Colonial Ventures Research Articles

Prayers for Purses

This essay explores the trope of “compensation” in the sermons which helped promote Virginia Company activities in early seventeenth-century England. Not only were these sermons, in and of themselves, made to compensate for the lack of material gain or for the ill fate of prior English ventures to the same or adjacent areas, but, in their content and tone, they also used the trope of compensation as a means to redress a long series of historical, ideological, and socioeconomic aspects in which England's colonial venture had been, and still was, defective. At the same time, the preachers commissioned to write and deliver these sermons – some of them, like William Crashaw, active participants in the Company's enterprises – also employed rhetoric in order to create a convenient place for themselves in the “new” England they were promoting along with these ventures sent across the Atlantic.

THE EXPOSITION COLONIALE OF 1900

In recent years there has been an academic focus on the exhibition of the French comptoirs (trading posts) in India at the Expositions coloniales (Colonial Exhibitions) of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by scholars such as Catherine Servan-Schreiber (2002). This essay builds upon such works, and uses the French colonial exhibition of 1900 as an exemplar of the exhibitions between 1870 and 1931 to consider how France's loss of India in 1763 acted as a preface to the period of colonial expansion that followed the Franco-Prussian War. Furthermore, it demonstrates how the failure of the ancien régime colonial venture in India was apparent in the representations of both the French trading posts in India – namely, Pondichéry, Chandernagor, Karikal, Yanaon and Mahé – and French Indochina alike, and explores how the creation of this colony was significantly displayed by the exhibition as a direct compensation for what Claude Farrère dubbed in 1935 ‘l'Inde perdue’ [lost India]. Finally, through the analysis of the mythologized accounts of the French colonial venture on the subcontinent, this essay highlights how this lost and essentially imaginary empire was used as a metaphorical battleground to conduct comparisons with the colonies of France's ‘frère ennemi’ [a brother who is also an enemy], the British.

Simon de Passe's cartographic portrait of Captain John Smith and a new England (1616/7)

The complex image John Smith New England 1 — designed and engraved by Simon de Passe (c.1595–1647) 2 and printed in London by one George Low in 1616/7 — has attracted the attention of many histori...

Images of the East and French fin-de-sicle spiritual pursuits

The chief motivation behind this article is to investigate the spiritual context behind the second French expansion in the latter part of the nineteenth century and at the beginning of the twentieth as reflected in painted representations of the colonized East. It arises from a simple curiosity regarding the impact if any of the new and by then politically dominant concept of Lacit on French representations of colonized territories. This context ought to set the second French expansion apart from other colonial ventures, such as the first French expansion, under the staunchly Catholic rule of the absolute monarchy, but also from the moral justifications for empire invoked by other expansionist Western (Christian) powers. The investigation is conducted here through the study and contextualization of painted representations of the time, some of which are usually labelled Orientalist, whilst others have been recognized as forming part of the French aesthetic canon. The outcome is shown to be a clash between an aestheticism inspired by the mystical East in painters of exotic themes and the increasingly secularist mentality of the time. This clash stands to reason, but has rarely been emphasized in studies of French colonialism. The article highlights a number of complexities, tensions and paradoxes prompted by examples drawn from the painted work of the time, from J.-L. Grme to Etienne Dinet.

Gender, Race and Religion in the Colonization of the Americas

This is an ambitious edited volume that attempts to discuss the interaction of gender, race, and religion across Spanish, Portuguese, English, and French colonial America. In her introduction, Nora Jaffary takes pains to discuss these three variables within the context of Atlantic World colonialism. Unfortunately there is no attempt to weigh the role of each variable within a theoretical framework. Furthermore, Jaffary is somewhat vague about the issue of resistance as it applied to gender and race. Jaffary sees the articles as adding to our “understanding [of ] how gender dynamics played a constitutive role in the establishment and maintenance of European colonial ventures” (p. 9). Although all the articles deal with gender, not all engage questions of race or religion.Under the rubric of “frontiers,” Alida Metcalf examines indigenous and white women in sixteenth-century Brazil and finds that, in general, Portuguese women did not function as cultural go-betweens, in part because of their limited numbers. While some indigenous women probably served as physical, transactional, or representational brokers, Metcalf finds sources to be scarce and indeed almost silent on their participation and roles. Bruce A. Erickson emphasizes that women were victims of sexual and other violence along the northern frontier of New Spain. His discussion is sometimes rather vague on the question of race; the reader is never sure if the victimized women were Spanish, mestizo, or Indian. Ben Marsh examines women in Georgia, the southern British-American frontier. He finds that at least some white and mixed-race women were powerful figures who played seminal roles in the survival of these colonies and the transmission of culture.At least three contributions to this volume address issues related to female religious. Some of these essays suffer from thin to nonexistent sources. Susan Broomhall examines the case of Antoinette de Saint-Estienne, an indigenous Mi’kmaq woman who entered a Benedictine convent in Tours. Unfortunately the extant sources are too thin to allow Broomhall to do more than make suppositions as to any lasting effect of Antoinette’s stay in the French convent. Joan C. Bristol, writing about Juana Esperanza de San Alberto, a black poblana (inhabitant of the city of Puebla) who entered the Carmelite convent as a servant and eventually became a nun, has a much richer source, a vida or spiritual autobiography. The vida enables her to examine closely the relationship between race and virtuous conduct. She concludes that Juana’s position was unique and ultimately reflected the Spanish view that black piety was impossible. Kathryn Burns’s essay examines several beaterios (houses of pious women) in Cuzco, concentrating on the goals of their founders and possible links to ideas of feminine indigenous honor.In a section on “Race Mixing,” Nora Jaffary analyzes mid-eighteenth-century dispensation requests for both affinal and consanguineous marriages. She suggests that the cases involving premarital sexual relations show the persistence of pre-Hispanic indigenous custom. Unfortunately she fails to mention that premarital sexual relations were common both in the Iberian Peninsula and in regions of the colonial world where few pre-Hispanic peoples survived. Yvonne Fabella’s piece on the mulâtresse in colonial Saint Domingue analyzes a depiction of the free woman of the French colony written by Michel René Hilliard, an eighteenth-century observer. Bethany Fleming’s article on Mackinaw Island, an important trading zone inhabited by French, British, and Americans as well as indigenous peoples and mixed-bloods, finds that a group of métis women were important fur traders who preserved their mixed-race culture while marrying prosperous Euro-American men.The section titled “Networks” begins with Nancy E. van Deusen’s article on the transmission of spiritual ideas among nuns, beatas, mystics, and other religious women in seventeenth-century Lima. Perhaps the most interesting article, and the only one that addresses gender, religion, and ethnicity, is Linda M. Rupert’s discussion of the physical movement of women of all races between Dutch Curaçao and mainland Venezuela. She finds a network of women owning ships, migrating between Dutch and Spanish colonial possessions, and escaping slavery. Lastly, in a brief “Afterword,” Patricia Seed points out some general differences between women in each colonial power within the Atlantic world.Taken as a totality, these articles eventually reject the dichotomous choice between arguing that colonialism either hindered or helped women, and instead show both how women of different races and religious backgrounds adapted to their colonial status in a variety of ways, and how colonialism shaped their lives.

Richard Mahony — the misfortunes of younger onset dementia

Henry Handel Richardson's 1929 novel Ultima Thule, the third volume of The fortunes of Richard Mahony, portrays the final years of Mahony's failed 19th century colonial venture and the psychological challenges he faced. The novel graphically describes the onset and evolution of younger onset dementia, modelled on the author's own experiences with her father, who died of general paresis of the insane. The issues on which Richardson focuses, including Mahony's depression and suicidal despair, the difficulties of understanding behavioural change without a diagnosis, the impact of parental dementia on young children and the spouse, and the importance of person-centred care in dementia, remain relevant today.

The Paradoxes of Slavery in Thomas Southerne’s Oroonoko

The Paradoxes of Slavery in Thomas Southerne’s Oroonoko Diana Jaher Critics generally base their analyses of ambivalent representations of slavery in Oroonoko, Thomas Southerne's popular 1695 play, on its hero.1 By concentrating on Oroonoko, an African prince, many scholars argue that Southerne (1660–1746) objects, not to slavery, but to either the enslavement of aristocrats2 or the institution's excessive brutality.3 Like his prototype in the play's source, Aphra Behn's novella Oroonoko; Or The Royal Slave (1688), Oroonoko, is, in fact, an extraordinary case: an idealized member of the nobility whose English owners condemn his bondage and exempt him and his wife, Imoinda, from the harsh labor and punishments that slaves typically experience. Lesser-born slaves, the play appears to conclude, deserve their condition, if not its associated cruelties. Southerne's Oroonoko, however, depicts a third slave of almost equal importance to the prince and his wife: Oroonoko's attendant, Aboan, second only to the title character in the original production's printed cast list.4 While some scholars include Aboan in their critiques of Southerne's attitude toward slavery, they often minimize his presence5 or characterize him as a "kneeling, supplicant African."6 Yet he proves himself Oroonoko's equal—at times his superior—in insight and initiative throughout the play and voices much of its antislavery rhetoric. By focusing on Aboan, I explore a tension in Oroonoko that registers a fundamental critique of slavery as an institution that is absent from Behn's novella: Southerne subverts one major rationalization he offers for enslavement—the traditional aristocratic justification that slaves are naturally inferior and therefore suited to bondage7 —by presenting an exceptional, nonaristocratic slave.8 [End Page 51] Southerne's personal beliefs regarding slavery are impossible to discern in Oroonoko: the play presents a range of attitudes. Rosenthal and Jordan and Love mention that at the time Oroonoko was written, the playwright sought financial support from Christopher Codrington (1668–1710), a wealthy slave owner who treated his slaves with unusual benevolence by baptizing and educating them.9 While the influence of Codrington's humanitarian actions (which did not extend to freeing the slaves) may have informed some of the play's language—Aboan's graphic descriptions of physical abuse, for example—Southerne's desire for a patron's money is not necessarily evidence of the dramatist's own opinions. More likely, the playwright shared his countrymen's prevailing attitudes toward slavery: despite English distaste for the institution—slavery was not legally sanctioned in England, although it was in her colonies10 — many recognized "its apparent contribution to the collective wealth and power of the empire."11 Whatever their personal feelings, most English accepted slavery with an accommodation made more palatable by the institution's distance—Surinam, Oroonoko's setting, was an ocean away—and thought little more about it.12 Given their views, it is unlikely that English audiences for Southerne's play closely analyzed its position on slavery. Not until the late eighteenth century, when antislavery rhetoric was more widespread, was Oroonoko considered an abolitionist text.13 English enthusiasm for "collective wealth" informs much of the play's pro-slavery stance. The Whigs, the decade's dominant party, favored property and property owners, for they believed that "men who possessed sufficient wealth to give them a firm stake in society"14 had the incentive and ability to contribute to the economic and political health of their country. Southerne's political beliefs are hazy: initially a Tory, the playwright changed sides after the Glorious Revolution of 1688—perhaps only outwardly—possibly to aid his professional advancement.15 He dedicated Oroonoko to William Cavendish (1641–1707), the Duke of Devonshire and a prominent Whig. Moreover, he wrote in an era dominated by Whiggish values. Given that the financial success of most English colonial ventures, including the Surinam plantations for which Oroonoko's slaves are bought, was unimaginable without the use of slave labor, several passages in the play evoke key aspects of Whiggish political oratory that emphasize and support slaves' status as property and slave [End Page 52] owners' rights to their property.16 When Aboan begs Oroonoko to lead a...

Hybrid Italians, Diasporic Africans: Who's/Whose Meticcio?

In this essay I examine discourses of race and nation in contemporary Italian representa tions of African-ness and cultural hybridity. In particular, I devote attention to an analysis of Erminia Dell'Oro's commercially successful Italian novel Uabbandono, Una Storia Eritrea (1991), which depicts Italy's colonial history in Eritrea primarily through protagonists of Eritrean-Italian ancestry. Dell'Oro's novel, a progressive revision of Italian colonial literature, invokes the memory of Italy's Eritrean colonial ventures within the current cultural context and tumult of Italy's burgeoning multiculturalism. However, L'abbandono's representa tion of nationhood in relation to status simultaneously constructs a narrative of African-ness and Italian-ness in line with xenophobic reactions, one that naturalizes nationality in relation to biological race, and thus defines hybridity in terms of racial and national essentialism. I explore the reception of recent African immigration into Italy in the context of this popular representation of historical relations between Eritrea and Italy, as well as in relation to Italy's broader historical concern with Africa. I argue that recent immigration is but one part of a long history of African Diasporas as I call attention to material contradictions in the logics of presuming cultural hybridity/multiculturalism as a site of mutually porous boundaries. DelTOro's novel relates the history of colonialism primarily through the struggles of Sellass, an Eritrean woman, and her daughter Marianna of an Italian father, Carlo. In sum mary, Sellass falls in love with Carlo, an Italian in Eritrea during Mussolini's Ethiopian colonization project. During Carlo's years there, they live together and have two children, Gianfranco and Marianna. Subsequently, Carlo leaves as the empire collapses, and Sel lass is left to fend for herself and her children. Both of her children, especially Marianna, grapple with their meticcio status.

Ascendant But Not Exceptional Giant

According to Michael H. Hunt, the United States has achieved a position of ascendancy in world affairs so great, with a scope of power and influence eclipsing all prior examples, that its standing warrants the name hegemon rather than mere Empire. The burden of his book is to explain the historical roots and the character of this twentieth-century ascendancy-a position of political, military, economic and cultural superiority that is both effective in dominating world affairs and widely recognized, even accepted, suchwithout recourse to any exceptionalist arguments. He aims, that is, to render the past and present of American foreign relations in a way that recognizes the historically unique case of power the United States today enjoys without ascribing to the country, its inhabitants, institutions, or culture any intrinsic traits that remove it from the general sway of world history. He also aims to demonstrate a remarkable degree of continuity over time, and agreement among principal actors, in the shaping of American policy in the world. This account offers both an accomplished synthesis of his field's new research protocols (regarding race, global history, the economics of consumption, state-building, interaction of domestic politics and foreign policy, critique of the cold war, and more) and a surprisingly familiar approach to problems in interpreting the American past. Hunt's comprehensive survey includes a pluralistic causal analysis and a compelling long-run narrative of the American rise to ascendancy. From the start, the course of the British North American colonies toward national independence and strength must be understood, he proposes, within a worldcomparative framework. As only one of many European settler societies pitched around the world as modern globalization began to take form, the early Anglo-American experience resembled other western colonial ventures, most basically in the pursuit of conquest of and dominion over local inhabitants (p. 4). The precise mix of conditions and contexts, however-the demographic surge of migrants dispossessed of land in rural England, participation in

Freedom to, Freedom from, Freedom of: Urban Life and Political Participation in Early Modern England

This paper focuses on the English experience of urban and national citizenship in the early modern period, arguing for the centrality of the economic rights and privileges of citizenship to the development of political participation in the early modern period. In doing so it also emphasizes that a degree of freedom from the state was critical to early modern citizenship. It ends by considering citizenship within the context of the English colonial ventures in America.

A New "Copernican" Revolution: Said's Critique of Metaphysics and Theology

T he view that Edward Said is primarily a Third World critic of orientalism, imperialism, and Zionism has gained wide currency in the academic community and beyond. This appropriation of his writings, which has helped launch the increasingly important Weld of postcolonial studies, is perhaps not particularly surprising. After all, Said over the years wrote a great deal about these related areas of knowledge and socio-political combat. Some of the most compelling insights in his oeuvre concern modern Euro-American imperialism— its genesis, evolution, consolidation, reversal, and recrudescence; its doctrinal audacity and epic scope; its trails of scent and lines of de- scent; its enormous capacity for self-fortiWcation, self-idealization, and (in the case of contemporary America) self-occultation. Orientalism, his most famous book (it has been translated into thirty-six languages worldwide), is an encyclopedic, meticulously diagnostic dissection and indictment of orientalist discourse; 1 presumptively disinterested but— in Said's view—profoundly motivated, this hybrid Weld of knowledge about the Orient (especially the Arab-Islamic Near East), though hav- ing medieval wellsprings, has over the last two and a half centuries matured into a formidable, theoretically armored discipline closely entwined with imperial dogma and practice. Said also magisterially documented the scandals of Zionism, from the moment it piggybacked itself on European imperialism in the nine- teenth century, to its political and ideological triumph in the mid- twentieth century, to its desperate twilight in the early twenty-Wrst. All but stripped of its multilayered ideological disguise, this colonial venture is nowadays sustained by means of almost unlimited Ameri- can aid (both moral and material) and the use of the most defamatory anti-Muslim, anti-Arab representations to come out of the orientalist

PETER E. POPE. Fish into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Va. 2004. Pp. xxvi, 463. Cloth $59.95, paper $24.95

In this excellent book, Peter E. Pope examines the early English settlement at Newfoundland, a colony that many contemporaries dismissed as a failed, peripheral outpost (an opinion later echoed by historians). As Pope points out, however, Europe's trade to the North Atlantic outstripped its exchange with the Gulf of Mexico for much of the seventeenth century. Rather than an isolated outpost, Newfoundland “was a central node in an international network” of commerce and migration (p. 80). A welcome corrective to our focus on those North American colonies whose inhabitants constructed states, founded churches, and left extensive paper trails, Pope offers a distinct model of colonization and a different perspective on success and failure in the Atlantic world. Initially colonized for England by West Country fishermen, Newfoundland soon attracted the attention of the same gentry projectors and mercenary adventurers who participated in other colonial ventures. Sir George Calvert secured a charter from James I in 1621 and invested considerable capital in constructing wharves, warehouses, and fishing stations before relocating to his newly acquired proprietary of Maryland. With no proprietor, no government, and a largely transient population of fishermen, Newfoundland in 1630 looked like a failed experiment, but Pope argues that these conditions facilitated a successful “vernacular” or informal settlement on a smaller scale. For example, Lord Baltimore's departure opened the door for middling merchants to enter the Newfoundland trade, most notably Sir David Kirke. Kirke and his partners secured a commercial monopoly rather than a proprietary charter and reaped the benefits of Calvert's earlier investment.

‘This sad pastiche’: Texts and Contexts in Richard Flanagan’s Gould’s Book of Fish

Gould’s Book of Fish, with its multi-layered structure, is made up of a plurality of texts – stories ascribed to protagonists as well as intertexts through which scores of other books are enfolded into Flanagan’s own. The novel is in large part a historical one, dealing as it does with the penal settlement at Sarah Island in early nineteenth-century Tasmania, and with other colonial ventures too. The historical contexts give it much of its resonance but they are in many ways a pretext to develop a conversation between the past and the present, and between history and fiction. Through the interplay between texts and contexts, Flanagan has produced an epic fable which in its circularity transcends the Tasmanian locale and develops into a meditation on the wonder of living and the power of love and the imagination to transform the world.

Humanism and America: An Intellectual History of English Colonisation, 1500–1625. By Andrew Fitzmaurice. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003. x, 216 pp. $55.00, ISBN 0-521-82225-4.)

This is a brief book on a big subject, made bigger by Andrew Fitzmaurice's intent to overthrow at least two interpretative orthodoxies. The first of these is the historians' orthodoxy that the dominant Elizabethan and Jacobean intellectual justifications for empire were primarily commercial, political, and modern: they were expressions of the rise of the (English) state, of Protestantism, of economic nationalism, and of a desire to emulate the Spanish example. The second belongs to cultural studies and literature and comes to us here as postcolonialism: hardly an orthodoxy (as Fitz-maurice pithily observes, “post colonial theory is a field that claims no great degree of coherence,” p. 171), but a field that generally has it that colonial discourse was not only intimately tied to conquest, subjugation, and possession but in some senses actually manufactured those things, as colonialism, then and for later generations. According to Fitzmaurice, we should think harder because early modern English writers thought harder, producing a textured and tensioned (nervousness is used often as an organizing concept) encounter between their culture and the New World. This book depicts and analyzes how, and why, Renaissance English writers both supported and opposed colonial ventures.

Desert ‘wastes’ of the Maghreb: desertification narratives in French colonial environmental history of North Africa

The origins of the word ‘desertification’, most commonly attributed to Aubréville’s 1949 work on tropical African forests, may be traced back much earlier, to nineteenth-century French colonial North Africa. The concept of desertification was central to French colonial thinking about the North African environment. This paper argues that an environmental history of the Maghreb was constructed during the French colonial period which blamed local North Africans, especially pastoralists, for the deforestation and desertification of what was erroneously believed to have been a fertile, forested landscape in antiquity. This environmental narrative of destruction and decline was first fabricated during the early years of the French occupation of Algeria, and was invoked in Tunisia and Morocco as they were occupied. Founded on historical inaccuracies and environmental misunderstandings, this narrative helped to justify land expropriation, changes in land tenure, forest appropriation and the criminalization of traditional land use, all of which facilitated the colonial venture in the three Maghreb countries.

"A Nation Born to Slavery": Missionaries and Racial Discourse in Seventeenth-Century French Antilles

Catholic missionaries accompanied the first French colonial ventures into the Antilles in the seventeenth century and reported on their experiences in manuscript and published accounts. The first generation of these accounts, from the 1640s and 1650s, focused primarily on Carib Indians; where African slaves were mentioned, it was in the most denigrating terms. As the plantation system took hold and the number of forced African immigrants increased and as Caribs made their resistance to Catholic conversion clear in prolonged warfare, missionaries shifted their attention to the increasingly creolized slave population. Later missionary accounts, from the 1660s–1680s, portray African descended slaves in much more positive, if paternalistic, terms. For the missionaries, religious conformity remained the overriding evaluative measure; black slaves could be whitened through conversion to the Catholic faith.

GLOBAL COMMERCE AND THE QUESTION OF SOVEREIGNTY IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY PROVINCES

The paper is concerned with disputes over sovereignty and global commerce in the 1760s and 1770s. The eighteenth-century revolution in economic science has been identified with agricultural reforms, and with the definition of national economies. The economists of the time, including Turgot, Mirabeau, Dupont de Nemours, Baudeau and Adam Smith, were also intensely interested in the merchant sovereigns of the French, English and Dutch East India companies, and in the new colonial ventures of the post-Seven Years War period. Their writings on global commerce were sometimes extraordinarily detailed (about herrings, for example, or bye-laws) and often untheoretical. Turgot was for a brief period minister of the navy and of the colonies. The older Mirabeau described the “Spaniard” as “the true Mogul of America,” and the cod of the North Atlantic as “the inexhaustible Peru of the Dutch.” But the economists’ writings on global connections were the occasion for some of their most profound reflections on the political consequences of laissez-faire, on theories of sovereignty, on the difficulties of transporting information or instructions over very large distances, and on the changing relationships between power, law and commerce. The disputes over long-distance commerce provide an interesting insight, the paper suggests, into ways of thinking which were at the same time scientific and administrative, global and provincial.

Le Refuge huguenot: assimilation et culture by Myriam Yardeni Eckhard Birnstiel (review)

194 Reviews Le Refuge huguenot: assimilation et culture. By Myriam Yardeni. Paris: Champion. 2002. 232 pp. ISBN 2-7453-0537-9. La Diaspora des Huguenots: les Refugies protestants de France et leur dispersion dans le monde (xvf-xvnf siecles). Ed. by Eckhard Birnstiel with the assistance of ChrystelBernat. Paris: Champion. 2001. 208 pp. ISBN 2-7453-0425-9. The exodus of Huguenots from France over some 250 years has generated, especially since the nineteenth century, an impressive array of accounts and explanations, the titles of which appear in the comprehensive footnotes to Myriam Yardeni's work, as well as in the bibliography provided by the editors ofthe proceedings ofa conference held in 1995. Six years from delivery to publication seems a long time to have to wait. This may,however, seem inconsequential in relation to the scale ofthe problems faced by Protestant exiles outlined in these two interesting books, which both point to se? veral changes of direction forstudies of the Church of the Refuge. Clearly, both terms in the latter expression should now be in the plural form,since a homogeneous history of Protestant emigration no longer stands the test of evidence, if it ever did. Indeed, the second term determines the firstin the range ofsolutions required to accommodate the immense variety of situations and the differingroles ofthe churches encountered in contact with the host communities. Yardeni (who also appears in the collective vo? lume) and others emphasize the creativity of Huguenot refugees in coming to terms with their new geography, in Europe and beyond. The specificities of the German churches, as well as the choices faced by Protestants finding asylum in the British Isles (different according to residence in England, Scotland, or Ireland), provide a portrait of collectivities initially sharing a common culture but rapidly assimilating in differentways. Not the least of problems in the course of time was the erosion of identity in an emigre community, whose ambition was a return to the France they had left under duress. This raised problems with new arrivals who, despite the existence of welcoming networks, did not always find what they expected. With the birth of new generations, while 'Frenchness' remained an element of their upbringing, ties loosened and identities dissolved. The German churches demonstrate the difficulties of holding onto one language as a religious identifier,while speaking another for all practical purposes. England as a place of refuge was especially crucial, since, afterthe Restoration, all Huguenot churches had to sign up to the Anglican rite. An additional pressure here was the need to distance themselves from regicide, not an issue in other places. These books also indicate the degree to which the Refuge offered opportunities , particularly at the cultural level. Yardeni argues that pastors found intellectual liberation and that immobilism was simply not an option under the influence of dif? ferentcultures. Refugees also played a key part in disseminating French culture, thus serving an idea of France differentfrom that of the kingdom of Louis XIV, and, in Germany developing journalism. Thus while in many ways the Refuge allowed for the evolution of mentalities, on the other hand the role of the Refuge in maintaining Protestantism in France, as shown by the mission of Antoine Court, cannot be underestimated . An important contribution of Yardeni and others is the dispelling of certain myths surrounding the Refuge. It is now almost universally recognized that the economic disadvantage to France of enforced exile of Protestants turned out to be much less than early historians of the Refuge had calculated, along with the economic advantage to host communities. Another contribution is undoubtedly the horizontal approach now required in Huguenot studies, where comparison and contrast across refugee communities, e.g. on ethnographic and socio-political lines, uncover a rich seam of possibilities in terms of the inevitable diversity of solutions and attitudes adopted towards emigration, and even return, and the differentspeeds at which com? munities changed. This is especially the case with the wider dispersal of Protestants in the New World, where Protestants further loosened attachment to their place of MLR, 99.1, 2004 195 origin by participating willingly in colonial ventures (which included collusion in the slave trade). Overall, the Protestant refugee experience, completed...

La Musique au temps des Encyclopédistes by Claude Dauphin (review)

MLR, 99.1, 2004 195 origin by participating willingly in colonial ventures (which included collusion in the slave trade). Overall, the Protestant refugee experience, completed in the course of the nineteenth century, constitutes mutatis mutandis an important model fordiaspora studies and offersone measure of what happens over time to a displaced community which, interestingly,frequently compared itselfas a result of its own biblical culture to the dispersal of the Jewish people. Studies of other diasporas have much to learn from mechanisms of assimilation, issues of identity,relations with indigenous inhabitants, and eventual dissolution and disappearance of communities. The policies adopted towards French Protestant refugees by host communities merit equally close study. Protestants in German lands were offered commercial and administrative privileges, helping too in the repopulation of Lithuania. At the same time, explanations for the decline of Huguenot communities must be placed in other contexts, since, as these books demonstrate, they could not escape wider historical developments, such as the Enlightenment, the more general decline of religious fervour in significant parts of continental Europe and among men. New Protestant arrivals in Germany did not lead to the refilling of the churches, with the result that members of communities looked firstto social rather than religious cohesion. These two books therefore open up a number of interesting new horizons in our consideration of the Protestant diaspora. Despite their wealth of detail and breadth of reference, it is therefore unfortunate that, except in one or two cases, a sense of strong theoretical definition is lacking in the distinctions that need to be drawn between the terms 'Refuge' and 'Diaspora', some contributors using the latter term to referto the wider dispersal of Protestants in the New World. It would also be important to establish the evolution of the terms 'immigre', 'emigre', and a fortiori'refugie'. It is clear, however, that Huguenot studies now look very different,and these two books do a wider service in reminding us of that. University of Manchester Henry Phillips La Musique au temps des Encyclopedistes. By Claude Dauphin. Ferney-Voltaire: Centre international d'etude du xvme siecle. 2001. 148 pp.; 4 b&w ills. ?30. ISBN 2-84559-010-5. Though it is not explicit in the title,this book roughly covers the period 1750 to 1772: 1750 marks the publication ofthe prospectus forthe Encyclopedie, 1772 its completion. On p. 8 Claude Dauphin further notes that the dates 1750 and 1770 correspond to the death of Bach and the birth of Beethoven respectively, between which two musical 'revolutions' took place: classicism and romanticism, not to mention Sturm und Drang. Positing an implicit link between the development of theory in France and musical style elsewhere in Europe, one could expect a book whose outlook would be cosmopolitan. In reality the focus of this work is very largely French, and while a welcome attempt is made at opening the field of enquiry (so that a brief skim through the index will throw up the names Bach, Beethoven, Bemetzrieder, Burney, Calzabigi, Corelli, etc), the six brief chapters of which this book is composed cover familiar ground, particularly since the 'temoin principal de cette periode cruciale' (p. 9) is taken?albeit in my view correctly?to be Rousseau. Furthermore, despite the presence of the Encyclopedists in the work's title, the most serious discussion of the Encyclopedie itself is delayed until Chapter 6, with the result that the study suffers markedly from a lack of clarity and direction throughout, and an uneven treatment of material. Hence Dauphin will give over three pages to a discussion of Paul Claudel, as an example of the destiny of musical drama after Rousseau's criticism, but only one page to the linguistic substratum of this criticism itself. 196 Reviews Towards the end of Chapter 1 Dauphin is at pains to point out that the variety and pluridisciplinarity of the object of study justifies some liberties with chronology, where musical works are concerned, but the works chosen sometimes fitawkwardly with the theoretical works in question. More serious is the anachronistic use of musi? cal and rhetorical terms, and particularly a seeming conflation of dessein with unite de melodie (p. 27). Chapter 2, which considers the place of music in the...

Mapping and the European Search for Intercultural Alliances in the Colonial World

Mapping and the European Search for Intercultural Alliances in the Colonial World Cynthia J. Van Zandt When Richard Hakluyt the younger published Divers voyages touching the discouerie of America in 1582, he included works written originally for other enterprises. One such tract was a set of instructions sent by the merchants of the Muscovy Company with two of their employees on an expedition to find a northeast passage. Hakluyt thought the Muscovy Company's advice was useful for "other enterprises of discouerie" and appropriate for those who would explore and colonize North America. In their instructions, the Muscovy Company's merchants were very specific about the kinds of goods and behaviors most likely to impress persons of credit whom the expedition might meet. The merchants' list of goods included most commodities important to late sixteenth-century European trade, with emphasis on goods produced in England. However, two of the items the merchants thought were certain to impress seem more surprising. In addition to cloth, shoes, gloves, and English glass, they urged their men to take maps, and the merchants had very clear ideas about which maps would make the best impression. They wanted to send maps that represented the territory, wealth, and market power of the English kingdom. For these merchants, the visual images on maps could be particularly useful in intercultural contacts where pictorial images, material goods, and gesture could be more important than words.1 [End Page 72] Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century maps seem inaccurate to audiences informed by the framework of modern western scientific geography. Yet early modern maps were neither merely stepping stones in an ongoing quest for knowledge, nor were they simply the product of ignorance, however much they differ from current geographical and geopolitical perceptions. Mapping allowed people to imagine geopolitical relationships and aspirations, and they were integrally linked to practical attempts to establish intercultural alliances. Mapmaking, cartographical principles, and related concepts and skills from navigation formed the foundation of early modern Europeans' quest to establish trade and military alliances with native peoples during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Early modern Europeans were particularly fascinated with maps and mapping. They drew secret maps by hand and carefully protected the knowledge of lucrative trade routes and strategic military outposts that such maps represented. Increasingly, changes in navigation, mathematics, and the use of perspective helped to create a rapidly growing European market for maps, and an increasing number and array of maps became readily available in European markets.2 As changes in print and cartographic technologies greatly increased Europeans' familiarity with mapping concepts and navigation techniques, Europeans extended the language and concepts from mapping and navigation [End Page 73] and applied them to political and cultural relationships. When European colonial sponsors and explorers worked to map the earth and its waterways, they sought also to map the peoples and social problems of the world. Early modern Europeans saw mapping and navigation as parts of a larger whole, and both were explicitly connected to colonialism. In this context, maps as well as geography and navigation materials performed a similar function to colonial travel accounts and promotional literature. Indeed, they were complementary materials and were read as such by European readers. One of the purposes of this material was to work out all possible connections between the world's various peoples. Some of the most famous compilers of travel narratives and ethnographic descriptions of new lands and peoples drew out these connections explicitly. The English colonial promoter Richard Hakluyt and the Dutch colonial promoter Johann De Laet, for instance, both sought to pinpoint how different nations were related: religiously, linguistically, culturally, and diplomatically. This too was a kind of mapping, and as part of it, colonial promoters like Hakluyt were explicitly interested in laying out the enemies and allies of new peoples whom Europeans encountered. Alliances were an integral part of the context of mapping in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and vice versa. Moreover, maps themselves often specifically focused on the importance of intercultural alliances by specifying where different peoples lived, who and where their allies and enemies were. This was as true of mapping enterprises in North America as elsewhere. The European colonial ventures...