ABSTRACT This study uses Chinese A-share listed companies from 2010 to 2022 as samples to analyze the impact of digital transformation (DT) and venture capital (VC) on employee common prosperity (ECP). The concept of common prosperity originated from the resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 1953 regarding the development of agricultural production cooperatives, embodying the principles of social equity and economic justice. We use indicators such as labor cash share and the pay gap between management and regular employes for quantitative assessment. The results show that both DT and VC can significantly increase the overall labor income share, thus promoting ECP, and there is a synergistic effect between the two. In addition, we also explored the mediating role of financing constraints and input of production factors. In addition, DT widens the salary gap among employees, while VC can help narrow this gap.

Importance. “Chinese modernization” is a new concept put forward at the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2022. The report of the 20th CPC Congress provided answers to key theoretical and practical questions – what is Chinese modernization, what are its goals, what ways it is implemented and why it is considered as an integral theoretical system. In March 2026 the 4th session of the National People’s Congress (NPC) of the 14th convocation politically updated the topic by reviewing the draft main provisions of the 15th five-year program for National Economic and Social development (2026–2030). China is entering a new five-year period: in a short period of the country’s history, a program for its modernization will be implemented until 2035 unprecedented in the history of mankind. By 2035 China’s economic power, scientific and technical potential, defense capability, combined national power and international influence will change dramatically, and living standards will increase, which will, in fact, be the final point of the socialist modernization process. Materials and Methods. The source is based on official documents of the CPC and a broad scientific discourse on the ways of Chinese modernization in the world historical and political sciences. The research has incorporated a significant set of general scientific and specialized methods, mainly from historical and political science. Results and Discussion. The research substantiates that the real content of the concept of “Chinese modernization” is not identical to the concept of “modernization of China”. “Chinese Modernization” is a concept and theory with new content. It serves as a theoretical and conceptual generalization of a new stage in the development of China’s modernization practice, as well as a programmatic setting and strategic goal that defines the CPC's activities to lead the Chinese people at a new historical stage. Conclusion. Chinese modernization as a practical policy does not offer a fixed template for the modernization path; its Chinese specificity lies primarily in the articulation of the values and prin ciples underlying China’s modernization. These include: the leadership role of the CPC as a fundamental guarantee; orientation towards the people as a central principle; achieving the universal prosperity of the people; the coordinated development of material and spiritual civilization; the harmonious coexistence of man and nature; following the path of peaceful development.

With the rapid development of generative artificial intelligence, Large Language Models (LLMs) are being increasingly applied in the field of machine translation. However, their performance in high-difficulty domains such as political text translation still requires systematic evaluation. Using the Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) as the research corpus, this study selects four mainstream LLMs—DeepSeek, Doubao, ChatGPT, and Gemini—as research subjects. Taking the official Japanese version translated by the Institute of Party History and Literature of the CPC Central Committee as the reference text, this study quantitatively evaluates the Chinese-to-Japanese translation results of each model using two automated evaluation metrics: BLEU (Bilingual Evaluation Understudy) and TER (Translation Edit Rate), supplemented by qualitative analysis through case comparisons. The results indicate that Gemini performed best across both BLEU and TER metrics, with its translations approaching human standards in terms of structural restoration, terminology handling, and stylistic conformity. ChatGPT and DeepSeek showed moderate overall performance, with differences that were not statistically significant. Doubao performed the worst in both metrics, with primary issues concentrated in the inappropriate use of honorifics (Keigo) and the mistranslation of specific technical terms. The conclusions of this paper provide empirical evidence for the application of generative AI in professional translation and offer references for the optimization of models for political text translation in the future.

Red Culture is a unique spiritual symbol and valuable ideological resource formed by the Chinese people under the leadership of the Communist Party of China in the great practice. Its inherent progressiveness, revolutionary nature, practicality, people-oriented nature, and national character are highly aligned with the fundamental task of fostering virtue and nurturing talents in higher education. The systematic integration of red culture into college students' ideological and political education has multi-dimensional value connotations. On the basis of defining the core concept of red culture, this paper expounds its value from the four dimensions of political guidance, educational efficiency, cultural soul-casting and psychological empowerment, and based on this, constructs a progressive practice path system of "core element foundation–method innovation–field expansion", and finally realizes the organic unity of value guidance, knowledge transfer, ability cultivation and personality modeling.

By 2025, China has achieved its initial "dual carbon" goals. However, due to differences in local understanding of policies and constraints of regional economic conditions, the effectiveness of achieving "dual carbon" goals is not comprehensive in some areas. Some regions still rely heavily on traditional fossil energy, while others face problems such as insufficient capital investment, inadequate policy implementation, and imperfect market incentive mechanisms. These issues will directly affect the progress and effectiveness of achieving the overall "dual carbon" goals. Therefore, this study adopts the literature research method. Through the interpretation of relevant literature, it aims to empower the better achievement of "dual carbon" goals with the theory of "degrowth eco-socialism". Research shows that the theory of degrowth eco-socialism is consistent with the direction, implementation paths, and goals of The Opinions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council on Fully, Accurately and Comprehensively Implementing the New Development Concept and Doing a Good Job in Carbon Peaking and Carbon Neutrality Work (hereinafter referred to as The Opinions). Thus, in the process of realizing the goals of The Opinions, Kozo Saito’s theory of "degrowth eco-socialism" can be effectively learned from and integrated, thereby providing new ideas and directions for the better achievement of the "dual carbon" goals.

In the context of a deeply digitized media environment, the communication logic of revolutionary sites is shifting from "venue exhibition" to a composite model of "platform connection—scene expansion—interactive participation". Guangdong, with its comprehensive revolutionary site resource system, mature urban media conditions, and large youth population, provides a typical sample for observing how digital media reshapes the communication of Red culture. Based on spatial production theory, the spatialization of media research, and the perspective of youth cultural communication, this paper analyzes the specific mechanisms through which digital media promotes the spatial reproduction of revolutionary sites and the construction of youth identity. This analysis is combined with public cases such as the Guangdong Red Map, Online Red Exhibition Hall, the WeChat mini-program "Check-in Guangdong Red", the AR metaverse project of the Memorial of the Site of the Third National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Shaoguan Long March Digital Experience Base, the immersive stage play themed on the Whampoa Military Academy, and the "Heroic Flowers Blooming in a Heroic City" campaign. The study concludes that digital media is not merely adding a technological shell to physical sites; rather, through digital mapping, scene reconstruction, interactive participation, and community diffusion, it transforms the way Red culture enters the life world of youth, turning revolutionary sites from mere "destinations" into "public cultural interfaces accessible at any time." However, concurrently, there are issues such as technological showboating overshadowing historical interpretation, unbalanced regional platform construction, and data evaluations overly biased toward traffic metrics while neglecting deep-seated identity. The digital communication of Guangdong revolutionary sites should adhere to a content-based approach, youth co-creation, cross-platform synergy, and ethical governance, enhancing ideological depth, historical richness, and value-guiding power while increasing visibility.

ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, China has strengthened the Communist Party of China’s leadership over local People’s Congresses through a dual-appointment system, under which Party secretaries also serve as chairpersons of People’s Congresses. This article argues that this system enhances Party influence over legislative decision-making while further reducing institutional constraints, enabling local Party secretaries to pursue career-oriented agendas such as borrowing for infrastructure to boost economic growth. Under a growth-first development paradigm, this arrangement has fueled the rapid expansion of local government debt. Overall, these findings offer a political economy explanation for the dynamics of local government debt in China, and underscore the importance of stronger legal and institutional constraints on the dual-appointment system to mitigate local fiscal risks.

During the War of Resistance Against Japan (1937-1945), China faced severe public health crises amid military and political upheaval, making hygiene and epidemic prevention critical to safeguarding public health and national survival. While the Communist Party of China (CPC) newspapers' role in wartime political culture is recognized, systematic research on how their hygiene discourse shaped national identity is scarce. This study adopted qualitative discourse analysis of 586 hygiene-related reports from New China Daily (1937-1941) and Liberation Daily (1941-1945), sourced from databases such as the National Newspaper Index, to explore their identity-construction mechanisms. It found that the newspapers adopted three interrelated strategies: popularizing scientific hygiene knowledge to reshape public perceptions, politicizing health campaigns to turn private practices into patriotic obligations, and embedding hygiene into daily life via education and institutions to consolidate collective consciousness. These narratives not only mobilized public support for the war but also localized Foucault's biopolitics and Douglas's purity and danger theory, redefining hygiene as a patriotic duty and collective resistance, illustrating how public health discourse shapes collective identity and drives public health practice in crises and broadening Western theories' applicability in the Chinese context.

This study employs a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method to explore how People’s Daily, the official newspaper of Communist Party of China (CPC), constructs ideological narratives in 43 front-page headline news covering China’s aerospace achievements from 2003 to 2023. Drawing on Fairclough’s and van Dijk’s frameworks, the research examines lexical choices and rhetorical strategies that frame aerospace advancements within China’s state ideology. Findings reveal the systematic use of nationalistic vocabulary, collectivist pronouns, verb expressions with neat parallelism, and emotive language to link technological success in China’s aerospace with political legitimacy. Rhetorical devices such as syntactic parallelism, metaphor, and presupposition reinforce narratives of national unity of Chinese and the historical destiny to develop aerospace. The discourse naturalizes CPC’s leadership and positions readers into a shared identity cantered on technological pride, and demonstrates how state media functions ideologically to shape public consciousness of building their nation and legitimize the legitimacy of the Party in power. This research enhances our understanding that technology-focused news coverage also serves a symbolic function in shaping China’s political narrative.

The relevance of the article is due to the spatial turn in the humanities which has fundamentally reoriented scholarly understandings of spatial marginality, moving away from economic and geographical determinism to conceptualizing it as a complex product of cultural and symbolic construction. The aim of the article is to identify and analyze the discursive mechanisms of constructing spatial marginality using the example of Inner Mongolia, China, as a complex, historically changing phenomenon. The stated goal predetermines the tasks: 1) to identify the mechanisms of discursive construction of Inner Mongolia as the Borderland in the imperial period; 2) to analyze the transformation of the Province mode in the republican period; 3) to trace how, after 1949, the Periphery and Province modes became dominant, conditioned by the logic of socialist construction; 4) to formulate the concept of integrative marginality as a hybrid regime of territory. The research materials include a corpus of official narratives of the Chinese authorities (government documents, legal acts, policy directives, and political rhetoric), as well as a wide pool of foreign and Russian works on the history of the integration of Inner Mongolia. Methodologically, the study utilizes a critical discourse analysis of official state narratives spanning three distinct historical-political formations — the Qing Empire (since 1636), the Republic of China, and the contemporary People's Republic of China — as well as a decomposition method based on the adapted version of Vladimir Kagansky's cultural landscape matrices model. The result of the study and its key empirical and theoretical contribution is the development of an original four-modal analytical model of spatial marginality and the formulation of its central theoretical concept integrative marginality, describing a sustainable reproduction of the subordinate status of Inner Mongolia through its gradual incorporation within the “homogenous” Chinese Nation. The study concludes that during the imperial period, marginality was constructed primarily through the Borderland mode, based on a Sino-centric perception of the region as a dangerous Other. During the republican period, the crisis of central authority led to a fierce struggle to define the Province mode, making the region a field of clashing external interests. With the establishment of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the logic of dual—economic and cultural-political — integration became dominant. The current stage is characterized by the formation of a hybrid regime of integrative marginality, where the full administrative-economic inclusion of the region is combined with the persistent reproduction of its symbolic subordination through the combination and fusion of all four modes.

General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized that “Throughout the history of world economic development, an obvious track is from the land to the ocean, and move toward the world, be prosperity through the ocean”. Marine aquaculture and fisheries, as core components of the marine economy and critical aquatic food production systems, play a pivotal role in ensuring food security, promoting coastal livelihoods, and advancing ecological civilization. Against the backdrop of China’s convergence with the two centenary goals, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China highlighted the importance of high-quality development and the new development philosophy, which provides a fundamental framework for the transformation of marine aquaculture and fisheries. This thematic review focuses on marine aquaculture and capture fisheries, linking the new development philosophy (innovation, coordination, greenness, openness, sharing) to aquatic food system sustainability. By analyzing the current status, structural changes, and key constraints of China’s marine aquaculture and fisheries (including technological bottlenecks, ecological pressures, regional imbalances, and livelihood challenges), and drawing on international experiences from leading aquaculture regions, this paper proposes targeted pathways for sustainable development. The study aims to bridge policy goals with practical applications in aquaculture and fisheries science, providing insights for researchers, managers, and policymakers both in China and globally.

The economic benefits generated by rural tourism serve as a vital driver for regional economic development. In recent years, China has progressively established and refined tourism regulations to facilitate the development and preservation of rural tourism resources, thereby safeguarding the growth of the rural tourism economy. The Report to the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China emphasized the implementation of the Rural Revitalization Strategy, charting a course for the future of rural areas and creating unprecedented opportunities for the development of rural tourism. Under these circumstances, the advancement of rural tourism must adhere to the principles of environmental sustainability and green development, foster an environment conducive to urban-rural integration, leverage the advantages of digital technologies in the new era, and highlight distinctive regional features. By identifying effective development pathways amid existing challenges, rural tourism can thus become a significant force in driving rural revitalization.

ABSTRACT As a typical form of social movement, workers’ movements seek political power and social rights through collective action, thereby advancing social policy and institutional transformation. During China’s industrialisation and social transition, the working class, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, gradually evolved from spontaneous resistance to organised consciousness in response to systemic oppression. The Anyuan miners’ and railway workers’ strike, a landmark event in the early Chinese labour movement, improved the conditions of industrial workers while laying ideological and organisational foundations for subsequent revolutionary movements. Today, the Anyuan coal mine heritage integrates revolutionary cultural assets, industrial sites, and ecological landscapes into a distinctive regional heritage landscape. From an international labour history perspective, this paper adopts architectural and heritage research methods, combining participatory observation with spatial analysis to examine the historical evolution of the Anyuan workers’ movement and the processes of its heritagization and value construction. Against the backdrop of resource-based urban transformation and the rise of red cultural tourism, the study explores how the Anyuan Coal Mine has constructed a heritage system integrating industrial memory, revolutionary narratives, and regional development. As a key node in China’s labour movement, Anyuan offers insights into the preservation, interpretation, and policy practice of labour heritage.

Under the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and the spirits of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and all its plenary sessions, and based on the policy requirements of Healthy China 2030 Planning Outline and Opinions on Comprehensively Strengthening and Improving School Physical Education in the New Era, new-quality productivity, with digital technological innovation and optimal allocation of production factors as its core, provides key empowerment for the high-quality development of school physical education. Adopting the methods of literature review, case analysis and logical analysis, this paper takes "new-quality productivity + track and field teaching" as the core retrieval dimension, focuses on the core issue of the digital transformation of track and field teaching, and systematically explores the internal logic and practical path of new-quality productivity empowering the transformation of track and field teaching by combining two typical cases of different school stages and school-running conditions, namely Qingdao University of Technology (higher education institution) and Wuhan No.2 High School (key urban middle school). The study finds that the current track and field teaching faces prominent problems such as unbalanced hardware support, insufficient excavation of data value, weak digital literacy of teachers and lagging evaluation system. Based on the three-dimensional framework of "laborer - means of labor - object of labor" of new-quality productivity, this paper innovatively proposes a four-stage transformation path of "hardware upgrading - data connection - teacher empowerment - evaluation optimization", realizing the combination of qualitative analysis and quantitative demonstration, and the unity of theoretical exploration and practical verification. The innovation of this study lies in taking into account the practical differences of schools at different school-running levels and proposing a hierarchical and classified transformation path, which provides practical reference for primary and secondary schools and higher education institutions to break away from the constraints of traditional models in track and field teaching and implement the Healthy China strategy, and is in line with the conference theme of "New-Quality Productivity Empowering the High-Quality Development of School Physical Education".

This article offers an in-depth analysis of Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East during the tumultuous period spanning from the 1920s to the 1940s. These policies were profoundly shaped by two key factors: first, the ideological considerations rooted in the political framework established in the USSR following the 1917 Revolution, and second, the geopolitical dynamics reflecting the evolving global and regional political landscape in the Far East. The ruling Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government faced formidable challenges as they sought to safeguard the nascent Soviet Republic amid mounting international tensions, both globally and within the AsiaPacific region. This study aims to present a comprehensive and integrated examination of Soviet policy and diplomacy during this era, which can be split into four distinct time periods, each with its unique features, priorities, and challenges. At the same time, these periods are united by the overarching goal of consolidating the Soviet Union’s position in the Far Eastern region and the broader Pacific theatre. The four discernible stages in Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East encompass: The period spanning from 1927 to 1932, which was marked by an initial deterioration in relations between the Soviet government and the Kuomintang administration following the 1927 split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China (CPC). This phase also witnessed the 1929 conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway and culminated in the reestablishment of Sino–Soviet relations, all set against the backdrop of escalating Japanese aggression in Northeastern China (Manchuria). This phase demanded adroit diplomacy that balanced strength and strategic statecraft. The 1930s, which, especially in the aftermath of Japan’s aggressive incursions into China, saw limited interaction and collaboration between the USSR and the Republic of China. This period featured cautious Soviet–Japanese interaction and included significant events such as armed clashes at Lake Khasan and the KhalkhinGol River, as well as the signing of the Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact. The era of the Great Patriotic War from 1941 to 1945, during which the Soviet Union’s foremost objective was the defeat of the German Nazi aggressor. During this period, Soviet diplomacy was primarily focused on relations with its Anglo-American allies, with particular emphasis on the contentious issue of opening a second front. Consequently, Far Eastern and Pacific policy concerns assumed a somewhat marginalized role within the realm of Soviet diplomacy. Finally, the period spanning from the winter to the summer of 1945. During this time, the Soviet Union intensified its political, diplomatic, and military involvement in the Far East, all against the backdrop of preparations to enter the war against Japan. Diplomatic endeavours reached their zenith during this critical phase.

This study aims to explore the historical coupling relationship between the Spirit of the Red Boat and the August 1st Spirit within the revolutionary spirit spectrum of the Communist Party of China. Through historical analysis, comparative research, and theoretical construction, the paper systematically examines the historical genesis, core characteristics, and intrinsic connections of these two spirits throughout their historical evolution. Findings reveal that the Spirit of the Red Boat, as the core embodiment of the founding spirit of the CPC, provided the theoretical foundation and value guidance for the formation of the August 1st Spirit. Conversely, the August 1st Spirit, as a vital source of the founding spirit of the People's Army, transformed the core values of the Spirit of the Red Boat into concrete practices of armed struggle. The coupling of these two spirits at the pivotal historical junctures of "Party founding" and "military founding" collectively formed the main framework of the early revolutionary spirit of the Communist Party of China, laying the foundation for the subsequent formation and development of a series of revolutionary spirits. This study enriches the research on the revolutionary spirit spectrum of the Communist Party of China from the perspective of historical coupling, providing theoretical support for inheriting the red gene and promoting revolutionary traditions in the new era.

This study reveals that the risk exposure of Chinese A-share listed companies with respect to public health, safety, and environmental (HS&E) concerns is associated with an increase in fraudulent behavior. Based on the reflection effect and the loss aversion effect posited by prospect theory, we demonstrate that firm-specific HS&E risk exposure increases the firm's risk-taking and propensity to disclose good news, thereby increasing the likelihood of the firm engaging in fraudulent activities. In addition, from the perspectives of motivation and governance, our research further demonstrates that the impact of HS&E risk exposure on corporate fraud is more pronounced in companies that are characterized by lower executive compensation, lower environmental, social, and governance (ESG) performance, lower independent director network centrality, and a lower proportion of members of the Communist Party of China among executives.

Abstract As the main eastern theater of the World Anti-Fascist War, the Chinese People’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931–1945) was not only of great military and political significance but also represented a profound cultural and spiritual resistance. The period of the War of Resistance also marked a critical phase in the formation of the self-awareness, or conscious collective identity, of the Chinese nation. Taking the Resistance songs (1931–1945) as its research focus, this article examines their distinctive role against the backdrop of global anti-fascist cultural resistance, exploring how aspects such as lyrical content, musical dissemination, and the practice of collective singing conveyed and popularized the concept of the Chinese nation and fostered a widespread identification with it. It begins by reviewing forms of cultural resistance in the European theater, including songs, language, and the spread of knowledge, then shifts to the Chinese context. The analysis highlights how the songs of Resistance against Japanese Aggression promoted the transformation of the concept of the Chinese nation from an intellectual discourse into a popular emotional identity through historical narrative, spiritual exaltation, and the fostering of a sense of community. The conclusion traces the trajectory from the inscription and dissemination of the concept of the Chinese nation through Resistance Songs to how such cultural practices during the War of Resistance contributed to the Communist Party of China’s eventual formulation of the fundamental theory of the Chinese nation. It further explicates the establishment and core connotations of this theory.

Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the President of the CPC has put forward a series of new ideas, viewpoints, and judgments around cultivating and practicing socialist core values, forming important theoretical achievements on this topic. The Report to the 19th National Congress further pointed out: “We will advocate prosperity, democracy, civilization, and harmony; advocate freedom, equality, justice, and the rule of law; advocate patriotism, dedication, integrity, and friendliness; and actively cultivate and practice core socialist values.” This is a summary and refinement of the experience in building socialist core values since the 18th National Congress. Implementing the President of the CPC’s important expositions on cultivating and practicing socialist core values is of great and far-reaching significance for advancing the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

College students’ political identity is crucial to national ideological security and the orientation of youth development. The great spirit of the founding of the Communist Party of China holistically promotes the generation and strengthening of college students’ political identity by cultivating cognitive foundations, building value consensus, strengthening belief foundations, and externalizing practical responsibility. Based on the analytical framework of the formation and development law of ideological and moral character (“knowledge-emotion-will-action”), this paper systematically explains the internal logic and practical approach of how the great spirit of the founding of the Communist Party of China empowers college students’ political identity. From four aspects—curriculum carriers, cultural immersion, role model demonstration, and practical transformation—it constructs a four-in-one educational path of “cognition-emotion-will-behavior,” deepening the theoretical understanding of the intrinsic relationship between spiritual education and political identity, and providing a feasible path reference for innovating the model of ideological and political education in colleges and universities.