Concept Of Legitimacy Research Articles (Page 1)

ABSTRACT Government officials are key actors in managing processes of institutional design and reorganization in increasingly emergent and diversified public structures. This study expands on a framework for assessing the predictive strength of key legitimacy dimensions on officials' governance preferences. The framework is applied to officials' preferences for third‐party and collaborative governance arrangements. The study is based on data from a for‐purpose designed survey conducted among Finnish top‐level government officials. The findings show that officials' governance preferences are strongly contingent on their perceptions of political rules as well as procedural norms pertinent to the representative structures they serve. The article thus contributes to the field of governance research with a focus on the interface between representative government and governance structures. Furthermore, the applied legitimacy framework proved fruitful for addressing the problem of indeterminacy that characterizes many legitimacy concepts. The approach has considerable comparative potentials for predicting governance preferences but also effects of legitimacy perceptions in a wider sense.

ABSTRACT The rapidly growing interest in police legitimacy necessitates investigation in non-Western contexts with distinct cultural and institutional characteristics. This study investigates relationships among police legitimacy, effectiveness, procedural justice, and public satisfaction within Indonesia's unique policing environment – characterised by centralised authority, high power-distance culture, and historical police-state relationships that challenge Western-derived legitimacy models. Unlike Western democracies emphasising procedural participation, Indonesian society traditionally accepts hierarchical authority and unequal power distribution. This cultural context may fundamentally alter legitimacy evaluations, potentially prioritising effective outcomes over fair processes. The study hypothesised that police effectiveness holds greater significance in Indonesian policing and that public satisfaction mediates legitimacy relationships. Using surveys from citizen-initiated police encounters (N = 1,301) at West Java Regional Police in 2024, structural equation modelling analyzed the data. Results demonstrate that instrumental aspects of police effectiveness were more important than procedural justice in predicting legitimacy, contrasting sharply with Western research emphasising procedural justice supremacy. Public satisfaction did not serve as a mediating variable between legitimacy and its antecedents. Findings incorporate Harkin's, D. (2015. Police legitimacy, ideology and qualitative methods: A critique of procedural justice theory. Criminology and criminal justice, 15 (5), 594–612. doi:10.1177/1748895815580397) approach, adding power-distance and system justification as fundamental legitimacy concepts. Results provide evidence of additional legitimacy antecedents beyond traditional Western frameworks. These findings demonstrate that legitimacy models are context-dependent, with Indonesian citizens prioritising police outcomes over procedural fairness. The study highlights the need for culturally-sensitive approaches to understanding police legitimacy across different societal contexts, contributing uniquely to predominantly Western-focused legitimacy literature.

Purpose Legitimacy is a sustained scholarly topic of interest across many disciplines – including library and information science (LIS). That does not mean all is well. It is the thesis here that LIS replicates problems that scholars have identified from the broader literature in deploying legitimacy without grounding it. This is another example of Wiegand’s (1999) argument: when appropriating a concept, LIS scholarship inadequately considers provenance or meaning, producing “tunnel vision and blind spots” and a literature that cannot connect or contribute to broader intellectual fields and scholarship, leaving it isolated. Design/methodology/approach The concept of legitimacy in its originating fields is surveyed, followed by a sampling of LIS peer-reviewed publications. Those bibliographies were checked for publications in English; those unconnected to LIS were excluded; they must be cited 20+ times in Google Scholar, resulting in 13 items. When those bibliographies were checked, only two additional publications were identified, confirming data saturation of the sample. The resulting 15 publications were analyzed specifically concerning the definition and deployment of the concept of legitimacy against the more established literature, with three conclusions developed. Findings “Legitimacy” is invoked more than described and ill-defined in LIS, which replicates earlier critiques of the legitimacy literature: “papers simply” deploy the term legitimacy “before moving on to discuss whatever particular type of legitimacy was studied.” Only a few cited Suchman’s landmark 1995 study. Second, a few of the LIS works sampled here do, however, attempt some definition, opening the possibility of dialog about the divergences with the broader legitimacy literature. Third, some theoretical clarifications are proposed to LIS concepts in light of the urgent issues LIS faces, making LIS legitimacy theory efforts highly relevant. Social implications LIS has a clear conceptual path to address the many challenges the field faces in the contemporary political landscape by cleaning up its conceptualization of legitimacy to drive scholarship in a more practical, productive direction. Originality/value As noted, no systematic approach to the concept(s) of legitimacy has been attempted in the LIS literature, replicating the conditions of Wiegand’s 1999 critique of that literature as having “tunnel vision and blind spots.” The beginnings of that work are attempted here.

ABSTRACT Instead of the conventional and rather (monastic) elite concept of ‘canonicity,’ this case study introduces the concept of legitimacy as central to the concerns of ordinary religious believers. In the texts of new religious groups, for instance, legitimacy is attained in different ways. One common method was the use of paratextual materials. They made their texts look like ordinary Buddhist sūtras, from the choice of the term jing 經 for a legitimate scripture, the use of the accordion printing format, to illustrations. In addition, some groups added prefaces and other materials in imitation of elite writings of the time. A second method was to imitate the Chan journey of enlightenment by postulants through consulting different abbots, whose own enlightenment was properly recognized and therefore legitimate. Finally, the position of some leaders was underpinned by claiming that they acted on the authority of the highest beings in the local religious pantheon.

Introduction: the topic of legitimation has received increasing attention in the legal community in recent years. However, a look at this process is not complete enough. So, basically, legitimation is only presented in the context of deliberative procedures in the legislative process. Nevertheless, legitimation represents a significant research and practical potential for compiling an objective picture of the effectiveness of domestic law enforcement, and therefore, the paper attempts to describe the concept of legitimation at this stage. Purpose: to propose explanatory models of the legitimation of norms in the process of law enforcement in the domestic legal system. Methods: the research methodology includes the socio-legal approach, the comparative law method, the system analysis, and the functional approach. As a result of the conducted research, the mechanisms of legitimation and delegitimization of legal norms in the context of domestic law enforcement are described and substantiated; the variability of such legitimation is shown and classified. Conclusions: like legislative norms, law enforcement decisions can also be included in the legitimation process. At the stage of law enforcement, legitimation may occur at the time when the law enforcement officer makes his decision on the case under consideration, as well as at the stage of execution of the decision by the person to whom it is addressed. In this regard, it is correct to draw a conclusion about the assessment of the effectiveness of the law enforcement process not by quantitative parameters of initiated or resolved cases but from the point of view of the qualitative parameter of the legitimacy of law enforcement decisions.

One of the main problems of the judiciary in recent years has been the issue of its legitimacy. The changes that have taken place in Poland, among other countries, have renewed the discussion on the system of judicial appointment, the possible participation of representatives of authorities other than the judiciary in the relevant procedures, or – consequently – the discussion on the status of judges appointed with the participation of the non-judicial community. One of the countries where judges do not, in principle, play a decisive role in judicial appointment procedures is Spain. The Spanish legal system emphasises the important links between the judiciary and the will of the nation, pointing to the need to provide judges with so-called democratic legitimacy. Therefore, the author looks at the Spanish system and tries to answer questions about the relevance of the concept of democratic legitimacy of the judiciary for the functioning of the Spanish legal system. The analysis is based on traditional scientific methods used in legal studies, which aim, among other things, to examine the consequences of transferring Spanish standards to the Polish context

The rise of radical right populism across Europe has been linked to broader societal shifts and individual susceptibility to populist narratives. While existing research has explored electoral dynamics, leadership, and organizational strategies, less attention has been given to how these parties gain legitimacy through international engagement. This paper introduces the concept of legitimation from abroad, a multilayered process through which radical right populist parties align with international actors to counter stigmatization and bolster their credibility. Using the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) as a case study, we analyze how transnational interactions, such as intellectual networking, participation in European political groups and symbolic international events, contribute to their political survival and institutional recognition. Drawing on party documents and secondary literature, this study provides new insights into how radical right populist parties strategically leverage the international arena to enhance their legitimacy and sustain their political influence.

ABSTRACT While the fading of democratic legitimacy is widely discussed in the academic literature, the genre is concerned primarily with the backsliding of liberal democracy in Western countries. The articles making up this special issue add to this conversation by exploring the topic in the African context. This introduction offers the reader a panoramic view of the collection as a whole. It first presents the nine countries of interest, explaining the reasons for their selection and the topics the various authors pursue. It then goes on to the theme of democracy in general and democracy in Africa in particular. The concept of legitimacy and its various types receives attention next, with a snapshot of factors contributing to the erosion of democratic legitimacy on the continent.

Modern constitutionalism faces a fundamental challenge: how to maintain the stability of the constitutional order amid accelerating social, technological, and geopolitical transformations, avoiding both conservative ossification and destructive plasticity. In this context, the concept of "adaptive constitutionalism" acquires the status of a key analytical category that requires strict operationalization and systematization. Existing approaches are typically limited to describing institutional mechanisms or appealing to general principles of flexibility without constructing a comprehensive typology. In these conditions, arises the necessity for a theoretical toolkit capable of not only describing but also normatively evaluating the quality of adaptation processes. The subject of the study is the adaptive constitutionalism as a multidimensional and dynamic social institution, whose viability is determined by its capacity for internal evolution without the loss of its normative core. The aim of the article is to develop an original typology of models of adaptive constitutionalism and to formulate criteria for "sustainable legitimacy" as a normative ideal of a viable constitutional order. The methodological basis of this study consists of a systemic-typological approach, supplemented by comparative-legal and hermeneutical analysis. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the proposal of a multidimensional typology, including five models of adaptive constitutionalism – judicial-adaptive, formally-stable, hybrid-adaptive, evolutionary-pluralistic, and imitation-adaptive. For the first time in domestic and foreign doctrine, the concept of "sustainable legitimacy" is introduced and operationalized, synthesizing legal and socio-political legitimacy through five measurable criteria. The study demonstrates that adaptation models are not static but subject to dynamic transformation, including degradation – as observed in Hungary, Poland, and Turkey. The proposed typology possesses not only theoretical but also practical value: it can be used by legislators, constitutional courts, and international organizations to diagnose the resilience of constitutional systems. In conclusion, the necessity for further verification of the typology in a global context and its adaptation to digital challenges and non-colonial concepts of legitimacy is emphasized.

In seeking to decolonise the democratic canon, this article critically engages with the concept of democratic legitimacy – a foundational category in political theory. From a decolonial standpoint, democratic legitimacy faces two key criticisms. First, its evaluative criteria are deeply embedded in Eurocentric assumptions, privileging experiences from the Global North and marginalising the plurality of democratic practices worldwide. Second, reliance on external validation frameworks often suppresses local knowledge and disregards essential parameters needed to understand diverse democratic systems. These critiques echo concerns around ‘epistemic erasures’, revealing how dominant paradigms obscure the perspectives and practices of Global South communities. In response, the article proposes an alternative framework for assessing democratic legitimacy that resists external metrics and instead centres local knowledges and the lived experiences of those engaged in grassroots mobilisation. Adopting a social movement standpoint, it highlights the epistemic contributions of marginalised actors and the pedagogical innovations they generate. The argument is developed through a case study of Brazil’s Homeless Workers’ Movement (MTST), a movement advocating for urban reform and the right to the city. The article demonstrates how movements like MTST help reshape democratic legitimacy from below, offering a more plural and inclusive understanding anchored in everyday struggles for justice.

Abstract This article examines how intertextuality and polyphony in online media narratives shaped media discourse on COVID-19 vaccination in Cyprus, focusing on their relationship with vaccine hesitancy. Drawing on concepts of legitimation, pre-legitimation, and crisis imaginaries, the analysis explores how media narratives constructed vaccination as a pathway to “returning to normality.” The findings reveal that while Cypriot media predominantly adopted a pro-vaccination stance, their hierarchical privileging of elite voices — scientific experts and politicians — potentially undermining trust. Pre-legitimation strategies framed vaccination as a necessary response to speculative crises, while unvaccinated individuals were constructed as societal threats. These imaginaries aligned with technocratic discourse, emphasizing expertise while sidelining citizen positioning. This, along with contradictions in rhetorical strategies, such as juxtaposing scientific and religious appeals, may have contributed to vaccine hesitancy. This article contributes to critical discourse studies by illustrating how crisis communication can simultaneously legitimize solutions and alienate segments of the public.

The paper aims to further develop the trend towards incorporating agonism into PR theory by integrating agonistic perspectives on hegemonic power to argue the existence of a continuum between expansive and neutralising communication strategies. The paper traces how power - and particularly dispositions towards active citizenship - have been incorporated into PR theory, and the shift from functionalism which portrayed civic activism as a problematic threat, toward more dialogic and agonistic approaches which seek to foster public participation and co-creation of campaigns. By synthesising the concepts of articulation, legitimacy and autonomy, the paper discusses options for how PR can deploy hegemonic communicative power to support democratic engagement and positive social change. The paper argues that hegemonic power should not be an “elephant in the room” for PR theory, as hegemonies are inevitable, and therefore, the question before us is to understand what forms of communication strategy are conducive to healthy democracies by encouraging active citizenship, converting antagonisms into agonism and improving prospects for the empowerment of marginalised groups.

The article notes that the sources of legitimacy were different in ancient and medieval times than today. It is emphasized that the concept of legitimacy in China emerged from a complex interplay of philosophical ideas, cultural beliefs, and historical precedents. The Mandate of Heaven, Confucianism, and legalism each provided different sources through which rulers sought to legitimize their authority. In ancient Greece, the concept of legitimacy arose from a combination of civic participation, philosophical thoughts, mythological narratives, and the pursuit of virtue. In ancient India, however, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the rich tapestry of spiritual, social and philosophical ideals. Dharma served as a spiritual compass that guided rulers to maintain cosmic order and ethical principles. The article also notes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient Rome were multifaceted, based on a combination of mythology, legal foundations, religious symbolism, and the ability to ensure stability and prosperity. In medieval Europe, the concept of legitimacy was shaped by the complex dynamics of feudal relations, religious beliefs, and evolving political structures. In medieval Islam, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the caliphate, the implementation of the Sharia and the pledge of allegiance. The interaction of political and religious factors determined the sources of legitimacy, emphasizing the importance of rulers to rule according to Islamic principles. The scientific result of the article, the novelty and importance of the work is that it shows how the concept of legitimacy changes over time and space and the impact of these changes on the management structure of societies. The author emphasizes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient and medieval times, unlike in the modern era, originated more from religious, philosophical and cultural contexts. The novelty of the work is the comparative presentation of specific models of legitimacy in ancient China, Greece, India and Rome, as well as in medieval Europe and the Islamic world. The main hypothesis is that the sources of legitimacy were formed according to the social, economic and ideological realities of the time and had a direct impact on the management mechanisms. The importance of the work is that it provides an opportunity to better understand the dynamics of legitimacy in the modern era and build effective governance structures by learning from its historical models. This approach creates a new perspective for both philosophical and political-legal studies.

Political humor is rarely found in the public political discourse or used to depict the political circumstances in China. This does not mean, however, that political humor is absent or irrelevant. From a political sociology perspective, Ding (2017) argues that it is an opportune moment for high-quality political humor to emerge in China; meanwhile, there is a growing perception that China is becoming increasingly authoritarian, particularly under the leadership of President Xi. Therefore, this paper will explore the relationship between political humor and political authority in China, by asking: How do political authorities in China respond to humor, and in what ways do they utilize or instrumentalize political humor, and for what purposes? The existing literature on political humor in China tends to overlook the multifaceted functions it serves and the diverse responses of citizens to political authority. By adopting a communicative, discursive rather than empowerment approach, the paper views political humor as a form of popular rhetoric and investigates its interaction with authority. It posits that political humor in China serves as both a political communication tool and a public discourse mode. The government strategically deploys it to shape public opinion in a manner that upholds the existing social order and legitimizes its governance and also fosters a nationalistic identity that aligns with its objectives. Relying on a qualitative content analysis, the article is structured as follows: first, the literature on political humor in China is reviewed; second, the concept of political legitimacy is discussed, and an analytical framework that employs a communicative and discursive approach are discussed; third, two empirical cases of political humor in China are explored (namely, the Li Haoshi incident in 2023, and the Trump–Clinton duet in 2016); and, finally, conclusions are offered to reflect the significance of political humor in Chinese politics.

The low trust public towards amil zakat becomes trigger muzakki more choose channel the zakat in a way traditional . Objective research This is browse in a way deep The meaning of zakat for muzakki as something obligations ordered by God​ and how meaning Zakat amil institutions in the eyes society , why more choose channel direct the zakat to mustahiq and no through institution existing official .​ Methodology the author 's research use in study This is with combine two paradigm that is Paradigm Interpretative with approach Phenomenology and Paradigms Religious based on truth revelation Lord . Research results This showing From the corner look muzaki , legitimacy Zakat amil institutions depend on contracts social with the community served . This emphasize transparency , fairness , and sharia compliance in fund management . For strengthen legitimacy , institution need transparent in use of funds, involving muzakki , and run the program accordingly need public . With method this , them can build trust and effectiveness in overcome problem social , economic , and moral.

The engagement between international humanitarian non-government organisations (INGOs) and states has long been a contested space. This theme has become more pertinent against the backdrop of a widely perceived global ‘rise in authoritarianism’. This paper presents research by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) into factors influencing INGO-state engagement. The research examined the principal factors that influence the attitudes that states take towards international humanitarian NGOs working on their territories during situations of crisis. This paper reviews the findings from four field case studies (Bangladesh, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, Chad, and Italy) as well as findings from a desk study on the current situation in Afghanistan and a review of MSF’s history with states. The research was grounded in a theoretical framework which integrates the concepts of authoritarian practices (Glasius), regulatory practices, the differentiation between strategic and tactical levels of engagement, and conceptions of legitimacy.

The article examines the role of quality of life as a factor in ensuring the legitimization of the results of municipal reform using the Moscow Region as an example. The authors reveal the issue based on the analysis of expert interview data regarding the quality of life and the dynamics of this indicator in the territories of such municipalities as Sergiev Posad, Korolev and Dmitrovsky District. The concept of legitimacy by P. Berger and T. Lukman served as the theoretical basis for the study. The authors conclude that the specified municipalities are characterized by a fairly high level of quality of life. The dynamics of this indicator after the transformation of the corresponding territories into urban districts is characterized by the presence of a number of significant positive trends. But at the same time, there are factors that partially smooth out the positive effect of changes. The proximity to the capital sets a high level of pendulum migration and ensures the regular appearance of a large mass of tourists and summer residents. As a result, the standards of quality of life of the local population are transformed, whose representatives consider the level of consumption of Muscovites as a standard. In addition, structural problems in the field of health care, housing and communal services, and transport, related to the competence of public authorities, remain. Due to this, the quality of work of not so much municipal as regional and federal authorities acquires the role of a key determinant of the legitimization of municipal reform and its results.

ABSTRACTThis study explores how the use of a standard‐based Innovation Management System approach influences the legitimacy for innovation management—a management discipline often subject to innovation fads and fashions. Utilizing neo institutional theory as a lens, we explore how this approach increased legitimacy for innovation management in case studies of two large organizations, and how this in turn affected innovation activities. Theoretically, we contribute by adding construct clarity to the concept of legitimacy, in relation to management systems, and by increasing understanding of the role of legitimacy in innovation activities. Managerial implications include the potential use of an Innovation Management Systems Standard to create a common language for innovation, to systematize innovation efforts and improve the perceived seriosity of innovation management, which in turn enables more robust and continuous innovation efforts in organizations.

ABSTRACT Police legitimacy theories have predominately been used to understand perceptions of police among heteronormative communities. This work has often failed to consider the views and experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and other non-heteronormative (LGBTQ+) people. Building upon existing critiques of police legitimacy theories, this article examines the shortcomings of monolithic conceptions of legitimacy when applied to non-heteronormative communities. Through a critical and queer criminological lens this article explores perceptions of police legitimacy among 148 LGBTQ + people in Victoria, Australia. Drawing on the findings of an exploratory online survey, the results indicate that police legitimacy should not be conceptualised or measured through monolithic judgements. Instead, police legitimacy should be understood as a multifaceted and dialogical phenomenon that is spatially and temporally contingent. The study reveals a strong distrust in Victoria Police amongst LGBTQ + people as well as a preference to avoid interacting with police officers whenever possible. The findings indicate that an intersectional interrogation of police legitimacy theories is required to understand the nuanced ways in which legitimacy is experienced by diverse community groups.

<em>This paper aims to reconstruct the history of the Islamic caliphate with a focus on Ibn Zubair's conception of leadership selection and power legitimacy. The key issues discussed include how Ibn Zubair obtained his legitimacy and the principles he adhered to in selecting leaders, as well as the impact of his views on the political and social developments of the time. The research employs a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach, involving literature reviews and text analysis. The primary sources consist of historical literature and records in the form of classical Islamic texts, while secondary sources are used to provide broader context. The findings reveal that Ibn Zubair had a deep understanding of leadership selection, which involved consultation and specific criteria for a just leader. The study concludes that Ibn Zubair supported the election of leaders through consensus within the Muslim community, prioritizing leadership quality and legitimacy from society, rather than hereditary succession as practiced by the Umayyad Dynasty, which tended to pass power from one generation to the next. Ibn Zubair’s thoughts significantly contribute to our understanding of power legitimacy in the history of the Islamic caliphate and its relevance to the current political and social context.</em>