts like the one in Afghanistan.

This study explores the role of religion as a state-promoted tool for political assimilation in Pakistan’s border provinces of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan. The study is based on five phases of fieldwork (2016–2024) combined with a thematic literature review. The research explores how religious strategies were deployed to forge a unified national identity in these regions. The findings reveal significant disparities in the effectiveness of these strategies. In KP, historical factors, cultural alignment, and geopolitical influences—particularly the Afghan conflict—largely facilitated the integration of Pashtun identity into Pakistan’s broader Islamic-national framework. Tools such as madrassa networks, education reforms, religious slogans, and state-backed Islamist parties effectively promoted religious nationalism. In contrast, religious assimilation efforts in Balochistan largely failed due to entrenched ethnic nationalism, economic exclusion, and political marginalization. Attempts to expand madrassas, delegitimize nationalist leaders as “anti-Islamic,” and support religious movements have been met with resistance, deepening distrust between the Baloch population and the state. The study found that religion alone cannot sustain national cohesion, particularly in regions with longstanding grievances and systemic inequalities. This research emphasizes the limitations of top-down, coercive assimilationist policies and underscores the necessity for more inclusive approaches, such as addressing economic disparities, recognizing regional identities, and promoting political participation as essential components for building a sustainable and unified nation. The study provides critical insights for policymakers, advocating for a shift from religious assimilation to strategies that prioritize justice, equity, and cultural accommodation, particularly in KPK and Balochistan.

The Taliban’s return in Afghanistan has created a big humanitarian mess, especially when it comes to basic human rights like the right to education. This paper takes a look at how the Taliban is crushing educational rights and puts it in the bigger picture of the Afghan conflict, looking at how it affects Afghans and the world from a human rights perspective. Since they took back control in 2021, the Taliban has put in place some really harsh school policies, hitting women and girls the hardest. They've banned secondary and higher education for females, kicked women out of teaching jobs, and rolled out strict and ideologically driven school curriculums. All this really limits academic freedom and makes it hard to think critically. These decisions not only break Afghanistan’s promises under international human rights agreements, like the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but they also keep poverty going, worsen gender inequality, and create more chaos in society. This paper points out that we really need a united global push to hold the Taliban responsible and protect education for all Afghans. The educated individual's exclusion from the educational gap in Afghanistan posits new ways to act informed by the support of unregulated education programs and upon the more traditional levers of diplomacy, economics and law. Ultimately, the education gap in Afghanistan is not just a local issue, it is a global problem that is a barrier to human dignity, peace and development everywhere.

The Bundeswehr’s deployment in Afghanistan under the International Security Assistance Force mission exposed significant challenges in how democratic states legitimize military actions, particularly within a society that harbors widespread skepticism towards the use of military force. A striking feature of the German government’s approach to the Afghanistan conflict was its reluctance to label the mission as a “war,” reflecting deeper anxieties about how violence is communicated to the public. This reluctance underscores the difficulty democratic states face in maintaining legitimacy over their monopoly on violence, especially when soldiers are killed in action. This article applies a neo‐institutionalist framework to analyze the dynamic interplay between politics, the military, and the public in the context of Germany’s contribution to the International Security Assistance Force mission. It argues that the core issue was not the war itself, but the state’s struggle to reconcile military violence with the expectations of a pacified society. The disconnect between formal military operations and public perception became apparent when media coverage of casualties broke the illusion of a distant, non‐violent mission. This highlights the broader governance challenge democracies face in sustaining public support for military actions that conflict with societal values. Ultimately, this article explores the implications for political communication, questioning how democratic states balance transparency, public expectations, and the need for strategic narratives during military interventions.

Since the beginning of the Afghan conflict, Pakistan has hosted millions of Afghan refugees, making it one of the biggest refugee-receiving countries today. Because they have been there for so long, their impact on the country’s socio-economic fabric is very strong. After significant wars in Afghanistan, the arrival of many Afghan refugees has added pressure to Pakistan’s public services, employment, housing, and health care. Trade and labor from some refugees have helped the economy, but those living in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces have strained available resources. Pakistan mainly cares about humanitarian issues in handling refugees, even if its laws do not provide a complete framework for their protection. In this document, we discuss the changes in Pakistan’s refugee policies, look at the impact on society and the economy, and showcase the opportunities and problems caused by Afghan refugees being present for a long time. It further highlights that both the safety of a nation and the rights of refugees can be protected through cooperative international diplomacy.

ABSTRACT This study examines the association between armed conflict, opium production, and economic growth in Afghanistan from 1978 to 2022, emphasizing the complexities of its conflict-driven political economy. While war generated short-term artificial economic growth through foreign aid and military spending, it simultaneously fostered dependence on opium production. Escalating violence enabled the expansion of the opium economy, which became a vital survival strategy amid persistent political instability. Foreign military assistance, aimed at promoting stability, often prolonged conflict and reinforced illicit economic structures. The study further highlights the role of weak governance, measured by executive corruption, in driving economic decline and fostering illegal economic activities. These findings underscore the paradoxical effects of war and foreign intervention, generating artificial war-driven economy while entrenching long-term fragility. The study concludes by stressing the need for governance reform and a critical reassessment of foreign policy to disrupt Afghanistan's persistent cycles of violence, opium production, and economic vulnerability.

Abstract Introduction Traumatic brain injury (TBI) has been deemed the “signature wound” of the Iraq and Afghanistan conflicts and continues to be a common occurrence for active-duty personnel. For many Veterans, mild traumatic brain injury (mTBI) is associated with persistent post-concussive symptoms, of which sleep, and psychiatric disturbances are among the most common. In this investigation we describe and evaluate baseline sleep and clinical symptomatology in a sample of post-9/11 Veterans with mTBI who participated in a clinical trial for insomnia. Methods 67 Veterans completed baseline assessment measures. Each participant was assessed on a battery of self-report questionnaires evaluating sleep (Insomnia Severity Index [ISI]; Pittsburgh Quality Sleep Index [PSQI]), psychiatric (Patient Health Questionnaire [PHQ-9]; Generalized Anxiety Disorder Scale [GAD-7]); PTSD (PTSD Checklist for DSM 5 [PCL-5]), and neurobehavioral symptoms (Neurobehavioral Symptom Inventory [NSI]). Veterans also completed a one-week baseline sleep diary and underwent two nights of polysomnography (PSG; data from second night analyzed). Results Veterans (55M/12F; age=35.8+/-7.3) showed moderately elevated insomnia severity (ISI=20.2+/-4.3) and general sleep disturbance (PSQI=14.6+/-2.7). Psychiatric and post-concussive measures also indicated clinically meaningful impairment (PHQ-9=14.5+/-5.3; GAD-7=11.3+/-5.2); PCL=40.1+/-18.5; NSI=42.8+/-16.3). On prospective sleep diaries (one-week averaged data) Veterans reported sleep latencies (SL) of 43.9+/-32.0 mins, wake after sleep onset times (WASO) of 39.4+/-34.9 mins, total sleep times (TST) of 308+/-126 mins, and sleep efficiencies (SE) of 75.1+/-13.7 percent. On PSG Veterans exhibited better sleep relative to sleep diaries (SL=16.4+/-13.7mins, WASO=31.9+/-19.8mins, TST=391.8+/-45.2mins, SE=87.9+/-6.3%). Pearson correlations were conducted to examine the relationship between NSI scores and objective/subjective sleep measures. Results found that post-concussive symptoms were positively corelated with insomnia severity (ISI:r=0.56, p<.001) and general sleep disturbance (PSQI:r=0.54,p<.001) and negatively correlated with sleep efficiency on PSG (r=-0.47,p=.009). Conclusion In this investigation, post-9/11 Veterans with history of mTBI showed clinically relevant self-reported sleep disturbance (retrospectively and prospectively) and elevated psychiatric and neurobehavioral symptomatology. Whether observed discrepancies in subjective vs objective sleep measures reflect bias in reporting, reactivity to laboratory testing, or other factors warrants further investigation. Understanding the reasons for such discrepancies could help inform interventions designed to assist Veterans with mTBI and sleep disturbance. Support (if any) This research was supported by VA RR&D Career Development Award-PI Orff (IK2 RX001512-01A)

Abstract Introduction In the post-9/11 conflicts in Southwest Asia and Afghanistan, traumatic brain injury (TBI) and blast exposure have been recognized as signature injuries. This is often accompanied by psychological health issues such a post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). We have previously shown this group suffers from insufficient and disturbed sleep. The present study aims to examine the impact of blast-related TBI on sleep quality and psychological health. Methods Veterans enrolled in the Post-Deployment Cardiopulmonary Evaluation Network (PDCEN) underwent evaluation at five separate VA sites for unexplained dyspnea. Included in this in-depth evaluation were questionnaires inclusive of demographic information, the Brief Traumatic Brain Injury Scale (BTBIS), the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI), and emotional health evaluations. The group was dichotomized based on the likely presence of blast-related TBI, defined as a positive BTBIS screen. Sleep dysfunction was defined as having a total PSQI score greater than or equal to 10. A multivariable logistic regression model was used to examine the association between TBI and sleep dysfunction, adjusted for age, sex, body mass index (BMI), race, anxiety, depression, and PTSD. Results A total of 301 veterans completed questionnaires. Respondents were aged 46 ± 9 years and mostly white males with an average BMI of 31.5 ± 7.1 kg/m2. Most veterans served in the Army or multiple branches of the military. Sleep quality was overall abnormal with 73% having PSQI >10, average PSQI 12.3 ± 4.4, and mean sleep duration of 5.2 ± 4.1 hours. Blast-related TBI was present in 86 veterans (28.6%) and associated with increased odds of having sleep dysfunction (aOR 2.8, 95% CI 1.2-6.8), with average PSQI 13.6 ± 4.0 among those with blast-related TBI and 11.8 ± 4.5 among those without (p = 0.003). Anxiety, depression, and PTSD were also more common when TBI was present, though only depression met significance. Conclusion In this group of post-9/11 veterans with exposure to burn pits and other airborne hazards, the presence of blast-induced TBI was associated with an increased risk of sleep disturbance and mood disorder. Future analysis will focus on the impact of blast-induced TBI on sleep disordered breathing. Support (if any) US Department of Veterans Affairs

The Department of Defense predicts that future conflicts will involve large-scale combat operations (LSCOs) characterized by high-intensity warfare between technologically advanced nations. These conflicts may result in prolonged exposure to violence, increasing the risk of severe mental health consequences for military personnel, veterans, and civilians. Research on past wars and ongoing conflicts, such as the war in Ukraine, demonstrates the heightened risks of post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, moral injury, and compassion fatigue in LSCOs. Unlike previous conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, LSCOs may involve prolonged deployments, limited medical evacuations, and greater use of cyber and psychological warfare, exacerbating psychological distress. Given these anticipated threats, we urge mental health professionals to proactively address the anticipated mental health challenges associated with LSCOs. Preemptive strategies may include predeployment resilience training, increased access to deployable and telehealth mental health resources, and targeted interventions for preventing and mitigating moral injury. Additionally, civilian populations in conflict zones may experience displacement and exposure to violence. Given the long-term psychological impact of large-scale warfare, ongoing mental health program development and evaluation is needed to support affected populations. By anticipating these challenges posed by LSCOs, mental health professionals can implement strategic interventions to mitigate their psychological burden on service members, veterans, and civilians.

The distinction between civilians and combatants is central to international humanitarian law. Yet are there distinctions among civilians that scholars of international law and international relations should consider? On the basis of US military documents and practices, we argue that in the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, a hierarchy of ‘civilianness’ (Sutton) emerged. This hierarchy was structured along three observable axes of differentiation: personal security, compensation for harm, and credibility. Civilians with foreign passports – in practice frequently humanitarian workers or journalists – enjoyed the highest level of security, credibility, and compensation (in case of harm). Ordinary local civilians without ties to Western institutions were the most marginalized in all dimensions: their testimonies were frequently dismissed by the US military, and their families received inadequate (if any) compensation for harm they suffered. The case studies revealed the existence of an ‘in-between’ group that shows the operations of institutional power: civilians who are local residents but transnational ties to Western institutions through employment or family are sometimes able to mobilize these ties for better recognition and compensation for harms they suffered from Western militaries. The article contributes to understanding how global hierarchies are refracted on the ground in asymmetrical armed conflicts.

ABSTRACT Reintegration stress is commonly reported by returning Veterans with post-trauma distress and associated with mental health and functioning difficulties. Interventions are needed to reduce reintegration stress and provide a pathway to improve Veterans’ connections with their families, friends, and communities. The present study compared the effectiveness of Trauma Informed Guilt Reduction Therapy (TrIGR) and Supportive Care Therapy (SCT) in reducing reintegration stress, assessed by the Military to Civilian Questionnaire (M2C-Q) at post-treatment and 3- and 6-month follow-up. Data were derived from a randomized controlled trial treating U.S. military Veterans endorsing trauma-related guilt stemming from an event that occurred during deployment to the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan (N = 145). Intent to treat analyses using mixed models indicated a significant treatment * time interaction (p = .004) whereby patients randomized to TrIGR reported significantly lower reintegration stress compared to those in SCT by the 6-month follow-up. Between-condition effect sizes were d = 0.11 at post-treatment and d = 0.37 and d = 0.57 at 3- and 6-month follow-up assessments, respectively. Targeting trauma-related guilt may be an effective pathway to help facilitate the process of reintegration to civilian life for some Veterans.

This article aims to explore the causes of war, the effectiveness of peaceful resolution mechanisms, and the role of humanitarian law in mitigating the consequences of war. While condemning all forms of war, the article acknowledges its inevitability in certain circumstances and evaluates the potential of humanitarian law in conflict resolution. The study employs a qualitative approach, analyzing historical and contemporary cases of war, with a particular focus on the 21-year conflict in Afghanistan. It examines international legal frameworks, peace mechanisms, and the role of great powers in global security. The findings indicate that despite international efforts, wars continue to persist due to political, economic, and strategic interests of states. While humanitarian law has made significant progress in regulating warfare and protecting civilians, its enforcement remains weak due to power imbalances in international relations. War remains a significant challenge to global peace, with existing mechanisms proving insufficient to prevent its recurrence. The humanitarian law framework, while essential, requires stronger enforcement and broader global cooperation to be effective. To enhance global security and reduce conflicts, international organizations must strengthen the implementation of humanitarian law, improve diplomatic conflict resolution strategies, and address the root causes of war. Additionally, great powers must commit to equitable enforcement of international laws rather than prioritizing their strategic interests.

Based on the Doha Agreement signed on February 29, 2020 between the Taliban and the United States of America, the two parties committed to stopping attacks on each other. The United States committed to withdrawing all its military and civilian forces and those of its allies from Afghanistan within 14 months. The Taliban also pledged to cut off cooperation with terrorist groups, including al-Qaeda, and pledged to reduce the intensity of its attacks and to advance peace talks with the Afghan government. While this agreement was expected to end nearly two decades of military conflict in Afghanistan. However, the Taliban’s increased attacks on military and civilian targets have continued to the point where Afghan cities have fallen one after another; The then Afghan president fled to Abu Dhabi, and Kabul fell to the Taliban within hours. Meanwhile, despite assurances issued by the Taliban, many Afghans were trying to leave the country. This has caused the world to once again face an international refugee crisis, raising the question of how international law can manage such a situation; what are the commitments of member states of the international community, and what are the potential gaps and challenges.